The Crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s - Reforms, Trade Unions and Liberal Movements PDF

Okay, I will convert the attached document/image into a structured markdown format. Here's the result: # Chapter 15: The crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s: government attempts to reform Apartheid ## Unit 1: Contradictions of Apartheid emerge: The pass system breaks down, labour movements become mor...

Okay, I will convert the attached document/image into a structured markdown format. Here's the result: # Chapter 15: The crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s: government attempts to reform Apartheid ## Unit 1: Contradictions of Apartheid emerge: The pass system breaks down, labour movements become more powerful, and the economy is dependent on black labour By the 1980s, it was clear that the Apartheid system – as started in 1948 and reformed in 1959 - was no longer workable. ### 1.1 Contradictions of Apartheid emerge Apartheid as a system began to collapse under the contradictions of economic life in South Africa: 1. The demands of a rapidly growing economy meant that more black labour was needed by businesses in the towns. The old concept of 'surplus' black labour no longer made any sense. Also, many black people were aware of the increasing need for labour in the economy and did not wait to be invited to make their way to the 'white' cities. 2. It was not possible to keep black people in their designated homelands - for the main reason that these homelands were not economically viable [able to exist without external support]: * they comprised only 13% of the country * most of them were split into various pieces * they were economically dependent on the 'white' South African government. South Africans of all races depended on each other for employment. They needed to be integrated to ensure that the country could move towards a prosperous future. ### 1.2 The pass system breaks down Pass Laws in various forms had been enforced by white governments in South Africa for many years, in order to restrict black people's movement around the country. Black South Africans were not allowed into 'white' areas unless they had a pass - that is, permission to be there. This was intensified when diamonds and gold were discovered and mined by white prospectors. Black people were wanted for their labour, but were not allowed to become part of the communities that sprang up in the mining areas. This separation was enforced more rigidly when gold and diamonds were mined on a large scale, and through companies. The Pass Laws designed by the National Party in the 1950s were far more severe. Black people needed a 'dompas' to live for any length of time in 'white' areas, which made up about 87% of the country, Failure to carry such a pass meant that a person would be deported to the homeland of his or her ethnic group. This system was enforced throughout the 1960s and 1970s. **Key words** **deported** - sent back to the place they had come from **ethnic group** - a social group that consists of members who define themselves, or are defined, through the sharing of a specific history. This may include religious beliefs, and a common language and culture. The Apartheid state stressed the importance of ethnic groups in order to try to keep black people divided. In the 1980s the Pass Laws became very difficult and expensive to enforce, because many people chose, or were forced, to ignore them. The homelands were unable to provide the people living there with employment, and rural people were streaming into the urban areas to find jobs. The laws also did not suit the modernising South African economy, which needed black labour that was readily available. The Pass Laws were scrapped in 1986. ### 1.3 Labour movements become more powerful; the economy is dependent on black labour The numbers of black labourers in the cities was growing. Despite the government's attempts to keep black workers in the homelands, they needed the work available in the white urban areas and these areas needed them. It was not possible to maintain Apartheid South Africa without a large contribution from black workers. Trade unions in South Africa were initially for whites, but this changed with the formation of the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) in 1979 and the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in 1982. These trade unions soon became militant and engaged in strike action. FOSATU merged with the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), which was formed in 1985. The influence of workers, and the increasingly powerful labour movements and trade unions, are described in Chapter 16. Necessary economic integration also made 'petty Apartheid' laws problematic. Under P.W. Botha the government moved away from them by allowing people of all races to use 'international hotels'; removing separate entrances for whites and 'non-whites' in facilities such as parks, cinemas and theatres; and abolishing laws such as the Mixed Marriages Act and the Immorality Act. Some critics complained that all these alterations to the system were made merely for show, and to quieten international criticism of the Apartheid regime. Others argued that nothing would have changed without the economic need for more black labour. However, the changes did signify a move away from the 'grand Apartheid' of the 1950s and 1960s. *Image: a black and white drawing of a person with missing limbs surrounded by the words 'Free South Africa'* Source A: Original anti-Apartheid poster drawn by Keith Haring (1985, www.haring.com) showing how a minority in South Africa tried to keep a majority under control The South African government recently announced the abolition of the hated Pass Laws, the network of statutes and regulations that controlled the lives of millions of black South Africans. What is the significance of scrapping the Pass Laws? Is it cosmetic or is it really significant? No, it is not cosmetic. Abolishing the Pass Laws certainly alleviates hardship for many thousands of black migrant workers and their families. It is inconceivable that one could honestly be unaware of how badly these people were harassed, persecuted and demoralized by this supremely evil system of human manipulation. But before one gets too flushed with excitement about 'significant acts of reform' let's pause for a moment and remind ourselves that the Pass Laws were but one of an armoury of Apartheid measures. The Pass Laws prohibited freedom of movement from rural to urban areas, but in the urban areas freedom of association is still prohibited in a wide range of activities. The laws still classify people according to race [and] allocate them to residential areas where community facilities such as schools, welfare, transportation and housing stand out as officially created symbols of racial deprivation. To abolish the Pass Laws without abolishing these other racist instruments begs the question – why the Pass Laws, now? Why not all other discriminatory laws? I believe it is because the government is slowly and painfully, under internal and external pressure, jettisoning [doing away with] Apartheid measures without being prepared to accept the consequences that must flow from it - the end of white domination and the inevitability of non-racial political participation in government. # Unit 2: The 1982 Urban Bantu (Black Local) Authorities Act - an attempt to give more power to local councillors in the townships; the tricameral system This unit looks at the attempts of P.W. Botha's government to reform the Apartheid system in South Africa, in order to make it more acceptable to everyone. This was not possible, as Apartheid's critics wanted the system to be abolished and not reformed. Botha made some changes to the system, but did not go far enough to be successful. ## 1.1 The 1982 Urban Bantu (Black Local) Authorities Act The Black Local Authorities Act of 1982 was an attempt to give more power to local councillors in the townships. P.W. Botha amended an already-existing act regulating black people in the cities. This was the Urban Bantu Councils Act of 1961. The new act created local government structures (or authorities) that would be elected by the residents of black townships, in a system similar to the one in ‘white' areas. This reform was an improvement on the previous system of community councils, which had very little power indeed. It gave residents a limited form of local autonomy because the councillors were responsible for township administration. The residents were to contribute to the budget for the area, which would be met by local rents and levies. However, black township residents were still a long way from having the same power as their white counterparts. They remained under the control of the relevant minister in the whites-only government, and did not have access to Parliament. The act became effective in August 1983 and was immediately resisted for not promoting political rights for black people. Strikes, boycotts and general resistance occurred. These often ended in violent clashes between people who supported the act and stood as councillors, and people who were against the act. There were also violent clashes between the security forces and protestors. People died in the violence and it was difficult to keep law and order. The Black Local Authorities Act was typical of much of the legislation being put forward by the P.W. Botha government. It was more inclusive than previous Apartheid legislation, but did not get near to satisfying the aspirations of black people. It was also criticised by the white right-wing, led by Andries Treurnicht of the Conservative Party (CP), for giving too much power to black people. ## 1.2 The tricameral system 'Tricameral' means ‘having three chambers'. This planned reconstruction of the parliamentary system was the Botha government's most elaborate attempt to reform the system of Apartheid. The plans for the new system were organised by one of P.W. Botha's closest associates, Chris Heunis, the leader of the National Party (NP) in the Cape. The proposals were put to a public vote in a referendum in November 1983. The reforms offered more power to coloured and Indian voters, by giving them their own chambers in an expanded parliament with three chambers instead of one. The Senate was abolished and was replaced by a multiracial State President's Council. The proposals also gave the office of the state president increased powers. The president now became an executive state president (like the president of the USA), and acquired the combined powers of the previous state president and prime minister. He would be elected for a period of seven years by an electoral college consisting of 50 white members, 25 coloured members and 13 Indian members. This new system was likely to keep the state president in power for many years. This new system split parliament three ways: there was a White House of Assembly, consisting of 178 members, a Coloured House of Representatives, consisting of 857 members, and an Indian House of Delegates, consisting of 45 members. These proportions were justified by the rough population ratio of whites to coloureds to Indians, 4:2:1. The three houses met separately to debate 'own affairs' matters, but met as one group to discuss 'general affairs' matters. Whites had a built-in majority in the joint sittings of the three houses. This built-in majority was also secured in the upper house, the President's Council, where the three racial groups were represented on the same ratio as in the lower houses, 4:2:1. Moreover, the ruling party in the white house, the National Party, had the right to nominate most of the white members of the President's Council. In this way, the government ensured that no 'ganging up' of white liberals, coloureds, and Indians could defeat the NP in the President's Council. No provision was made for African representation – this continued to be handled through the homeland system. This was the main criticism levelled against the tricameral parliament, as well as the fact that it was obviously based on the Apartheid race classification system. In the whites-only referendum of November 1983, voters were asked whether or not they supported the tricameral system. Those who were happy with the proposed reforms – i.e. in favour of extending power to some extent – voted in favour of them. The conservatives and reactionaries in the country, who did not want change of any kind, voted against them. The biggest challenge was for liberal whites, who were faced with the following dilemma: it was obvious that the reforms did not go far enough, since the black African majority was excluded. Yet a 'no' vote might put a stop to all reform, which was also not acceptable. Among liberals, some decided to boycott the referendum, others chose to spoil their ballots and some voted 'no' because the reforms did not go far enough. Botha's reforms received the support of a large majority of white voters. The vote was 66% in favour of the reforms compared with 33.5% against, roughly 2 to 1 in favour of the tricameral system. The percentage of spoilt ballots was 0.5%. The new constitution took effect in September 1984. However, it was not supported by most coloured or Indian voters. This became clear when a large majority of coloured and Indian people boycotted the elections held for the House of Representatives (coloured house) and the House of Delegates (Indian house). **Key words** **reactionary** – a person who opposes political or social progress or reform **liberal** a person who believes in social change through reform rather than revolution *Image: Flow chart describing the State President and Cabinet structure* # Chapter 16: The crisis of Apartheid in the 1980s: Internal resistance to reforms ## Unit 1: Growing power of the trade union movement from 1973 As we learnt in Chapter 15. for many years only white workers were allowed to belong to trade unions in South Africa. The first black trade union was formed by Clements Kadalie, South Africa's first black national trade union leader, in 1919. This was the well-known and influential Industrial and Commercial Workers' Union The next union to represent black workers was the non-racial South African Trades and Labour Council, in the 1930s, The South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), which was aligned to the ANC, was formed in 1955, It had a militant approach, which did not endear it to the government, Although SACTU was not banned along with the ANC and the PAC in 1960, many of its members were banned or restricted and so it was forced underground. Also, many trade unionists went into exile, and the trade union movement lost effectiveness as a result, *Image: Poster from the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU) reading "An Injury To One Is An Jury To All"* Source A: Poster of the South African Congress of Trade Unions. The slogan indicates international support for the trade unions. This poster was issued by the Boycott Outspan Campaign in Belgium in 1985. This campaign strengthened the trade union movement by raising international awareness. (Source: South African History Archive) ### 1.1 Black workers rediscover the power of labour From 1973, however, there was a new burst of trade union activity. As a result of poor work and living conditions, and of the new ideas put forward by the Black Consciousness Movement, a wave of strikes for higher wages swept through the country, starting with a dockworkers' strike in Durban. This strike spread to other workers in Durban, until about 100 000 workers were involved. It then spread to Pietermaritzburg and other areas of South Africa Workers began to feel their power. They saw that they could influence the economy, and that they could use this to put pressure on the government to make political changes **Key word** **militant** - ready or eager to fight in support of a political or social cause Following 1976 and the Soweto Uprising, the government decided to change labour regulations. It was now obvious that reform was needed to try to prevent labour unrest The government was finally being forced to recognise trade unions and to listen to what they had to say. ### 1.2 Rapidly growing membership *Image: A gathering of people during an anti-Apartheid rally* *Image: National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) emblem* After the strikes in 1973, the government came under pressure, from two groups other than workers, to accept black trade unions: * Employers had, under the influence of the trade unions, been putting pressure on the government to reconsider its position on the legality of trade unions. Business leaders needed to employ black people in more skilled positions and deal with black workers' demands more constructively. They believed that this could be achieved by legalising black trade unions and working with them to address their grievances. * International pressure groups, also, were demanding that the South African government change its policy and legalise black trade unions. This pressure increased following the general discontent in the country after the Soweto Uprising of 1976. In 1977 a commission was set up under Nicholas Wiehahn to probe the matter. The Wiehahn Commission recommended that black trade unions be allowed to form. This recommendation was implemented from 1979 and the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) was formed that year. FOSATU aimed to strengthen the bargaining position of black workers and work towards improved wages and working conditions for black workers. FOSATU was the first non-racial trade union federation in the country for many years and was influential in redefining the economic landscape of South Africa. The Wiehahn Commission's decision was a major turning point for black workers, as it meant that racial discrimination in trade-union membership had come to an end. The government attempted to enforce the registration of all trade unions, because it wanted to monitor their activities. Many of the unions were suspicious of this government interference and refused to register The Industrial Relations Amendment Act, which was passed in 1981, extended government control over both registered and unregistered trade unions. Despite these restrictions, the amount and types of unions grew rapidly. The Council of Unions of South Africa (CUSA), a Black Consciousness-aligned federation, was formed in 1980. The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) was created in 1982. The large membership and power base of this body meant that it soon became involved in political conflict with the government. This led to discontent among some white members, who remained loyal to right-wing political parties and felt threatened by the turn of events. In 1983, many of the unions declared their clear political stance when they connected with other anti-Apartheid organisations in the country to form the United Democratic Front (UDF), a body that was against the formation of the Tricameral Parliament. The UDF soon identified itself with the Freedom Charter of 1955, the primary policy statement of the ANC and its allies. In fact, it soon came to be seen as a kind of unofficial internal wing of the ANC ### 1.3 Political alliance formed with communities and liberation movements Now that workers had a greater voice through the unions, they felt more confident in forming links with community organisations such as churches (especially those linked to the South African Council of Churches), and students and women's groups. Many of the UDF's members were local, civic organisations that focused on single community issues, such as housing, rentals, service charges, and bus and train fare increases, These organisations often organised boycotts and stay-aways, which sometimes led to violent clashes with the police. Liberation movements such as the UDF, the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO) and the Azanian Students' Organisation (AZASO) were in tune with the trade unions and civic organisations. Getting rid of Apartheid soon became the main purpose of all these organisations. If the unions stood together they could undertake large-scale action against the government, which would have to take note of their demands. United action by the unions also meant the end, in Apartheid South Africa, of small labour-related and political incidents that the government had found easy to suppress. Although there had been discussions about unions joining forces since 1981, it was only in June 1985, at a meeting in Soweto chaired by Cyril Ramaphosa of the NUM, that the idea of unity really took off. There were still some disagreements about the form of the unified body, as the 33 unions involved did not all have the same view of what their structure should be. They were, however, united in their opposition to Apartheid, the South African government, and in the desire to achieve better wages and working conditions. In November 1985, the new federation of trade unions - called the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) - was inaugurated in Durban. FOSATU merged with the new federation. The first president of COSATU was Elijah Barayi, and its first general secretary was Jay Naidoo. Both men wanted to undertake militant action against the Apartheid government on behalf of the workers. However, they realised that much organising still needed to be done, In 1987, COSATU adopted the Freedom Charter of 1955. There were, however, still those within the black trade unions who wanted to focus more narrowly on workers' demands. These members were called 'workerists', while those who wanted to focus on broader political demands came to be known as 'Charterists'. However, with time, COSATU became more politically orientated, COSATU gained a great deal of support, and this increased the strength of trade union action at the time. There was a major work stay-away on 1 May 1986, with workers demanding the declaration in South Africa of the official May Day holiday commemorated in other parts of the world. The government complained that COSATU was simply a front organisation for the banned ANC and started to act against it. Another institution that was not pleased with the launch of COSATU was the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), which at the time had many differences with the ANC. *Image: an anti-apartheid poster with the slogan 'UDF Unites - Aparthied Divides'* *Image: a COSATU (Congress of South African Trade Unions) poster with the slogan 'Workers Unite'* The IFP was a Zulu-based cultural organisation which had become a political party. Its leader, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, favoured capitalism and a separate identity and territory for the Zulu people, Rivalries, and later conflict, developed between the UDF (and later its ally, the ANC) and Inkatha. Like the government, Inkatha believed that COSATU was a front for the ANC It decided to take the initiative and create its own trade union association, and launched the United Workers' Union of South Africa (UWUSA) in Durban on 1 May 1986. There is no doubt that this organisation saw itself as a rival to COSATU, and there were suspicions that it was supported and funded by the government. One of the reasons for this was that it opposed international disinvestment from South Africa, which COSATU supported. In later years it was revealed that the organisation had received financial support of over a million rand from the South African security police. Another trade union organisation that was formed in 1986 was NACTU, the National Council of Trade Unions. In this case CUSA joined with the Azanian Confederation of Trade Unions (ACTU) to promote the ideals of Black Consciousness among workers. NACTU was against COSATU's non-racialism and wanted to uphold the principle of blacks-only leadership in trade unions. On the other hand, it supported COSATU's stand against overseas investment in South Africa and opposed UWUSA's attempt to encourage investment in the country. *Image: Mangosuthu Buthelezi at the rally to launch UWUSA in 1986* In August 1987, the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), affiliated with COSATU, launched the biggest strike in South Africa's history, for improved wages and working condition. At its height, more than 350 000 workers were on strike. After three weeks, the strike ended Significant gains had been made, but a number of people had lost their lives and some 50 000 lost their jobs. The unions were further restricted in 1988, when the government banned them from taking part in political or 'non-union' activities In August 1989 they began a mass defiance campaign against the government that included stay-aways and boycotts. But major political changes were in fact just around the corner. In 1990, COSATU joined forces with the recently unbanned ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) to form the Tripartite Alliance. COSATU is now the largest trade union congress in the country, with some 2.2 million registered members. It has significant influence on the ruling political party as a member of the Tripartite Alliance. ## Unit 2: Response to Botha's 'reforms' The reforms that P.W. Botha attempted to bring about in South Africa were not successful, because they did not match the wishes of the majority of its people. They were seen by many South Africans as merely re-packaging the same system of Apartheid A slogan Botha used was 'Adapt or die,' but in reality his reforms were only cosmetic He did away with some restrictive laws, including the ban on interracial marriage and the pass system that had prevented black people from living anywhere except in their designated areas. But many South Africans were expecting, or wanted, more. Botha's address to Parliament on 15 August 1985, which came to be known as the 'Rubicon Speech', was a great disappointment to most South Africans and the international community as he failed to announce any fundamental changes. The Rubicon Speech obtained its name from a line in P.W. Botha's speech, ‘Today we have crossed the Rubicon'. This means to commit oneself to a crucial action and its consequences, to pass a point of no return. Botha was ridiculed for this statement because during his speech he failed to commit himself to ending or even reforming Apartheid. As a result, various organisations became even more united in their determination to oppose Botha's reformed system of Apartheid. The reforms had managed only to humiliate and anger large numbers of people, and there were now many ordinary citizens who were prepared to resist them and participate in mass action against the government. They saw that past protests had achieved some results, and vowed to remain steadfast in their opposition in order to bring about major change in the country. This mass action was led by a number of civic organisations. The idea was to make the country ungovernable at the local, 'grass-roots' level. This was a new development. Another important aspect was the continued involvement of the youth. Many of the protestors were young people. Protests in Tumahole, outside Parys, and in Sharpeville, near Vereeniging, were led by children aged between 13 and 15. ### 2.1 New methods of mobilisation New methods of mobilisation included help by various Churches to communities organising resistance. This included collecting funds, making church halls available and supporting the families of those in jail. Clergymen went on protest marches, the best-known of them being Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Earlier Tutu had been secretary general of the South African Council of Churches, which had supported disinvestment and sanctions, non-violent options to hasten change. ### 2.2 Labour's 'rolling mass action' The concept of 'rolling mass action' played a key role in the liberation of South Africa. It referred to the process whereby workers united and took action through methods such as boycotts and strikes. As time went on it gained enormous momentum, and Botha came to see it as part of a 'total onslaught' of forces that wanted to 'destroy South Africa'. For this reason, rolling mass action was not an easy path. P.W. Botha's government responded to anti-Apartheid resistance by severely repressing the people and organisations opposed to his policies by police action and detention. The boycotts and strikes spread and there were frequent violent clashes with the police. The unrest soon became a mass uprising, spreading rapidly from the industrial centre of the Reef to the Eastern Cape, as well as to the townships outside Cape Town and to areas of Bophuthatswana and the Ciskei. In January 1985, the ANC called on South Africans to make the townships 'ungovernable. Within months, some of the Eastern Cape townships became war zones where activists, many of them very young, clashed with the police, sometimes on a daily basis. Further protests and violence took place in March 1985, on the 25th anniversary of the Sharpeville shootings. At a protest march in Uitenhage, 19 people died after being shot by police. This inflamed the situation in the country even more and the civic associations continued with their call for a rents and services boycott throughout the country. Eventually, by early 1987, the revolt in the townships died down and relative calm was restored. However, residents continued to refuse to pay rent and to boycott elections for local councils. ### 2.3 Mass civic action to make the country ungovernable Civic action was the action taken by concerned citizens to oppose what the government was doing. They were not happy about being denied the right to vote and the right to have a say in their community. As a result, they started protests to express their dissatisfaction and to try to force the government to respond to their demands for a change to the undemocratic system. **Role of civics** The role of the civic organisations created by the people was to address essential services and township grievances: * Women made their voices heard against rent increases and the demolition of homes made from shacks. * Communities started long-term projects such as advice offices and culture clubs. * Communication among people and groups was improved by the publication of newsletters, newspapers and pamphlets. For example, a civic association might organise a rent boycott in order to force a reduction in rental charges and to try to secure the resignation of the local council, which was seen as made up of government collaborators. The rent strike might be accompanied by a boycott of the local schools and a work stay-away. There were several strong organisations opposing the Apartheid government at this stage. ### The United Democratic Front (UDF) In January 1983, the Reverend Allan Boesak called for all who were opposed to the new constitutional proposals to join hands in solidarity. In August 1983, the United Democratic Front (UDF) was formed at a meeting held in Mitchell's Plain in Cape Town. Boesak brought the crowd to their feet with his 'three little words - all. here and now. We want all our rights, we want them here and we want them now.' The UDF was a very democratic organisation and all its affiliates had equal voting powers on committees. It was also an organisation that was deliberately decentralised so that the state would not be able to destroy it easily. At one stage, the UDF had about 700 affiliates, over two million members and the support of the World Council of Churches Its affiliates included trade unions civic organisations, and student and youth organisations *Image: Poster criticising the Apartheid government* The UDF operated in a strictly democratic way Its decisions were taken by majority votes or democratic consensus [agreement] It launched marches and demonstrations, mass boycotts, and stay aways and attracted a great deal of public attention In this way, it was highly effective in driving home its political points and achieving massive publicity The government began to fear its effectiveness and detained many of its leaders under the states of emergency from mid-1985 One group that was critical of the UDF was the National Forum, a Black Consciousness organisation. The National Forum felt that the UDF was too ready to allow the participation of white members. It aimed at the reconstruction of society in a socialist and Africanist direction. It never, however, succeeded in attracting the mass support of the UDF ### Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) The UDF was severely restricted in February 1988. This was after the government renewed and extended the state of emergency in South Africa, and effectively banned the UDF from functioning. As a result, the organisation transformed itself into a loose Mass Democratic Movement (MDM)), consisting mainly of elements of the UDF and COSATU. An attempt was made to broaden the base of resistance to Apartheid. The MDM formed closer links with COSATU, and also formed ties with the still-banned ANC **Key words** state of emergency - a proclamation issued by a country's government to give extended powers to the police and the army in order to suppress unrest ### End Conscription Campaign (ECC) From the late 1970s onwards, the compulsory military service of young white men had been extended from nine months to two years, with various camps, parades and other military commitments to be attended afterwards. The End Conscription Campaign (ECC) supported conscientious objectors to military service. It proposed various alternative ways in which young men could serve their country instead of putting on a uniform, for example, public service. During the 1970s, most of the small number of men who objected to military service did so for pacifist or religious reasons Pena