HSY1512/1/2022–2024 Southern Africa History PDF

© 2021 University of South Africa All rights reserved Printed and published by the University of South Africa Muckleneuk, Pretoria HSY1512/1/2022–2024 10022619 InDesign, Florida Campus HSY_Style CONTENTS Page Introductionv Study unit 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter- herders and mixed farmers 1 1.1 Why do we need an understanding of the history of precolonial African societies? 1 1.2 How did the natural environment of southern Africa shape precolonial economies and settlement patterns? 2 1.3 What was the nature of the economy, social organisation and political structure of the precolonial San? 6 1.4 In what ways was the lifestyle of the precolonial Khoikhoi similar or different from that of the precolonial San? 11 1.5 What was the nature of the lifestyle of mixed farming communities who settled in southern Africa from around 200 AD? 16 1.6 How did the mixed farming communities interact with the precolonial Khoikhoi and San? 21 1.7 Conclusion21 Study unit 2: The establishment of a dutch settlement at the Cape Dutch23 2.1 Introduction23 2.2 Europe and the non-European world 23 2.3 The emergence of Portugal as a world power 25 2.4 The rise of the Netherlands 27 2.5 The foundation and objectives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) 28 2.6 The foundation of a refreshment station at the Cape 29 2.7 Conclusion30 Study unit 3: The Dutch settlement at the Cape31 3.1 Introduction31 3.2 The Cape as a refreshment station 31 3.3 Intensive agriculture at the south-western Cape 33 3.4 The south-western Cape during the VOC period 37 3.5 Pastoral farming in the Cape interior 40 3.6 Conclusion46 HSY1512/1/2022–2024(iii) PAGE Study unit 4: Khoisan communities and the impact of colonialism47 4.1 The Khoisan before the advent of Europeans 47 4.2 Early encounters between Khoisan and Europeans, 1488–165250 4.3 The expansion of Dutch settlement in the south-western Cape, 1652–1720 52 4.4 The Khoisan experience during the 18th century 55 4.5 The Khoisan in contemporary South Africa 59 4.6 Conclusion60 Study unit 5: Slavery at the Cape61 5.1 Slavery and bonded labour 61 5.2 The origins and importation of Cape slaves 63 5.3 The role of slaves in the Cape economy 64 5.4 Slave life at the Cape 67 5.5 The reaction of slaves to their conditions 73 5.6 The impact of slavery on the social order 75 5.7 Conclusion76 Study unit 6: The Cape northern frontier78 6.1 The concept of a frontier 78 6.2 Environmental features of the northern frontier 80 6.3 The inhabitants of the northern frontier 81 6.4 Interaction between the inhabitants of the northern frontier 85 6.5 Conclusion90 Study unit 7: The Cape eastern frontier91 7.1 The eastern frontier environment 92 7.2 Interaction between people up to the 1770s 93 7.3 Interaction on the frontier: the late VOC period (1770s to 1795) 95 7.4 Interaction on the frontier: the period of the first British occupation (1795 to 1803) 98 7.5 Interaction on the frontier: the Batavian period (1803 to 1806)98 7.6 Interaction on the frontier: the second British occupation (1806 onwards) 100 7.7 Conclusion101 (iv) 1 INTRODUCTION Welcome to your studies in the Department of History, and in particular to this module, entitled ‘Southern Africa until the early 1800s: encounters and transformations’ (HSY1512). We hope that you will find this module interesting and fulfilling, and that it will stimulate you to further study of the complex but fascinating history of southern Africa. As you are surely well aware, we live in a rapidly changing society. We experience frequent change and ongoing transformation in our families, close networks, communities and wider society. This means that we are constantly confronted by new questions about many issues, and we regularly need to evaluate our responses, feelings and attitudes. Like many spheres of life, the study of history is affected by these changes, and as society shifts, new questions about the past are necessary. In the past 20 or 30 years, a considerable number of historians (and other scholars) have advanced knowledge about the history of southern Africa before 1800. Among other things, they have shown how important this period was in shaping later developments in the region. This module aims to bring some of their insights to you. Purpose and outcomes of this module This module is offered in the Department of History at the first level of undergraduate university study (or NQF Level 5). The formal purpose statement of this module is as follows: ‘Qualifying students will gain an understanding of the major developments and changes in the history of southern Africa in both the precolonial and the colonial periods up to the early 19th century by engaging with and analysing a wide range of sources, and will acquire multiple perspectives on the importance of this period in the shaping of modern South Africa.’ Essentially, we hope that we will enable you to gain an understanding of some major themes in the history of early colonial southern Africa, and to appreciate how this period of history shaped modern South Africa. We aim to: develop an understanding of the historical roots of South African society acquire respect, appreciation and understanding of different societies, cultures and points of view produce effective learning, analytical and critical skills which are appropriate to the discipline of History and are transferable to other disciplines and other contexts. HSY1512/1(v) INTRODUCTION If you work carefully through the learning units in this study guide, you should be able to achieve the following outcomes: (1) Discuss the lifestyle of the main societies that lived in the southern African region before colonisation by Europeans. Evidence shows that learners are able to: show insight into why the history of precolonial southern African societies is essential to a full understanding of the complexity of the region’s past demonstrate an ability to understand the types of sources historians use to collect relevant information on precolonial hunting, herding and mixed farming southern African societies understand the main features of the economic practices, political structures and social practices of precolonial hunting, herding and mixed farming com- munities in southern Africa. (2) Discuss the reasons for Dutch colonisation of the south-western region of southern Africa and the main developments in the expansion of the Dutch colony in the 17th and 18th centuries. Evidence shows that learners are able to: understand why the Dutch decided to establish a colonial presence in the south-western part of southern Africa demonstrate insight into the nature of the early Dutch settlement, intensive agriculture and extensive agriculture explain the reasons for the emergence of independent pastoral farming in the Cape interior in the 18th century explore the lifestyle of independent pastoral farmers in the Cape interior in the 18th century. (3) Analyse the impact of colonialism on indigenous people and imported African and Asian slaves in the 17th and 18th centuries. Evidence shows that learners are able to: understand how the loss of land and livestock undermined independent Khoikhoi communities in the south-western part of southern Africa demonstrate insight into the adaptation of Khoikhoi herders and San hunter-gatherers to white colonisation during the 17th and 18th centuries examine the reasons for the importation of African and Asian slaves into the Cape colonial settlement, as well as the experience, life and resistance of slaves in the settlement explain the impact of the destruction of independent Khoikhoi societies and of slavery on the racial and social order of the Cape colony during the 17th and 18th centuries. (4) Analyse the importance of the contact between colonists and colonised peo- ple in the frontier districts of the Cape colony during the 18th and early 19th centuries. Evidence shows that learners are able to: distinguish between the concepts of an ‘opening’ and ‘closing’ frontier demonstrate insight into the nature of contact, conflict and cooperation between people on the Cape northern frontier demonstrate similar insight into the nature of contact, conflict and coop- eration between people on the Cape eastern frontier (vi) Introduction identify similarities and differences between the northern and eastern frontier situations of the Cape explain the influence of the two frontier situations on the emerging racial order within Cape colonial society. Study material This study guide contains the main material that your lecturers wish to convey to you, and encourages you to participate actively in learning this material. If you were studying at a residential university, you would attend a set of lectures and perhaps tutorials as well, conducted by lecturers and tutors. In a sense, the study guide is equivalent to a set of ‘lectures’ delivered by a lecturer in a residential university. The study guide has been divided into seven different units. Each of the units has a particular theme. Every unit begins with a clear statement of the objectives of the unit, telling you what knowledge you should master by the time you have completed working through it. There are also activities that are designed to develop your reading and writing skills, as well as your ability to select information and to organise it logically in response to different kinds of questions. All of the activities are available on the module website. At the end of this study guide, you will find a list of sources for further reading and study. There is no prescribed book for this module, but you are encouraged to consult further sources where possible. Most of the general published histories are available in public libraries and bookshops, and all of the titles are available in the Unisa library, although some are in short supply. The list of sources is very selective; there are many good books and articles which are not listed. You are free to use any books or resources available to you. When in doubt, consult your lecturers about additional reading. This study guide is fundamental to your studies. Its main aim is to guide you through the syllabus of this module. Overview of the contents of this module Until approximately the 1960s, some South African historians who took a certain ideological stance, believed that southern Africa’s history began when people from Europe started to settle in the area that is now part of the modern Western Cape province in the middle of the 17th century, 367 years before the present (the year 2019). This process of settlement by people from Europe and their descendants (commonly referred to as ‘white people’) is called ‘colonisation’. Historians believed that in the period before colonisation (also known as the precolonial period) there was no history to be recorded or discussed, because there were no written records to inform us about the period. Indeed, some even believed and propagated the myth that nobody lived in the region, and that southern Africa was an ‘empty land’. The contents of this module show how wrong these early historians were. In the last 50 years, historians have come to realise the vital importance of the precolonial period in southern Africa’s past. Through different kinds of research, conducted mainly by archaeologists, we now know that many people had settled and lived all over southern Africa for many centuries, indeed millennia, before white people began to settle in parts of the area 367 years ago. They lived in diverse ways, in dynamic communities that had regular contact with one another. HSY1512/1(vii) INTRODUCTION We have divided the content of this module into seven learning units. Although we have divided the history of the region in the period we are examining into these seven units, which we hope are logical divisions, it needs to be borne in mind that there is some overlap and regular cross-referencing, and that the seven units do contribute to a more coherent whole. Learning Unit 1 explores some of the major environmental features of the country that have shaped the destiny of humans in this region, before turning its attention to the major societies that lived here before colonisation by white people. Three major economies are discussed: the hunter-gathering and hunter-herding economies of the Khoisan people, and the mixed farming economies (based on cultivation of crops and the herding of livestock, with significant trading and mining activities as well) practised by Bantu-speaking people in the region. Learning Unit 2 introduces European explorers and settlers. In the 15th century, some European countries, particularly Portugal and the Netherlands in the context of southern Africa, began to sponsor voyages of exploration beyond their shores. This initiated one of the most significant developments in the history of humanity in the last 500 years, in which large parts of the world were colonised by European traders, hunters, missionaries and adventurers. Colonisation was the process by which these European countries extended their power and control over other areas. This learning unit looks at the background to this process and why the Dutch in particular decided to settle in southern Africa, and the early years of the Dutch settlement and the establishment of agriculture. In Learning Unit 3, we look at the expansion of the Cape settlement into the interior of the country, where white people turned to hunting and pastoralism as their main economic activities. We also outline the Dutch settlement during the 18th century, both in the established zone of the south-western Cape as well as the less settled interior, in order to show that, although the Dutch did not initially intend to colonise southern Africa in any formal sense, an established colonial settlement had indeed been founded and developed by the early 1800s. From the outset, colonists at the Cape encountered and interacted with indigenous peoples. In Learning Unit 4, we explore the contact between whites and the Khoikhoi. Though there was opposition among the Khoikhoi to European settlement, sometimes violently expressed, their communities declined as they lost land and livestock, and they were unable to prevent colonisation. Their contact with white people took various forms in different areas; although many were uprooted and were impoverished, others managed to retain some independence. Learning Unit 5 focuses on the role of slavery at the Cape. The Cape economy was dependent on slave labour for its productivity, and, as a result, slavery had an enormous influence on the Cape’s economy and society. We focus not just on economic issues, however; we also examine slave life and culture, slave resistance to their conditions, as well as the legacy of the slave system. In Learning Units 6 and 7, we discuss the impact of colonisation in the frontier districts of the Cape, or the areas furthest removed from the established base of the colony in the south-western Cape. As the white colonists moved into the interior, they encountered many different peoples in areas to the north and east. Interaction in these frontier zones took many different forms of co-operation and conflict. New relationships were forged between individuals and groups, and new economic and social relationships took shape in both regions. The main theme of this module is the encounters of people with one another in southern Africa in the many centuries before the early 1800s, and particularly the two centuries between the early 1600s and the early 1800s (the early 17th to the early 19th century), which was when colonisation made its influence felt. The main impact (viii) Introduction of colonisation was primarily in the areas which now form the modern provinces of the Western Cape, Eastern Cape and Northern Cape. Although trading and raiding activities of white colonists were beginning to affect peoples in parts of present-day Mpumalanga and KwaZulu-Natal by the end of the 18th century, all the regions outside the Cape were really only seriously influenced by colonial advance during the 19th century (the period immediately after the end of this module). While colonialism is one main focus of this module, we do not concentrate exclusively on the activities of the white colonists. We are concerned with the history of all the peoples of southern Africa during this period, on how they shaped their lives and on how they reacted to new circumstances. At no stage should we assume that Europeans had exclusive control of the Cape; colonial advances were often determined by the peoples being colonised. We are also concerned to stress that patterns of colonialism that affected southern Africa very significantly after the 16th century emerged within the historical context of the history of European power. We need to be aware that we should not conflate these historical developments with the notion that European ways of thinking and acting are universal and fixed, and should therefore not be questioned or challenged. As we approach the content of this module, we need to reflect critically on how the colonial project in southern Africa operated, and be open to challenging both its power and the patterns of thought that it imposed. The period up to the early 1800s was of considerable importance in shaping later developments in southern Africa. Naturally many developments in 19th and 20th century South Africa affected the growth of the society in which we now live in crucial ways, but this does not negate the importance of the early period in shaping human relationships and interaction. The seven learning units are as follows: (1) Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farming com- munities (Henriëtte Lubbe and Nicholas Southey) (2) The establishment of a Dutch settlement at the Cape (Melanda Blom and Nicholas Southey) (3) The Dutch settlement at the Cape (Melanda Blom and Nicholas Southey) (4) Khoisan communities and the impact of colonialism (Butho Mtombeni and Nicholas Southey) (5) Slavery at the Cape (Nicholas Southey and Wendell Moore) (6) The Cape northern frontier (Nicholas Southey) (7) The Cape eastern frontier (Nicholas Southey) Above all, we hope that the contents of this module will encourage an interest in South African history, as well as an appreciation of the contribution of all the people of South Africa to our past. Nicholas Southey HSY1512/1(ix) 1 LEARNING UNIT 1 1 Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers LEARNING OBJECTIVES When you have completed this learning unit, you will be able to answer the following questions: Why do we need an understanding of the history of precolonial southern African societies? How did the natural environment of southern Africa shape precolonial economies and settlement patterns? What was the nature of the economy, social organisation and political structure of the precolonial San? In what ways was the lifestyle of the precolonial Khoikhoi similar or different from that of the precolonial San? What was the nature of the lifestyle of mixed farming communities who settled in southern Africa from around 200 AD? How did the mixed farming communities interact with the Khoisan? 1.1 WHY DO WE NEED AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE HISTORY OF PRECOLONIAL AFRICAN SOCIETIES? In this module you will meet a wide variety of indigenous people who did not only interact with one another but also with European visitors and colonists. You will learn how they engaged in conflict with the colonists as the latter settled on Cape soil and expanded their settlement into the Cape interior. On the other hand, at times they also cooperated with the colonists for reasons that will become clear in the learning units to follow. ACTIVITY 1.1 Access the module website for Activity 1.1 There are six main reasons why knowledge of the precolonial southern African past may be useful in understanding the complexity of historical developments after 1652: The precolonial history of southern Africa is important, because it is in this sub-continent that human beings first emerged and then spread to other parts of Africa and the rest of the world. Many present-day South Africans, who feel politically marginalised, trace their cultural roots back to the precolonial period. They argue that the land originally belonged to their forefathers, the precolonial Khoikhoi and San, and claim that their political and land claims should therefore be taken more seriously. HSY1512/11 Knowledge of our precolonial past also helps us to be critical of the view of the early European visitors and settlers, who did not understand the nomadic behaviour and concept of land ownership of the indigenous communities, and therefore argued that the sub-continent was empty of inhabitants and belonged to no one. An understanding of precolonial hunter-gathering, hunter-herding and mixed farming lifestyles within the global context of gradual transitions from hunting and gathering to pastoralism and mixed farming, will broaden our perspective and will prevent us from viewing historical developments in southern Africa in isolation. If we grasp the nature of the precolonial hunter-gatherer and hunter-herding lifestyles which suited the natural environment of southern Africa well and functioned successfully for thousands of years, it will assist us in explaining the interaction between these indigenous societies and the European settlers during the colonial era, as discussed in the remainder of this module. Finally, an understanding of the emergence of mixed farming during the precolonial period, which ultimately culminated in very successful kingdoms and powerful states in the interior of the sub-continent, with global connections through international trade, will instil in us an appreciation of the historical contribution and achievements of the Bantu-speaking communities. It will also cast light on the interaction of the descendants of these communities with other societies, including the Khoisan, the white trekboer farmers, and the inhabitants of the Cape northern and eastern frontier regions, covered in later learning units. ACTIVITY 1.2 Access the module website for Activity 1.2 1.2 HOW DID THE NATURAL ENVIRONMENT OF SOUTHERN AFRICA SHAPE PRECOLONIAL ECONOMIES AND SETTLEMENT PATTERNS? Throughout precolonial history, people were influenced by the natural environment in which they lived. The natural environment provided opportunities and presented obstacles for the economic, social, political and technological development of human society. In many cases, although not always, it played a determining role in the way the different communities succeeded or failed in their lifestyles, and in the ways they interacted with one another. On the other hand, precolonial communities also had an impact on the environment in which they lived, either preserving or changing it in their efforts to survive. Therefore, when studying the early history of southern Africa, it is important to have an understanding of the main features of the natural environment. In Learning Unit 2, you will learn how environmental factors such as location, the coast line and the quality of the soil in the southwestern Cape influenced colonisation and agricultural production at the Cape. For the purposes of this learning unit, however, we need to focus more on the role of topography, climate, vegetation, fauna and minerals in order to explain the precolonial economies and settlement patterns that were viable in different parts of southern Africa. 2 Topography Topography refers to the physical characteristics of a region such as the mountains, plains, plateaus and rivers. This feature gives a clear idea of what the area looks like and has an important influence on the settlement patterns and migration of both animals and human beings. Most of southern Africa is part of the Great African Plateau. A plateau is an area of fairly level high ground. The South African plateau is between 1200 and 1800 metres above sea level and is highest in the east and gradually slopes downwards towards the west (see the map in Activity 1.3, Source 1, on the MyUnisa site of this module). It has been described as resembling a ‘tilted upside-down saucer’.1 The plateau provided pasture for wild animals (game) and livestock, ample space for human and animal migration, as well as space for extensive human settlements towards the east, where rainfall and vegetation were conducive to mixed farming. Along the edge of the plateau is a long steep slope which drops towards the sea, known as the escarpment. The escarpment extends from the Drakensberg mountain range in the northeast to the Stormberg and Sneeuberg mountains in the southeast and Nuweveld range in the southwest. From there the escarpment turns north where the Roggeveld mountains form the edge of the plateau and continues north into the Damara-Namaqua highlands of Namibia. The steep seaward slope of the escarpment has been divided into numerous valleys by the fast-flowing rivers which have cut deep below the level of the surrounding mountain plains. These river valleys were popular mixed farming regions, because they provided water and alluvial (surface) soil as well as protection from the wind – all of which suited the planting of agricultural crops. The valleys also determined the routes of the various communities moving into the interior. South Africa does not have many perennial rivers – that is, rivers that flow constantly throughout the year. Most of the rivers rise on or near the escarpment and flow fast towards the sea. An example of this is the Tugela River, which begins in the Drakensberg mountains and flows through KwaZulu-Natal into the Indian ocean. Other rivers, such as the Gariep (Orange) River, are found on the plateau. The Gariep River has the greatest basin of any river in the country, but much of the basin is so dry that the river mouth often closes up, while some of its tributaries such as the Molopo, Fish and Hartebeest Rivers are also quite frequently dry. The rivers in South Africa are therefore important only as temporary sources of water. They are not reliable boundaries and cannot be used for navigation. Climate The climate refers to the weather conditions of a particular area. There are three main determinants of climate: rainfall, wind and temperature. The climate affects human beings directly in that it influences the crops they can cultivate, their eating habits, dwellings and clothes. It also affects human beings indirectly because of its effect on flora (vegetation) and fauna (animal and insect life) and therefore is an important factor in determining the survival potential of a region. 1 J.M. Nicholson and J.G. Morton, Man’s Environment: Africa (Pietermaritzburg: Shuter and Shooter, 1974), 92. HSY1512/13 Rainfall is perhaps the most important of the environmental elements in that it determines so many of the other natural factors. For example, rain is directly related to the availability of water, which in turn regulates the growth of vegetation, which in turn attracts animals. In South Africa the rainfall is generally low. The map of South African rainfall shows an average annual rainfall of 1 000 millimetres (mm) on the east coast, which drops to less than 125 mm on the west coast. The internationally accepted minimum requirement for the successful cultivation of crops and the maintenance of good grazing is 625 mm of rain a year. About 80 percent of South Africa receives less than 625 mm per year, while a third of the subcontinent has an annual rainfall of less than 250 mm In these dry regions the only economic activities that would have been viable, were hunting, gathering of naturally occurring plant food for human consumption, and the herding of smaller livestock, for example sheep and goats. The population distribution would have been sparse and communities would be nomadic. To make matters worse, much of South Africa’s rain comes in the form of torrential storms, which washes away the soil and does not allow for much absorption of moisture. In the interior regions, where temperatures are high during the rainy season, most of the rain which is received just evaporates. In some areas the evaporation rate is higher than the total rainfall. Rivers are therefore often dry, and water can be found only in isolated waterholes or dykes where underground water is brought to the surface. Moreover, the rainfall throughout the country is also often erratic (inconsistent/irregular), which increases the chances of drought. This often made it very difficult for the various communities to survive, and they had to either adapt their lifestyles accordingly or migrate to other areas. Wind has a direct bearing on rainfall. In South Africa the wind accounts for the predominantly summer rainfall pattern in the interior and the winter rainfall in the southernmost parts of the country. The wind in the south-western Cape is particularly strong, and is renowned for the devastation the southeaster wind causes both on land and along the coast. Bear this in mind in the next learning unit when you explore the failure of intensive agriculture in the south-western Cape during the first decades of European colonisation. Vegetation There is great variety in vegetation (flora) to be found in southern Africa. In order to understand the lifestyles of the precolonial communities discussed in this unit, we focus on the following main types of vegetation: In the dry north-western part of southern Africa, vegetation consists of sparsely distributed Karoo shrubs and succulents. Karoo shrubs have thick fibrous leaves that enable them to thrive in areas with very low rainfall, extreme temperatures, high evaporation rates and compacted soil. They can be found in the interior of the western Cape, including both the Little and Great Karoo and parts of the Northern Cape. Although they do not offer nourishment to larger livestock that prefer grass, they do provide good grazing for sheep and goats. Similarly, Karoo succulents are extremely drought-resistant and can survive in the low-rainfall desert-like conditions in the western regions of the Northern Cape. This vegetation is suitable only for certain small buck and sheep, many of the plants having edible roots and berries. This explains why the precolonial inhabitants of these dry regions practised hunting, gathering and herding of smaller livestock, and why they needed to adopt a very mobile (nomadic) lifestyle. 4 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers The north-eastern part of the country, on the other hand, has a higher rainfall and is therefore suitable for crop cultivation. The region also offers two types of vegetation: savannah and thornbush, and grassland vegetation, both of which are suitable for livestock herding (pastoralism), including cattle. Savannah refers to a grassy plain in a sub-tropical region, and thornbush to fairly hardy thorn trees and bushes. The savannah and thornbush region stretches along the southern and eastern foothills of the escarpment in KwaZulu-Natal and Swaziland to the north of Limpopo and into North West and the Northern Cape. A wide variety of these kinds of trees and grasses are found in South Africa, and their density depends on the rainfall. Of the various grasses found in this region (sweetveld, sourveld and mixed veld) none is suitable for year-round grazing. The precolonial – and later also the colonial pastoral farmers or trekboers (see Learning Unit 3) – therefore had to practise seasonal migration in order to get sufficient grazing throughout the year and provide their livestock with a balanced diet. The treed areas were probably denser at one time and covered larger areas. However, over the years both precolonial and colonial communities destroyed many trees. The various communities used the timber to build houses and make firewood, or cleared the trees and grasses away to cultivate crops. Grassveld vegetation includes lush grassland but relatively few trees. It can be found in the highveld region of the plateau including parts of the Eastern Cape, Lesotho, Free State, Mpumalanga and Limpopo. The grasses in this region include both sweetveld and sourveld, which made both precolonial and colonial pastoral farmers practise seasonal migration. Fauna Fauna refers to the natural animal and insect life of a particular region. The southern African region is renowned for its rich abundance and variety of wild animals (game) and insects. Both the precolonial and colonial communities relied very heavily on the hunting of wild animals for food (meat) as well as for ivory and hides, which were often traded. Game also tended to migrate in response to erratic rainfall patterns. This caused the precolonial San and the Khoikhoi to follow the game to areas where it had rained. Insects were often an asset to some precolonial communities as they were a food source, for example locusts and the mopani worm. On the other hand, certain insects were a pest as they destroyed both natural vegetation and cultivated crops. Examples include swarms of locusts and worms. There were also insects that caused diseases affecting both humans and animals, such as mosquitoes that caused malaria and the tsetse fly that caused sleeping sickness. Minerals South Africa has a wide variety of minerals which have been discovered and mined over many centuries. The minerals in the region include iron, tin, copper, gold and diamonds. Many of these resources were used by the precolonial mixed farming communities of southern Africa as tools (e.g. agricultural equipment and weapons), ornamentation and trade items. All the above environmental factors would have a distinctive influence on the lifestyles and settlement patterns of the precolonial communities discussed in this learning unit. HSY1512/15 1.3 WHAT WAS THE NATURE OF THE ECONOMY, SOCIAL ORGANISATION AND POLITICAL STRUCTURE OF THE PRECOLONIAL SAN? Who were the San hunter-gatherers? The San hunter-gatherers were the earliest indigenous people of southern Africa. They were the descendants of people who hunted wild animals and gathered plant foods in the Late Stone Age, about 40 000 to 20 000 years ago. The San hunter-gatherers were not an isolated phenomenon in world history. Hunter- gathering societies were common all over the world prior to the practice of livestock raising and crop growing. They could be found in Africa, Asia, Europe, the Americas and Australasia, in environments where hunting and gathering could be supported. Diets naturally varied, as did lifestyles, social organisation and customs, but invariably groups were small, flexible, nomadic and seldom had formal leadership structures. The San of precolonial southern Africa lived throughout the region. Late Stone Age sites and artefacts have been found in the cool mountains of Lesotho, in the dry Karoo and in wet, subtropical KwaZulu-Natal, as well as in the Namib and Kalahari deserts. San bands (or small groups) therefore lived in many different natural environments. Much of our knowledge about the San has come from archaeologists who have examined remains in rock shelters and caves all over southern Africa. In addition, anthropologists, who study different cultures around the world, have learnt a great deal from those San who still survive in parts of the Kalahari desert in Botswana and in the Nama desert in Namibia. They give us clues about the lifestyle of San groups over a long period, even though we cannot be sure about the extent to which this has changed over thousands of years. Moreover, the linguistic study of San languages, with their many clicks, is important in establishing connections among various San hunting bands and with other groups such as Khoikhoi herders and later with African farmers. In this module we will be using the term ‘San’ in referring to the original inhabitants of southern Africa. You may encounter various other words in the literature to describe these hunter-gatherer communities. This is partly because we do not know what they called themselves, and also because Europeans used the term ‘Bushmen’ in a rather general way.2 For some people the term ‘Bushmen’ has a negative connotation, but for others it is a term of preference. For example, there are currently descendants of the San in various parts of South Africa, Botswana and Namibia who are proud to be called ‘Bushmen’ because this establishes their identity as the first indigenous inhabitants of southern Africa. ACTIVITY 1.3 Access the module website for Activity 1.3 2 J. Wright, ‘Sonqua, Bosjesmans, Bushmen, abaTwa: Comments and Queries on Pre-modern Identifications’, South African Historical Journal, 35 (November 1996), 16–29. 6 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers The economy and technology of the San The economy of the San was closely linked to the natural environment in which they lived. As we have seen, South Africa is largely a dry country with unreliable and low rainfall. Two-thirds of the country is unsuitable for crop cultivation, has sparse vegetation and cannot sustain cattle farming. Precolonial South Africa did, however, provide abundant wild life which frequently migrated to where it had rained and where good grazing could be found. The natural environment also offered a variety of edible plants, berries and bulbs which were a potential source of food for both animals and people. Hunting One of the San’s main economic activities was hunting for meat as their main source of protein. Hunting took many forms, and a large number of different game (wild animals), from giraffe to warthogs, were hunted with the bow and arrow. The most common prey, however, were various antelope. Another popular method of hunting was to use snares and traps. These were used to capture small animals, such as foxes and mongooses, or birds, such as guinea fowl and francolins. Gathering Another economic activity which formed the basis of the diet in most San communities, was gathering, using weighted digging sticks to dig up roots and bulbs. A wide variety of plant foods, such as fruits, nuts, berries, roots, bulbs, melons, and edible gums formed a broad subsistence base. Not all plant foods were of equal value; some foods were prized because of their wide distribution, their abundance, the ease with which they could be collected, or the seasons in which they were available. In desert areas, for example, some water-bearing roots enabled the San to survive for weeks at a time when no standing water was available. Division of labour While men were responsible for hunting, women took care of plant gathering, and this activity was done in groups of three to five members. The gatherers had minimal but necessary equipment: digging sticks, skin pouches to carry food, and a few stone tools. A certain well-defined area was exploited each day, and the women returned to camp during the afternoon, where they distributed among their immediate families the produce they had gathered. Concept of wealth The hunter-gatherer economy of the San aimed at being self-sufficient and meeting the immediate needs of the community in order to survive in often challenging environmental conditions. They did not think in terms of material wealth and therefore did not attempt to store food, accumulate possessions, or actively engage in trade in order to increase their wealth. This simple lifestyle has been interpreted negatively by some observers as a lifestyle of poverty and struggle for survival. However, it could be argued that the hunter- gathering lifestyle of the San suited the environmental conditions of southern Africa well, and that San groups lived quite successfully on hunting and gathering for thousands of years. It was only when herding and farming economies came on HSY1512/17 the scene that the San lifestyle was put under pressure. We should therefore guard against portraying the San as victims or heroes.3 The social organisation of the San Nomadism Environmental conditions do not only explain why the San economy was based on hunting and gathering rather than any other economic activity, but also why the hunter-gatherers had to adopt a nomadic (migratory) lifestyle. The San did not wander randomly across vast areas but tended to move in a systematic way at different times of the year, using the resources available during different seasons. This meant the San had a loose sense of territorial control and a concept of place that was linked to animals, plants and seasons. They saw no separation between people and place or between people and animals. There has been a debate among researchers about whether the San claimed any clearly defined territory. Some think they did not, while others think each language group had water sources which it regarded as its own. Anyone could use these resources, but permission had to be obtained first. Egalitarianism Because the San did not value wealth, no individual was richer or poorer than the next. All members of the same age group, gender and marital status had the same access to resources and had the same social status. We call this an egalitarian society. Egalitarianism does not mean that there are no differences between people. We have seen, for example, that there was a division of labour between men and women: men did the hunting and women the gathering. Because hunting was regarded as men’s work and considered more strenuous and challenging than gathering, successful hunters were highly regarded in San society and often became shamans (medicine people). However, this division should not be exaggerated as the economic role of the women was critical to the survival of the band, and, as we shall see, women participated fully in decision-making. Flexible social structures A high degree of mobility did not only prevent the accumulation of possessions. It also required small and flexible group structures which would ensure survival in a harsh environment. Since equality was an important feature of social relations among the San, groups were not rigid. They often changed, depending on how much fauna (wild animals) and flora (natural vegetation) were available. This means that they exercised a ‘strategic flexibility’, not only in how they ‘distributed themselves across the landscape broadly in proportion to their perception of resource distribution … [but would also be] flexibly strategic in their response to the elements of food production and food producers themselves.’4 Apart from responding to the availability of food 3 R.J. Gordon, The Bushman Myth: The Making of a Namibian Underclass (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), 1–12. 4 J. Parkington and S. Hall, ‘The Appearance of Food Production in Southern Africa, 1,000 to 2,000 Years Ago’, in C. Hamilton, B.K. Mbenga and R. Ross (eds), The Cambridge History of South Africa, Volume 1: From Early Times to 1885 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 66–7. 8 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers resources (plants and game), bands could also split up when there were disagreements. San bands could be as small as a single family or as large as a clan of 80 people. Sharing ethic The San are also known for their culture of sharing or sharing ethic. This was closely linked to the provision of food. Meat from the hunt was shared among the members of the camp and with other bands of hunter-gatherers on certain occasions, until it had been completely eaten after a few days; however, plant food that was more readily available, was shared within the immediate family. The San did not store a surplus of food, because they saw the environment as a communal storehouse. Ritual participation among the San Another element of the San’s social organisation was their ritual ceremonies in which shamanism, symbolism and trance dances played an important role. Within the San communities some of the men and women had the ability to enter into a state of trance and offer ritual services to the group. These trances were entered into during the regular ritual dancing of the communities, which normally took place at night around the campfires. No drugs were used to induce the state of trance; it was reached only through concentration during dancing. The dances gradually increased in intensity; dancers experienced sweating, shaking and falling, until they suffered bleeding from the nose and eventual collapse. At this stage they entered a state of trance, when they were said to ‘die’ and when it was believed that supernatural potency entered into them. Those able to enter into trance were referred to as medicine people (shamans). They were believed to act as links between the physical and supernatural worlds. There were probably four main categories of medicine people: medicine people of the game, who had powers over animals and the hunt; medicine people of the rain, who had powers over rainfall; medicine people of sickness, who controlled illness; and curers, who were believed to remove sickness. Moreover, these medicine people were almost certainly the painters of rocks, and the paintings represented their experience within trance. The symbols and representations of the paintings would have been clearly understood by the San as containing messages from the supernatural world. Rock paintings Scholars now interpret the rock paintings and engravings in the context of the social and economic life of the San. But equally important is the context of their religious life, and it is clear that the paintings and engravings contain many religious symbols. They depict much about, and reflect, the belief system of the San. The paintings are not simply ‘pretty pictures’ done by a skilled hunter in his spare time. They were obviously of vital importance within the social and religious life of the San people. Let us take one example that is very prominent in many paintings – the representation of the eland. The eland is the largest of the antelopes and was much sought after by the San. It was fairly common and had a great deal of meat and fat, it played a central role in important ceremonies, such as those of puberty and marriage, and it served as a symbol of unity and abundance. For these reasons it was also, not surprisingly, a central religious symbol. A medicine person who relied on the eland as the source of his power was most respected. In the paintings the dying eland often shows the HSY1512/19 same behaviour as the person entering a trance: sweating, trembling, falling over and bleeding from the nose. The medicine people believed they ‘became’ the animal whose power they controlled; their identities merged into one, and they acquired the ability to heal and control the movement of game and rainfall. The representation of figures that are half human and half antelope, not uncommon in the paintings, probably portrays the state of the medicine people bridging two worlds. This single example illustrates the sophistication and complexity of many of the paintings. They clearly played a more important role in San society than serving as artistic representations of the immediate environment (although many of them do, of course, reveal details of this). They were part of the religious and ritual activities of the San. It is not entirely certain why painters felt it necessary to record their experiences. One likely reason is that they wished to give people visual reminders of the power that linked people, animals and the environment. They may have served as a focus of unity, particularly in times of stress, when it seems that more paintings were produced. ACTIVITY 1.4 Access the module website for Activity 1.4 Political organisation and system of justice Because of the small size of San bands, the absence of wealth as a foundation for political power, and the flexibility of the San’s social structures, there were few signs of chiefly authority in precolonial San society. There were no chiefs, because decisions were made by the group as a whole. This process included both adult men and women, while shamans (medicine people) used their wisdom and spiritual powers to provide guidance during the decision-making process. This informal and equal political organisation grew out of the fact that all adults had fairly good knowledge of the natural environment and participated actively in the various economic activities that ensured survival. Consensus in the group was generally the basis of decision making, which also influenced how justice and punishment were dealt with in San communities. Disputes were therefore settled on a one-to-one or family-to- family basis. If conflict could not be resolved, individuals could join other camps. ACTIVITY 1.5 Access the module website for Activity 1.5 10 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers 1.4 IN WHAT WAYS WAS THE LIFESTYLE OF THE PRECOLONIAL KHOIKHOI SIMILAR OR DIFFERENT FROM THAT OF THE PRECOLONIAL SAN? Who were the Khoikhoi? Although some scholars initially believed that the first Khoikhoi pastoralists emerged in the present northern or north-eastern Botswana between 2000 and 3000 years ago, acquiring livestock from Bantu-speaking mixed farmers who were living there, archaeological excavations have uncovered remains of sheep bones in southern Africa that pre-date the arrival of Bantu-speakers in Botswana. Some now believe that the hunter-gatherers may have obtained their first livestock from east Africa.5 As descendants of the hunter-gatherers, it is to be expected that the Khoikhoi’s lifestyle would be similar to that of the San. Their language, with all its click sounds, is also related to the languages spoken by many hunter-gatherers. However, the Khoikhoi introduced livestock into southern Africa for the first time, pastoralism being their main economic activity. This represented a major transformation in the history of southern Africa and has sometimes been called ‘the pastoral revolution’. There are different theories about the dispersal of livestock into and within southern Africa: some argue that the spreading of livestock occurred through the migration of people who owned livestock (the Khoikhoi); others are of the view that livestock were dispersed mainly through trade (not human migration), during which hunter- gatherer communities obtained livestock through ‘down-the-line exchange’ taking up at least some elements of pastoralism.6 There is also difference of opinion about the routes of Khoikhoi migration into southern Africa, the details of which need not be discussed here. What is important, however, is to realise that the expansion of Khoikhoi herders was not a sudden, military conquest that immediately changed previous conditions. It took place very gradually, spreading slowly over vast distances, driven by the need to find water and grazing for their livestock. The Khoikhoi economy The Khoikhoi economy had much in common with that of their San ancestors in that they also practised hunting and gathering – the former task performed by men and the latter by women similar to the division of labour in San society. However, their lifestyle focused primarily on pastoralism (livestock farming), probably having acquired their first livestock from southward migrating Bantu-speakers. Archaeological evidence indicates that the Khoikhoi initially herded mainly sheep (and later also goats), but that cattle became increasingly important. It also shows that the Khoikhoi used thin-walled pottery probably for storing and transporting milk, although there is uncertainty about who made the pottery.7 5 N. Swanepoel and C. Bruwer, The Archaeolog y of Southern Africa: Only Study Guide for AGE1501 (Pretoria: Unisa, 2015), 96. 6 For more information about this debate, see Parkington and Hall, ‘The Appearance of Food Production in Southern Africa’, 104–8; Swanepoel and Bruwer, The Archaeolog y of Southern Africa: Only Study Guide for AGE1501, 96, 102–4. 7 Parkington and Hall, ‘The Appearance of Food Production in Southern Africa’, 66, 74, 97–99. HSY1512/111 Livestock was regarded as a symbol of material wealth in Khoikhoi society and would therefore be accumulated, nurtured and protected. This influenced the layout of their settlements which were structured around a central livestock enclosure for the safe-keeping of livestock at night. Having no wealth to protect, the San simply lived in caves or in temporary shelters made of branches. It is also not surprising that the Khoikhoi would frequently engage in livestock raiding in order to expand their herds or regain their wealth after they had lost livestock as a result of drought, livestock disease or stock theft. In view of their material value, livestock was only slaughtered for special and ceremonial reasons and was never used as a regular supply of meat. This is where hunting for meat played a crucial role in preserving their livestock and of course their wealth. Cattle were more valuable than sheep or goats, in that they supplied more milk (the staple diet), they could be used as pack animals to facilitate easier movement and transport of camps, and they were valuable items of trade. Social organisation We have seen how the ownership of livestock conveyed wealth on individuals in Khoikhoi society. This in turn led to superior social status and the emergence of divisions between wealthier and poorer people. This means that Khoikhoi society was hierarchical unlike the San who were relatively egalitarian (equal in status), because all adults shared in the economy and the distribution of resources, and enjoyed fairly equal status. Group size Khoikhoi communities were generally much larger than those of the San, as livestock ownership supported larger concentrations of people. Hunter-gatherer clans were small, usually numbering fewer than 50 people. They were sometimes larger during prosperous times and much smaller in periods of scarcity or stress. The Khoikhoi communities, on the other hand, frequently numbered about 500 people. However, these larger groups were not permanent, because, similar to the San, flexibility was necessary for survival. Periods of environmental stress required Khoikhoi clans to split apart and disperse over new areas. On the other hand, new leaders who had built up livestock herds, offering a reliable diet of dairy products, attracted followers from a range of clans. Transhumance Although both the San and the Khoikhoi practised some form of migration, the Khoikhoi were less mobile than the San. There were three reasons for this: the large group size of Khoikhoi communities; their extensive livestock herds; and the availability of a more stable source of food (dairy products) which made it unnecessary to relocate all that frequently. Unlike the more regular and more informal nomadism of the San, the Khoikhoi had a well-developed pattern of seasonal migration, or transhumance, which provided their livestock with sufficient water, grazing and a balanced diet. This was necessary in view of the lack of year-round grazing in southern Africa, discussed earlier in this learning unit. Similar to the San, who preserved rather than overexploited natural 12 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers resources, the Khoikhoi also used transhumance to ensure that natural resources were never seriously depleted. An added benefit of transhumance was that it gave the Khoikhoi access to fresh plant food and game for human consumption. In short – transhumance was an essential component of the survival of Khoikhoi communities and their herds. Settlement pattern The Khoikhoi’s concept of wealth indirectly determined where they settled. They could only survive in areas which had suitable grazing for their livestock (their wealth) and which had reliable and plentiful water supplies. They therefore settled along the southern and south-western coastal belt, as well as in some grassland areas of the interior. San groups, on the other hand, could be found in all geographical regions of the country (including very arid areas), with the exception of the dense forests of the southern Cape, where few lived. Social relationships Livestock was of great significance in many social relationships among the Khoikhoi. It was exchanged at marriage ceremonies, and when a household head died, his wife and children could inherit his livestock. In this manner some individuals considerably increased their wealth. Livestock also played a central role in the administration of justice, such as the demand that offenders, who had infringed the rights of other group members, pay fines in livestock to chiefs or to communities. Moreover, livestock was slaughtered on important ritual occasions, to mark births, initiation rites, marriages and deaths, as well as in religious ceremonies in honour of, and sacrifice to, the god whom they recognised as the Supreme Being. All of this was absent from San communities who did not possess wealth in the form of livestock. Gender in Khoikhoi society In Khoikhoi society women did not have the same social status as men. They were allowed to inherit livestock, but men and women did not share equally in access to livestock: as a result, men regularly were more powerful than women. A Khoikhoi woman could also take over the chief’s office if there was no male heir in patrilineal succession, but this did not happen frequently. In general, women were excluded from the formal structures of society, which were dominated by males. In spite of the important contributions they made to the economy – such as gathering, milking the cows, producing the mat houses and other utensils, and taking care of their families – they were not admitted to the council of elders. There were also rules preventing women from drinking cow’s milk, which was declared a male privilege. In addition, the inferior status of women was reflected in the way some Khoikhoi groups arranged their huts in the camp. Unmarried and widowed daughters and sisters had to build their huts in the section of the camp allocated to servants and clients of the group. But women were not treated without respect. They had the right to own livestock, and they played an important role not only in the daily affairs of the household (where a man was not allowed to eat without his wife’s permission) but also in performing various ceremonies. HSY1512/113 Political structure The social organisation of precolonial Khoikhoi communities in turn shaped their political structure. We have seen that social equality in San society implied that San bands did not have formal political structures such as chiefs and councils; all members (men and women) participated equally in decision-making and the execution of justice. In Khoikhoi society, on the other hand, high social status based on wealth in livestock, brought political power to individuals. Khoikhoi chiefs and their advisers were invariably owners of the largest herds. Chiefs did not own land, but managed all aspects of the herding economy. One of a chief’s major responsibilities was to ensure fair access to land and water resources, and to control transhumance. He could also grant neighbouring clans access to natural resources in return for a payment of tribute in the form of livestock. Moreover, he could organise cattle raiding in order to increase his wealth and political influence, and solve disputes within his clan with the assistance of his Council of Elders. Chiefs were also able to win followers through the employment of ‘clients’, who in return for their labour and loyalty were awarded the milk and – usually after longer service – some of the offspring of the livestock. In this way poorer Khoikhoi who had lost all their livestock through drought, stock theft or livestock disease, were offered a survival strategy other than having to resort to hunting and gathering or engaging in stock theft. In the long run, clientship enabled them to build wealth for themselves and regain their economic independence which was so important in Khoikhoi society. You will discover in Learning Unit 4 how this traditional survival mechanism was disrupted by labour practices on European farms during the colonial period. Unlike San women who participated fully in communal decision-making, Khoikhoi women were excluded from the decision-making process. ACTIVITY 1.6 Access the module website for Activity 1.6 Interaction between the hunter-gatherers and hunter-herders The migration of the Khoikhoi pastoralists into southern Africa compelled the hunter-gatherers to make major adjustments to their lifestyle. The herding lifestyle of the Khoikhoi led to competition for natural resources such as water, vegetation and game. The San argued that the Khoikhoi were settling on their traditional hunting and gathering areas, used up the pasture and chased away the game. This led to friction between the two societies. The Khoikhoi and San also had very different perceptions of animals: the Khoikhoi regarded animals as a source of wealth that needed to be preserved and protected, whereas the San viewed all animals (including livestock) as a source of food that could be hunted. This led to conflict in the form of stock theft and clashes, while the hunter-gatherers were often driven into less hospitable regions which were not suitable for livestock farming. 14 However, archaeological evidence suggests that San and Khoikhoi communities often co-existed peacefully in the same area. They cooperated with one another in the form of trade, intermarriage, and clientship relations, in which the San performed various tasks for the herders as hunters, guides and servants. This was made possible by the economic similarities between the two societies and the flexibility of the Khoikhoi’s social and political structures, which made it relatively easy to incorporate those hunter-gatherers who were prepared to adopt the new pastoral lifestyle. This brings us to the blurring of boundaries between the San and the Khoikhoi. The Khoikhoi and San were not only genetically related in that they had common ancestors, but both also practised hunting and gathering as part of their economy. In addition, close interaction between the Khoikhoi herders and their San clients made it difficult to distinguish between hunter-herders and hunter-gatherers. Another aspect to bear in mind is that Khoikhoi individuals who had lost their livestock often resorted to hunting and gathering to survive. It is therefore not surprising that the Europeans who would later settle at the Cape, often found it difficult to distinguish between the San and the Khoikhoi. People without livestock who pursued a hunter-gathering lifestyle were frequently identified as San or ‘Bushmen’, while those who were in possession of livestock were taken as Khoikhoi. Sometimes the differences between the two groups were associated with physical characteristics. The Khoikhoi were thought to be taller than hunter- gatherers because they had a fairly regular provision of milk from their herds, and were therefore better nourished. But such distinctions are generally unreliable, especially because the Khoikhoi and San were biologically related. The fluidity of boundaries between the San and the Khoikhoi would be strengthened further during the colonial era by the disintegration of Khoehoe society as a result of the loss of land and livestock – a theme which will be discussed more fully in Learning Unit 4. From the above discussion, it should be clear that it would be unwise to draw very rigid distinctions between the San and the Khoikhoi. Archaeologists have, for example, excavated animal bones, pottery and other artefacts at the site of Kasteelberg in the northern Cape. This site was occupied by herders between 1 800 and 1 600 years ago. Other locations nearby show that there was a greater proportion of bones of wild animals rather than of domesticated stock. Stone tools and arrows of different styles were discovered at the various excavation sites, which constitutes further evidence of the distinction between hunters and herders. These findings suggest that Kasteelberg was inhabited by herders who also hunted, while the other places were occupied by hunters who also owned small numbers of livestock, probably exchanged or stolen from herders. The scholars involved in this project have therefore concluded with a degree of certainty that hunters did indeed differ from herders in the precolonial period. HSY1512/115 1.5 WHAT WAS THE NATURE OF THE LIFESTYLE OF MIXED FARMING COMMUNITIES WHO SETTLED IN SOUTHERN AFRICA FROM AROUND 200 AD? From around 200 (third century) AD a new lifestyle emerged in southern Africa which differed significantly from the hunter-gathering and hunter-herding lifestyles of the San and Khoikhoi discussed so far. This new lifestyle – which was introduced to the sub-continent by Bantu-speakers from East and Central Africa through a very gradual process of southward migration – marked the beginning of the emergence of a new and dynamic society, and a long process of continuity and change which we will explore in this section of the learning unit. We prefer to refer to this period as the mixed farming period, because the term accurately captures the most important economic change to the lifestyle of precolonial South Africans – that of crop cultivation as part of a mixed economy. The period is sometimes also referred to as the ‘Iron Age’ of precolonial southern African history, because the farmers mined and processed minerals such as iron. In our discussion of continuity and change in the mixed farming lifestyle, we will refer to the early mixed farming period (roughly 200 AD to 1000 AD) and the late mixed farming period (after 1000 AD) when important shifts in the economy, social organisation and political structure of the mixed farming communities became apparent. Economy The shift from crop cultivation to herding The economy of the early mixed farming communities was more diverse than that of the San hunter-gatherers or Khoikhoi herders who had settled in southern Africa before them. The early mixed farmers practised a mixed economy consisting of crop cultivation, livestock herding, hunting, mining and trade. They planted a variety of crops such as millet, sorghum, legumes, squashes and pumpkins; herded sheep, goats and cattle; hunted for meat and ivory; mined and processed minerals such as iron (for agricultural implements and weapons) and copper (for ornamentation); and engaged in trade (in crops and/or minerals), mostly with neighbouring communities but sometimes also with communities living further afield. These activities remained key components of the mixed farming economy for centuries, which points to continuity between the early and late mixed farming lifestyle. What is further significant here, is that crops such as millet and sorghum were not indigenous to southern Africa, while livestock such as sheep, goats and cattle were first domesticated in the near east and North Africa. Similarly pottery-making had its roots in North-Africa, whereas the skill to mine and process minerals were also introduced from outside the sub-continent.8 But societies do not remain static – they change over time. In this case, the early mixed farmers gradually developed over the centuries, and crop cultivation slowly gave way to a greater emphasis on livestock herding. As early as approximately 500 AD, livestock herding became more prevalent. By the time we reach the late mixed farming period, from about 1000 AD, livestock herding had supplanted crop cultivation as the most important economic activity, and crop cultivation became of secondary importance in this period. The shift in emphasis from crop cultivation to livestock herding led to significant changes over time in their lifestyle. 8 Parkington and Hall, ‘The Appearance of Food Production in Southern Africa’, 69. 16 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers Hunting Both societies also hunted for meat, skins and items of trade, but in the late mixed farming period, the hunting of elephants for ivory became a lucrative activity, because ivory could be traded for many useful luxuries. Trade This brings us to trade, which both communities engaged in, but once again there was a difference: trade in the early mixed farming period was fairly localised in nature. Neighbouring villages traded with each other for items that they could not produce themselves, such as iron, crops or salt. As time progressed, however, the early mixed farmers established regional and even long-distance trading networks, making contact with Arabian traders by roughly 800–900 AD. Trade routes gradually became more important, and by the time we enter the late mixed farming period, trading was much more extensive and important to the economy. The late mixed farmers had access to extensive trading networks and could trade gold, ivory and other items for a variety of exotic items, such as cotton cloth from India or even porcelain vases from China. The case study on Mapungubwe later in this unit (see Activity 1.12 on the MyUnisa site of this module), provides clear evidence of how control of long-distance trade during the late mixed farming period, led to the emergence of a very wealthy ruling class, controlling a vast geographical area, large cattle herds and thousands of people. Mining Both societies also practised mining, but once again the scale differed. The early mixed farmers mined iron and copper, as well as a little gold found in alluvial deposits. However, as time progressed and mining techniques improved in combination with a greater demand for mineral resources, especially gold and copper for trading purposes, the scale of mining became more extensive. Mining in the late mixed farming period was therefore on a much larger scale. Social organisation With regard to social organisation, we again notice both continuity and change from the early to the late mixed farming period. Settlement pattern The early mixed farmers preferred to settle in low-lying regions near the coast or in river valleys, which offered abundant water and fertile soil suitable for crop cultivation (their main economic activity). Their settlements were relatively stable, but due to the practice of slash-and-burn agriculture, they moved every few years to a new site once the old fields had lost their fertility. In contrast, the late mixed farmers emphasised livestock herding, especially with cattle, as their main economic activity. They therefore settled in high-lying grasslands, for example on the Highveld plateau, which provided their livestock with suitable and abundant grazing. HSY1512/117 Population density Early mixed farming communities had a higher population density than Khoikhoi communities and San bands. There were three main reasons for this: they had a balanced diet in the form of meat, milk and agricultural crops and could therefore raise healthier children; they were able to build up a food surplus which could sustain larger communities; and lastly, they had a more stable and settled lifestyle than the Khoisan who regularly migrated in response to changing environmental conditions. Due to a higher population density, the early mixed farmers had a more elaborate social organisation than the Khoikhoi and San. They lived and worked in family homesteads which were grouped together into organised villages. These villages were relatively self-sufficient, producing and storing food for their own use. The late mixed farmers had an even higher population density than the early mixed farmers, as a result of extensive cattle herding. They therefore also lived in organised societies, and, similar to the early mixed farmers, they operated in family homesteads. However, unlike the early mixed farmers, the family homestead supplanted the village as the most important economic unit. This was primarily caused by a more scattered settlement pattern which facilitated access to larger grazing areas. Higher population density meant that late mixed farming society was more hierarchical than the early mixed farmers, with a much clearer divide between the ruling classes and the poor. Division of labour More continuity can be noticed in the division of labour, but there were also a few noteworthy changes in the late mixed farming period. In the early mixed farming period, women and girls were mainly responsible for crop cultivation, and looked after the children and prepared food. This continued to be the case in the late period, except that women were now also responsible for pottery making, which previously was a male task. The division of labour became more pronounced in the late mixed farming period due to the dominance of livestock herding. Since livestock was so important, men assumed responsibility for it and spent much of their time in the veld looking after the cattle. Younger boys, in both the early and late mixed farming periods, were assigned to look after the smaller livestock, such as goats, calves and sheep. In addition, men dominated the other very important source of wealth, which was trading, and they also were responsible for mining. Lastly, hunting activities continued to be the task of men, as was the case in the early mixed farming period. Status of women and men In the early mixed farming communities, women did not enjoy the same social status as men. For example, they were excluded from male-dominated decision- making and were prohibited from entering the livestock enclosure. Women also did not own the crops they produced; these belonged to the head of the patriarchal household. Women, however, were not completely marginalised. Since they were closely involved with crop cultivation, and the trading of crops was an important form of social interaction between communities, women did play an important role in social relations. Archaeologists have even found evidence at a few sites of women who were buried in the kraal (the traditional male domain), which suggests that although women were lower on the social ladder, they did at least have some status. 18 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers In comparison, women in the late mixed farming communities had an even lower social status. This was mainly caused by the fact that men completely dominated the wealth of the community, namely cattle ownership and trading. Men were also totally in control of the products produced by crop cultivation, despite the fact that women were the main crop producers. As a result, women had significantly less power in a society that had become highly stratified due to greater levels of wealth, which was controlled by men. ACTIVITY 1.7 Access the module website for Activity 1.7 Social practices Again we notice some continuity, but also slight changes between the two periods in terms of social practices. In the early mixed farming period, men exchanged cattle for wives. In the late mixed farming period, this practice continued, but it became much more common and widespread thanks to the dominance of livestock herding, and the practice became known as lobolo (bride wealth usually in the form of livestock). Through lobolo, men could enhance their wealth, because the more wives they had, the more fields could be cultivated – and since more wives also meant more children, the patriarch would also have more labour available to look after livestock and for other activities. In the late mixed farming period, the practice of mafisa was introduced, which did not appear to have been prevalent in the early mixed farming period. Mafisa involved richer livestock owners lending cattle to poorer members of society, who could then use the milk and sometimes meat. In this way, the rich livestock owner built up a group of loyal dependents, who in turn increased his political influence in society. The last cultural practice, which characterised both periods, was initiation. Initiation ceremonies involved both boys and girls, and these ceremonies were important rites of passage to help mould them into responsible adults in society. Architecture and art The late mixed farmers continued to dwell in houses similar to those built in the earlier period. These houses were circular in shape, and poles, reeds, dhaka (mud) and grass were used as building material. A significant change in late mixed farming period, however, was the extensive use of stone as building material. This is evidenced by Late Iron Age stone ruins in parts of KwaZulu-Natal, Gauteng, Limpopo, Free State and Zimbabwe. Mixed farmers from both periods practised pottery-making and art. Being crop cultivators, they manufactured clay pots for the purpose of storing food. However, pottery also had a symbolic meaning. Pots were associated with puberty rituals, and the decoration of pots used in trading was often a method of signifying and reaffirming social relations between villages, based on the exchange of cereal crops. HSY1512/119 Other examples of art are bone, soapstone and ivory carvings as well as ceramic images of animals. These animal figurines may well have been used during ritual ceremonies and were probably also used to teach children proper social behaviour. The mixed farmers also made rock engravings which clearly differed from those made by the San. Whereas the San depicted animals, humans and symbols that formed part of their religious beliefs, the engravings performed by the mixed farmers showed homesteads and sometimes humans, animals and weapons such as shields. Religion With regard to religion, it is likely that there was more continuity than differences between the early and late mixed farming periods, and both societies followed a form of traditional African religion. The late mixed farmers were ancestors of the present Bantu-speaking people, and their religion seems to have been similar in many respects to more modern forms of African traditional religion. They believed in a Superior Being with whom they communicated through their ancestors. Objects which are thought to have served as religious symbols have also been discovered in some late mixed farming sites. One example is soapstone images of birds and snakes that were found at Great Zimbabwe. It is believed that these soapstone birds symbolised the ancestors of the late mixed farming communities and therefore had an important role to play in religion.9 Political organisation Due to a larger population because of their mixed farming practices, the early mixed farmers needed some form of formal political structure, although during this period it was still small-scale. Villages were small, and the fact that buildings were very similar to each other indicates that their society was not yet highly stratified. Villages generally did not accumulate more wealth than other villages, which meant each village operated more or less on its own and shared resources with neighbours. There were therefore no large chiefdoms, states or kingdoms. Within each village, there were certainly some individuals who were wealthier than others, which meant that at some villages there was a form of chiefdom, where the chief would settle disputes and organise food production effectively. As time progressed, however, and wealth increased because of the growing importance of livestock, political structures also changed. By the time of the late mixed farming period, several communities enjoyed a significant increase in wealth due to the ownership of livestock and their trading activities. As a result, their political structures became more sophisticated, as a clear divide between rich and poor emerged in more highly stratified societies. In addition, the late mixed farming communities had much larger populations, and, as a result, they required more hierarchical political and social structures for these large communities to function effectively. The wealthiest men assumed the role of powerful chiefs, who maintained their power through their control of livestock and trade. Chiefdoms became the basic political unit of the late period as a result. Several chiefdoms would combine under the rule of a single chief, and thus the foundations for the formation of states and kingdoms were laid. As one chiefdom absorbed smaller chiefdoms, it became increasingly powerful. This process eventually led to the emergence of states and kingdoms, such as Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe. 9 T.N. Huffman, Snakes and Crocodiles: Power and Symbolism in Great Zimbabwe ( Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1996), 134–136. 20 LEARNING UNIT 1: Precolonial societies: hunter-gatherers, hunter-herders and mixed farmers ACTIVITY 1.8 Access the module website for Activity 1.8 1.6 HOW DID THE MIXED FARMING COMMUNITIES INTERACT WITH THE PRECOLONIAL KHOIKHOI AND SAN? The early mixed farming communities moved into territory inhabited by San hunter- gatherers and Khoikhoi hunter-herders. However, they did not occupy all the land and automatically displace the original inhabitants of the region. On the contrary, their presence sometimes encouraged hunter-gatherers to settle in the same area, making it possible for the two societies to interact for their mutual benefit. At first the mixed farmers had only sporadic relations with the Khoikhoi and San. They regarded the San as inferior to their more nuanced economy and settled lifestyle. On the other hand, they also admired the San for their environmental knowledge, rain-making skills and spirituality.10 As more substantial farming villages emerged, this interaction became more complex, and long-term alliances were established. Although some Khoikhoi and San communities were hostile to the incursion of the mixed farmers into their traditional territory and withdrew from areas occupied by the newcomers, the mixed farmers coexisted and interacted with the Khoikhoi and San for many centuries, usually peacefully through trade, intermarriage and clientship. The Khoikhoi and San probably acted as hunters, rain-makers, tool makers, healers and herders for the mixed farmers in exchange for food (agricultural crops) and iron implements. While some Khoikhoi and San communities adopted some or all of the new farming techniques as well as social and cultural practices, others maintained their culture and traditional lifestyle. Bantu-speaking mixed farmers, on the other hand, were also influenced by their interaction with the Khoikhoi and San. For example, linguists have shown that the ‘click’ sounds in the Zulu and Xhosa languages are borrowings from the Khoikhoi and San languages. 1.7 CONCLUSION In this learning unit we have explored the lifestyles of the precolonial San hunter- gatherers, Khoikhoi hunter-herders and mixed farming communities of southern Africa. These are the people whose descendants – following lifestyles very similar to those of their predecessors – you will meet in the remaining learning units which focus on the early colonial history of South Africa. We have traced important continuities in lifestyle through time, but have also indicated how precolonial economies became progressively more varied and complicated: from hunter-gathering to hunter-herding and eventually mixed farming. We have seen how these transitions occurred very gradually and only in those parts of the sub- continent where environmental conditions were suitable. Moreover, we have noted how new economies did not necessarily replace the former, but rather interacted and often co-existed with earlier economies in the same geographical region. Another major focus of the unit was to show how continuity and change in terms of economy affected the social and political organisation of the precolonial societies, 10 Parkington and Hall, ‘The Appearance of Food Production in Southern Africa’, 92–97. HSY1512/121 ultimately culminating in powerful Late Iron Age states based on enormous wealth, successful food production and international trading connections. Remember this when you read in Learning Unit 2 about how the early Dutch settlement at the Cape almost collapsed during the 1650s. Lastly, we have taken a brief look at how the precolonial communities interacted with one another through different forms of conflict and cooperation – a theme that runs through all the learning units. In the next learning unit, we introduce you to a new people entering southern Africa in the mid-seventeenth century – people with a European cultural background, perceptions of individual land ownership, a money economy and firearms – and the significant impact that this development would have on the history of southern Africa. 22 2 LEARNING UNIT 2 2 The establishment of a dutch settlement at the Cape Dutch LEARNING OUTCOMES When you have completed this learning unit, you will be able to answer the following questions: Why did Europe manage to build its power to the extent that it began to dominate other parts of the world? Why did Portugal and the Netherlands become prominent European powers? What was the Dutch East India Company and what were its objectives? Why was a refreshment station established on the Cape coast of southern Africa in the middle of the 17th century? 2.1 INTRODUCTION One of the questions facing scholars of the modern world is that of the rise and expansion of Europe. There is nothing automatic or self-evident about the fact that it was Europe, rather than any other part of the world, that was the first to expand beyond its own boundaries, found colonies of settlement, and come to conquer large parts of the world’s population. This unit will briefly outline some of the achievements of the non-European world and explain Europe’s rise to dominance which commenced in the 15th century. It will then discuss the establishment of a colonial settlement by the Dutch in Table Bay at the Cape. We focus on the following: Europe and the non-European world the emergence of Portugal as a world power the rise of the Netherlands the foundation and objectives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) the foundation of a refreshment station at the Cape 2.2 EUROPE AND THE NON-EUROPEAN WORLD The process known as the ‘expansion of Europe’ has often been seen as the basis of the ‘birth of the modern world’ or the equivalent of the ‘rise of modernity’. Many people have regarded European politics, economics, ideas, and culture as central in shaping modern history, and suggested that European actions arising from its alleged superior civilisation enabled Europeans to dominate world events from the 15th century through to the 20th century. HSY1512/123 It can be strongly argued, however, that the ‘rise of Europe’ was never inevitable, and neither was European power certain. Indeed, if one looks at the period before European power and influence in world affairs began to increase during the 15th century (the period from the 10th to the 14th centuries), other regions of the world significantly outstripped Europe in terms of technological sophistication. We can take a few examples briefly: The development of agriculture. In most parts of the world, agriculture had been established for many centuries, to as far back as between 6000 and 8000 years ago. Before this, people survived mainly by hunting and gathering, and sometimes by herding livestock, but agriculture enabled greater quantities of food to be produced for larger numbers of people, and the world’s population could gradually increase. This process was not accidental, but involved a great deal of experimentation. In this process, the world’s great staple foods emerged: maize, wheat and rice. None of these was produced in Europe. The earliest evidence of maize cultivation is to be found in Central America, of wheat production in the Middle East and in northern Africa, and rice in the eastern parts of Asia. The development of non-agricultural economic activities. Once agriculture was well established, and food supplies secure and able to support a growing population, societies could develop knowledge in other spheres of life and become involved in non-agricultural pursuits. In China,

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