Apartheid South Africa PDF

Summary

This document provides information about apartheid in South Africa. It summarizes several laws and policies from the period, as well as the roles of key figures in the apartheid regime. The document details different policies and acts during this period in South Africa.

Full Transcript

Utd Weakness Nats Strengths - Smuts tired - Smear campaign - No clear solution - Appeal to Africaaners To race issues - Toned down Anti-Uk sentiment...

Utd Weakness Nats Strengths - Smuts tired - Smear campaign - No clear solution - Appeal to Africaaners To race issues - Toned down Anti-Uk sentiment - Clear message: apartheid ELECTORAL SYSTEM The Department of Native Affairs i. Hendrik Verwoerd was an ideologist. He worked closely with Werner Eiselen, the department secretary, who was very insistent on advocating for apartheid. Ii. Eiselen defended the apartheid by stating that it was important to protect Africans from western influences, as they had always seemed to affect Africans in a negative manner. Eiselen felt that Africans should not develop alongside western lines but instead build within their own culture. Iii. Within the segregated locations on the edge of urban centres, In the early 1950s, there was an estimated shortage of 170,000 housing units. In order to aid in dwindling African opposition to apartheid, the department provided mass-produced, cheap, yet sufficient housing. Iv. The department was necessary for implementing apartheid as they had much more power. For example in 1952 the Labour Bureaux was introduced where the african workers were allocated specific jobs in specific locations, this controlled the African workers and minimised their movements, this alone ‘positively’ impacted the afrikaans. Moreover the department defeated the ​opposition against the apartheid V. The findings of the 1951 congress mainly highlighted the role of Africans in South Africa’s industries through calls on the government to set up a labour bureau. This meant that the liability of the cost of housing urban Africans was shifted to black people themselves as it was ensured that only African labour should be used in the building of African housing in Urban Africa. Group Areas Act (1950) - Allowed the government to designate areas of land to be occupied by a particular race - Others were evicted - Example: Sophiatown Native Laws Amendment Act (1952) It’s a criminal offence to not carry the new reference books Africans are not allowed to live in Urban areas unless they were born there, lived there for over 15 years or had been with the same employer for 10. Introduces a reference book containing the owner’s photograph, employment record and personal details. Beinart and Spink believe this act to be quite significant in the controls of Africans because, while other groups only had to carry identity cards, Africans were required to carry around the standardised, uncomfortable, complex reference book at all times. Spink claims that “ Professor Lewin pointed out that even if Africans want to obey the new pass laws, they would not be able to read much of the information on their reference books considering that many Africans were , and would tend Separate Representation of Voter Act - Malan’s government decided to remove the vote from ‘coloured’ people - Only white people (first men, then all white adults) could vote - ‘Coloured’ people’s right to vote protected by 1910 Constitution - Government tried to change the Constitution. United Party contested legality, upheld by Court of Appeal - Government created new body, High Court of Parliament, could overrule Court of Appeal Opposition Groups: (mostly made up of white people?) - Torch Commando (WW2 veterans) - Black Sash movement (mainly middle class white women) - Franchise Action Council (multi-racial) Reservation of Separate Amenities Act (1953) - This law had led to a massive growth of petty apartheid. - Separate amenities (public toilets, beaches, restaurants, etc) - Separate amenities did not have to be of equal quality - Supposedly, blacks are more happy with the simpler (run-down and rusty) quality of their amenities than whites would. - Due to the act, these were now under legal status The Bantu Education Act (1953) I. Why was education so important to the government? Through education, they can indoctrinate the separated ethnic groups, and therefore have control over them. II. What were the failings of the previous system? - Poor funding resulted in worn down buildings and scarce resources - Less than 33% of the african children attended school as education wasn’t mandatory for africans - Less than 40% of the existing african children in schools completed the final exam in standard six - African children with working parents and no form of education were left unsupervised and began developing anti-social behaviour and committing crimes - These children were blamed for the high crime rates in their respective locations III. What were the main terms of the act? - Moved control of African education from ministry of education to ministry of native affairs - Removed state subsidies from mission schools, many forced to close - Expanded government-run system - Set limit vocational-based curriculum - The work for the department of native affairs grew and gave management of 26,000 african teacher, due to this large workload another department was made called the department of Bantu Education IV. Why according to Source M, was it important for Black South Africans to have their own separate education? - Source M is a speech by the Head of the Department of Native Affairs, Hendrik Verwoerd. - They “must be guided to serve his own community in all respects” because they wouldn’t fit into the “European community” and don’t deserve the high level of education the White South Africans received. - Basically claimed all the education they’re good for is training for manual labour - In other words, it was important for blacks to have a separate education from and not to the standard as education for “the European community” because it’ll distance “him [the blacks] away from his own community”. V. What was the impact of the act? - As a result of the act, all churches, except for the Dutch Reformed Church, were against the Bantu Education Act. - The Government was insistent on the act and gave the mission school an ultimatum; they must be handed over to the government by December 1954, or to accept decreasing subsidies until they received none and the schools to become fully independent. As a result, the majority of the mission schools were closed. - Some Africans began operating their own unofficial school in their homes. When the government passed a law to outlaw unofficial education for Africans, they were renamed as ‘cultural clubs’. Though lack of funds forced these to close. VI. Why did the boycott fail? - Any children boycotting schools would not be readmitted. - Schools completely closed VII. Why was this act a failure in the long term for the apartheid government? - With the lack of opportunities for blacks as a result of the poor-quality education they’d gotten, or worse, none, it had politicised a new generation of blacks against the Apartheid regime. Apartheid laws summary task How far was the National Party electoral victory in 1948 a turning point in South Africa’s history? Use pp174-177 of Scott-Baumann Historian / Summary of their viewpoint Your opinion commentator (evidence to support, evidence against, your brief conclusion) Ivan Evans ‘Grand’ Apartheid was built on K: There is some truth to this, such as the Bantustan governments, which was pre-existing segregation laws. effectively developed from the Native Trusts While it was the ultimate goal, the and Land Act 1936. However, the Apartheid details of it only started to develop government did legislate laws that were arguably on another level, like the Bantu after the National Party took over. Education Act of 1953, which actually restricts the quality of education Blacks could receive. G: The idea of ‘Grand’ Apartheid definitely was built on some pre-existing segregation laws, the National Party did enforce these laws a lot more harshly and built upon them, suggesting that there was no grand plan but rather enforcements from previous laws to which the idea of ‘Grand’ Apartheid had eventually emerged in the late 1950s: The Natives Land Act of 1913 had only allowed the entitlement of land for Africans to 7% of South African land, the National party had only built on such an act through the Group Areas Act, which formally divided South Africa into territories for different races and entirely strip property rights in white areas from black people. However, the introduction of the Population Registration Act of 1950, which had set out a framework to eventually being even more harsh on Black South Africans, would suggest that the National Party’s plan of ‘Grand’ Apartheid had been planned out from the start rather than eventually materialising into an actual idea in the late 1950s as Ivan Evans argues. Allister Sparkes & - The National party simply G: I agree with Allister’s argument that the national party had codified and formalised Anthony Butler arranged and formalised existing systems in South African law. This the existing system in law. can be supported through the reinforcement of The Native Labour Regulation Act of 1911 through the National Party’s Pass Laws - Wondered whether the of 1952. The Pass Laws had essentially made United party would’ve lives for black Africans a lot more difficult done the same, with its and their personal privacy non-existent. However, I believe that the National Party policies similar to the did not simply codify and formalise existing National party’s, was also segregation laws but also expanded on the committed to white idea of ‘Grand’ Apartheid and segregation through the introduction of other laws: the supremacy and their Prohibition of mixed marriages / immorality responses to the issues acts of 1949, the Reservation of separate which arose. amenities act of 1953, The Bantu Education act, and the Public Safety Act. The National Party did build on existing laws and enforce them in a more viscous way but they also did add their own laws to enforce their idea of ‘Grand’ Apartheid and segregation. The Times (1948) Total segregation policy to be applied by nationalists cannot be carried out without legislation affecting native political rights, as this requires ⅔ majority of both houses of parliament sitting together → which Dr Malan cannot. G. H. L. Lemay While it was true that Apartheid K: I do agree for the most part. South Africa did receive condemnation from other was at a lower degree practised by commonwealth nations, and withdrew from the previous governments before the commonwealth. Radicalization of 1948. However, the National Africans was already underway before 1948, but the National Party’s victory certainly Party’s victory led to race accelerated it. becoming an official national issue, international relations soured and Africans grew more radical William Beinart & Acknowledges that there was no R: The National Party’s victory was not unexpected. The United Party’s leader, Saul Dubow complete blueprint in 1948 and Smuts, was old and tired which led to poor that the Apartheid system organisation of the party. Additionally, the developed over the following National Party used unfair tactics by accusing their opponents, particularly of years. supporting racial integration. However, I do agree that the Apartheid system was not developed immediately after the National Emphasised the lack of a master Party’s victory. Its progress began in the plan and said that the victory was ensuing years. unexpected, which justified why the party was to some extent unprepared for governance. Nelson Mandela It came as a shock that the Z: It wasn’t a surprise, the united party was poorly organised (smuts, the leader, was old National Party won, but now and tired.) Thus easy to be played unfair Africans would be certain who tactics upon through accusations (eg. racial their enemies are. Though he also integrations) saw the dangers of this harsh O: I personally did not find it as surprising as mindset, condemning apartheid as many people were unable to vote, while most “a crazy concept born of prejudice afrikaans could, thus they would have certainly chosen the National Party and fear”. promoting apartheid with much harsher terms. This is further no surprise as segregation had already began before 1948 so it was no surprise that the afrikaans wanted further power. OPPOSITION TO APARTHEID IN THE 1950s As you watch the presentations, make brief notes under the following headings. You can paste a link to your presentation for your own section. If people wish to share presentations afterwards you could also insert links here. Boycotts: Targeted at business that abused African Labour Women’s Pass Protest 1956: (failed) - The black sash (consisted of middle class white women fighting for (black) civil rights & anti-apartheid The Alexandra Bus Boycott 1957: (Success) - Putco services (bus) boycotted because capitalism (2p to 3p fare) (potato protest act name) 1957/1959: (Success) - employers mistreated african workers (poor working conditions) - protested by not buying/producing potatoes Shebeen Protests: (failed) - government owned bars attacked Cooperation & Mass Action: Main aim of Opposition Groups: - Civil Rights - Defeat Apartheid Durban Riots, January 1949: - Causes: War inflation Authorities did not attempt to put an end to the riots - Results: 142 deaths Unity Under Non-Violent Protest: Growing Militancy: The assertion rise of the opposition groups: - Mandela held youth leagues ANCYL; unification (not enough assertive) - ANC proposed alternatively (important people from ANCYL took up ANC roles) The Defiance Campaign 1952: - Non-violent manner (pass laws, segregation, disobeying laws) - Flood african presidents (all of south africa) - 8,500 protestants imprisoned - Government sent spies to try stop protests - ANC 4000 members than became 100,000 as protests gained attention. - Luthuli became leader/chief - most important educator in south africa (very active in ANC) - Apartheid government gave Luthuli option to either leave ANC or give up his chief position of education. End of Campaign: - Intended in 1953 January (6 months long) - ANC became big organization,very committed leaders - No violence policy Government repression: - Anyone accompanying someone guilty with crime is considered guilty until proven innocent Freedom Charter: Creation of freedom charter: - Volunteers listened africans out from across the country - Freedom Charter: 1955 presented to people's congress (near johannesburg) - Groups together called ‘congress..; - Everyone attending listed as people had been under banning orders. - Significance: wanted freedom to join trade unions, better housing conditions, better education etc. - Framed as communists The Treason Trial - 1560 people arrested - Later (leaders) released as no evidence - As leader ANC was limited by distance and couldnt publish anything for 5 years (later died) - Liberated people, but government made apartheid harsher Rural Unrest: Meaning: Disagreements in rural areas and spontaneous Extensive measure: More support in urban than rural areas Tribe leaders began to gain more power while the white government was losing it and were worried. Zeerust Uprising 1957: - Wanted to abolish the Passes (women burnt their passes) - Led by women - Boycott white-owned shopkeepers - Chief abraham dismissed as disobeying orders - Over 100 male protesters were arrested and 5 accused of murder East Pondoland: - 1960-1961 - All were under supervision - Rebellion suppressed by authorities and ended 1969 Pg: 202 Activities Study: pg 186 Task 1: Link: Secondary or Written by Date Primary Defiance Secondary South African 2000 Campaign 1952 History Online Rights and P… Secondary Nelson Mandela, 2013 Pg: 187 - 188 (primary sources published by Source Y included Abacus, London alongside) Public Statement Primary South African 1952 Chief Luthuli History Online sahistory.org.za/art Secondary & South African 1948-1952 icle/defiance-camp Primary within History Online aign-1952 March 2011 Defiance Secondary Published in Asian June, 26 1987 Campaign in SA, Times, London recalled Task 3: The problems and concerns each article may have been addressing. 1955 ANC Freedom Charter 1. The People Shall Govern: This article emphasised the need for democracy and self-determination. This article called for the inclusion of all South Africans in the governance of their country, irrespective of race. 2. All National Groups Shall Have Equal Rights: This article addressed the blatant discrimination against non-white South Africans. It demanded equal rights for all racial groups, challenging the oppressive apartheid policies that had institutionalised racial hierarchy and called for ending racial segregation entirely. 3. The People Shall Share in the Country's Wealth: Economic disparity was a major concern, with wealth concentrated in the hands of the white minority. This article advocated for equitable distribution of resources and economic opportunities among all citizens. 4. The Land Shall Be Shared Among Those Who Work It: This article called for a fair and just redistribution of land, aiming to end restrictions on movement and land ownership. 5. All Shall Be Equal Before the Law: This article sought to establish the principle of legal equality, ensuring that everyone, regardless of their race, would receive equal treatment under the law. 6. There Shall Be Work and Security: This article advocated for job opportunities and security for all South Africans, regardless of their racial background: equal pay for work, equal benefits, and the right to unionise. 7. The Doors of Learning and Culture Shall Be Opened: Apartheid policies limited educational opportunities for non-white South Africans. This article championed equal access to education, aiming to dismantle barriers to knowledge and culture. 8. There Shall Be Houses, Security, and Comfort: Many black South Africans lived in inadequate and overcrowded housing. This article called for the provision of decent housing and living conditions for all citizens. Sharpeville Massacre 1960 Task 1: The Pan African Congress Pan Africanist Congress African National Congress Views: - Believed that Africa - Was more against the belonged to black whole apartheid regime Africans only and that rather than a specific they had to fight for group of people liberation on their own - Believed everyone in - Argued that there was South Africa, no matter no place in Africa for their race, deserved whites and Indians equal rights - The PAC was - The ANC had some particularly opposed to sympathy for communism. communism but were not communist. - The PAC saw the liberation of South Africa from Apartheid in the same context of anti-colonial movements throughout AFrica. Wessels commission: they have been accused of conducting a whitewash (police acted in self defence against hostile crowd) Wessels Commission Of Inquiry Date: Friday 25 March 1960 To the respective members of the South African government: This report is written in regards to the recent massacre of Sharpeville on Monday March 21st of this year. We have been aware that there is a speculation that Wessels Commission Of Inquiry has seemingly made a ‘whitewashed’ report. According to our investigation of the incident, we’ve estimated that between 5,000 and 20,000 protesters gathered outside the police station at Sharpeville - out of those many 69, 18 of which were women and children, had been confirmed dead and 200 were severely injured. Upon reviewing the situation, we discovered that the protesters were trying to oppose the passes required for their work. The triggering for police to open fire is unknown, however there have been speculations around town. Allegedly, a drunken demonstrator–later identified as Geelbooi Mofokeng–had fired his pistol in the air at the same time a senior officer–Colonel ‘Att’ Spengler–had tripped, causing his colleagues to believe he’d been shot. Other possible motifs that have been theorised is that people were getting tense due to the extreme hot weather, the police were on edge from previous disturbances in Sharpeville where 9 of their colleagues had been killed in riots or the senior police officer incompetence due to lack of leadership and giving instructions. Though there are several theories, we can conclude that overall the police force is to be blamed for opening fire as no aggression was taking place within the protesters and the chief's police incompetence. Memo: From: John Vorster To: Subject: A Potential Solution to the Recent Protests I am writing to inform you that following the recent events of the Sharpeville Massacre, there is an urgent need for increased and harsher enforcement of repressive policies in South Africa. In July 1961 we will be setting up a new Police Reserve Unit. We feel it is necessary to implement due to the Bantu? the current influx of violent protests, their aggression is no surprise and it must be stopped. To further avoid any complications with the _ aggression we will begin the Sabotage Act. Within this act, anyone suspected of sabotage will be seen as guilty unless proven innocent and put on the list of death row. If the suspect is unwilling to talk, our police force will be able to use different ‘light’ methods to extract confessions from the guilty. No matter how difficult it may be, everyone cracks sooner or later, and it will be our job to find that cracking point. Thank you, John Vorster To what extent was the move to violence a reaction to the Sharpeville Massacre. Following the Sharpeville Massacre, it was acknowledged that methods of peaceful protest were highly ineffective. Anyone who participated in peaceful protests were subjected to violent and harsh repression by the South African government, including the use of armed forces. Armed Struggle uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) - ANC armed-wing fighting against Apartheid and aiming for a “rainbow nation” - Targeted government infrastructure - Minimise casualties, although they would eventually target military soldiers and law enforcement officers - Even then, they would not target civilians, black or white Poqo - Armed wing of the PAC. Like MK, fighting against the Apartheid regime. - Unlike MK, they are far more violent and more willing in inflicting casualties. - They killed black collaborators and any whites who got in their way. - ARM (African Resistance Movement, not to be confused w/ the Afrikaner Resistance Movement who were white supremacists) - Composed of mainly radical whites - They opposed Apartheid and were willing to use violent methods Rivonia Trial Following Sharpeville, the ANC turned to violence. Mandela went underground to create 'Umkhonto we Sizwe' (the Spear of the People), known as MK. The PAC (Pan African Congress) also set up a terrorist arm called Poqo (we go it alone). Mandela travelled around South Africa organising sabotage attacks which were aimed at targets such as power stations thus reducing any threat to human life. Oliver Tambo went abroad to establish the ANC in exile and to persuade foreign governments to put pressure on the South African government to end apartheid laws. Mandela managed to carry out his underground activities for seventeen months but was finally captured in 1962. His link with MK was at this point not known and so he was charged with 'leaving the country without permission' and given a five year prison sentence. However, the secret headquarters of MK were raided in 1963; as a result the police arrested nine members of MK and discovered the link of Mandela with the organisation. The arrested men were all put on trial in what became known as the Rivonia Trial which lasted from December 1963 - June 1964. The charge of 'recruiting people for training in sabotage and guerrilla warfare for the purpose of violent revolution', was very serious and the prosecution demanded the death penalty. Read the following sections of Mandela's statement which he made at the trial (if you want to read the whole speech you can find it online here) Extracts from Mandela’s speech at the Rivonia Trial The ideological creed of the ANC is, and always has been, the creed of African Nationalism. It is not the concept of African Nationalism expressed in the cry, `Drive the White man into the sea`. The African Nationalism for which the ANC stands is the concept of freedom and fulfilment for the African people in their own land. The most important political document ever adopted by the ANC is the `Freedom Charter`. It is by no means a blueprint for a socialist state. It calls for redistribution, but not nationalisation, of land; it provides for nationalisation of mines, banks, and monopoly industry, because big monopolies are owned by one race only, and without such nationalisation racial domination would be perpetuated despite the spread of political power. It would be a hollow gesture to repeal the Gold Law prohibitions against Africans when all gold mines are owned by European companies. In this respect the ANC`s policy corresponds with the old policy of the present Nationalist Party which, for many years, had as part of its programme the nationalisation of the gold mines which, at that time, were controlled by foreign capital. Under the Freedom Charter, nationalisation would take place in an economy based on private enterprise. The realisation of the Freedom Charter would open up fresh fields for a prosperous African population of all classes, including the middle class. The ANC has never at any period of its history advocated a revolutionary change in the economic structure of the country, nor has it, to the best of my recollection, ever condemned capitalist society. Our fight is against real, and not imaginary, hardships or, to use the language of the State Prosecutor, `so-called hardships`. Basically, we fight against two features which are the hallmarks of African life in South Africa and which are entrenched by legislation which we seek to have repealed. These features are poverty and lack of human dignity, and we do not need communists or so-called `agitators` to teach us about these things. South Africa is the richest country in Africa, and could be one of the richest countries in the world. But it is a land of extremes and remarkable contrasts. The whites enjoy what may well be the highest standard of living in the world, whilst Africans live in poverty and misery. Forty per cent of the Africans live in hopelessly overcrowded and, in some cases, drought-stricken Reserves, where soil erosion and the overworking of the soil makes it impossible for them to live properly off the land. Thirty per cent are labourers, labour tenants, and squatters on white farms and work and live under conditions similar to those of the serfs of the Middle Ages. The other 30 per cent live in towns where they have developed economic and social habits which bring them closer in many respects to white standards. Yet most Africans, even in this group, are impoverished by low incomes and high cost of living. Africans want to be paid a living wage. Africans want to perform work which they are capable of doing, and not work which the Government declares them to be capable of. Africans want to be allowed to live where they obtain work, and not be endorsed out of an area because they were not born there. Africans want to be allowed to own land in places where they work, and not to be obliged to live in rented houses which they can never call their own. Africans want to be part of the general population, and not confined to living in their own ghettoes. African men want to have their wives and children to live with them where they work, and not be forced into an unnatural existence in men`s hostels. African women want to be with their menfolk and not be left permanently widowed in the Reserves. Africans want to be allowed out after eleven o'clock at night and not to be confined to their rooms like little children. Africans want to be allowed to travel in their own country and to seek work where they want to and not where the Labour Bureau tells them to. Africans want a just share in the whole of South Africa; they want security and a stake in society. Above all, we want equal political rights, because without them our disabilities will be permanent. I know this sounds revolutionary to the whites in this country, because the majority of voters will be Africans. This makes the white man fear democracy. But this fear cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the only solution which will guarantee racial harmony and freedom for all. It is not true that the enfranchisement of all will result in racial domination. Political division, based on colour, is entirely artificial and, when it disappears, so will the domination of one colour group by another. The ANC has spent half a century fighting against racialism. When it triumphs it will not change that policy. This then is what the ANC is fighting. Their struggle is a truly national one. It is a struggle of the African people, inspired by their own suffering and their own experience. It is a struggle for the right to live. During my lifetime I have dedicated myself to this struggle of the African people. I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die. Task 1: In pairs discuss the following questions: 1. What was his attitude towards white South Africans? - The whites are privileged with their life standards - He claimed they feared democracy, this was due to their disproportionate population that will lead to the white man unable to be represented. - He does not want to ‘drive the white men into the sea’ he just wants freedom. - 2. What was his attitude towards Communist ideas? - Mandela advocated for redistribution of land and wealth, but is not for absolute nationalisation. - Mandela elaborates on the fact that the most important document to the ANC, the ‘Freedom Charter’, is “... by no means a blueprint for a socialist state”. 3. What kind of South Africa does Mandela hope to see in the future? - Where everyone lives in harmony and has equal rights and opportunities - Africans can vote. - Africans being able to go freely out after 11pm - Africans being able to live near work places without having to be born there, move freely around the country - He hopes to see black Africans being part of the general population 4. Why do you think that this speech became so well-known? Are there any comparisons to Martin Luther King's 'I have a dream speech? - This speech is similar to MLK’s speech because they both mention what they wish for their nation’s future in terms of racial equality and wanting everyone (no matter their race) to be able to live in peace and harmony - Both make references to youth being free (focusing on the benefit of the next generation) Task 2: Read this extract from an article by Lionel Bernstein entitled, 'Rivonia: telling it how it was' and then answer: According to Lionel Bernstein, what was the significance of Mandela's testimony in the trial? The main burden of telling it, fell, inevitably, on accused No.1 - Nelson Mandela. An unexpected move totally unsettled the prosecutor, who had been preparing his cross-examination of Mandela with some glee. Mandela elected not to go into the witness stand, but to make his statement from the dock. He thus passed up any opportunity to present a legal defence against the charges, or provide any evidence in rebuttal. But he gained what the accused wanted above all else -an opportunity to tell the whole story of Umkhonto and the turn to forms of violent struggle, as it was, without interruptions and without the obscurities which develop in the question-and-answer form of evidence from the witness stand. His statement has often been repeated as the "I am prepared to die" testimony of South Africa's freedom fighters. That statement was reported and rebroadcast through the country. If it sealed the certainty of a verdict of guilt against Mandela, it broke at last the stifling blanket of censorship and silence which had surrounded the ANC and its allies since the state of emergency of 1960. Note that all the proceedings of the Rivonia Trial are now available to the public. See this article. Most of the ANC and Spear of the Nation were sentenced to life imprisonment. Challenge to the regime defeated. UN called for defendants to be released. Soviet leader Brezhnev joined US congressmen and British MPs in calling for clemency. Judge may not have passed the death penalty because of international support. The Significance of Nelson Mandela and Chief Luthli Task One: ATL - Thinking skills According to this source, what similarities and differences are there between the lives and role of Chief Luthuli and Nelson Mandela? They were both principled politically and they were outstanding leaders of their time. They were both recipients of the Nobel Peace Prize with Luthuli receiving it in 1960 and Nelson Mandela becoming its co-recipient with President F.W. de Klerk in 1993. Luthuli and Mandela served as presidents of the ANC at very important points of this organisation’s life. Luthuli presided over this liberation movement at the time of its transition to the underground and armed struggle in the 1950s and1960s. Mandela became the president of the organisation after it had re-emerged from the underground and conditions of illegality and at the time of the cessation of hostilities between itself and the apartheid regime in the early 1990s. Chief Albert Luthuli and Nelson Mandela tried hard to initiate talks to resolve the South African political conflict in the early 1960s, but it was Nelson Mandela who succeeded to lead the ANC through the negotiations which paved the way for the ushering in of a democratic dispensation from 1994 onwards. Both leaders propagated reconciliation and nation-building under conditions of utmost hostility on the part of the apartheid regime. The remarkable quality of their leadership was the absence of bitterness and revenge as they both strongly believed that their struggles for freedom and social justice were too noble to be tainted by such vices. Similarities: - Both received the Nobel Peace Prize during their lifetimes - Both served as presidents of the ANC. - Both tried to initiate talks to resolve South African political conflict in the early 1960s - Both spread reconciliation and nation-building under harsh conditions in the apartheid regime. - Strongly believed that struggles for freedom and social justice were too noble to be tainted by such vices. Differences: - Luthuli was chief during the times the ANC was underground and struggled during 1950 & 1960 - Luthuli tried to initiate talks to solve the political crisis in South Africa in the early 1960s, but Mandela was the one who succeeded in doing so 3 decades later. - Nelson Mendela Re-emerged from underground in the early 1990s - Although both Chief Albert Luthuli and Nelson Mandela tried to initiate talks to resolve the South African political conflict, it was ultimately Nelson Mandela who succeeded in leading the ANC through negotiations that paved the way for the democratic transition in 1994. Task Two: ATL - Thinking skills Watch this video on Mandela and Luthuli; make notes on the contribution and activities of both men. Contribution & Activities of Mandela and Luthuli: - Albert Luthuli is renowned by the African people for his legacy of the Freedom Charter and the first African to receive the Nobel Peace Prize. - After being released from prison, Mandela became the people’s president - Task Three: ATL - Research and communication skills Research further the roles of Nelson Mandela or Albert Luthuli in the Apartheid struggle. Create a profile sheet for each one which includes: photo(s), significant dates and events they were involved in which affected the Apartheid struggle up to 1964, key quotes. Luthuli: Alya, Gulzar, Kamil, Zafirah Mandela: Ayshah, Ofelia, Reiya Write a paragraph for each one to summarise their contribution to the Apartheid struggle. You will find these resources useful: Chief Luthuli: SA History Luthuli Museum Chief Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli (1898-1967) Chief Albert John Mvumbi Luthuli was President-General of the African National Congress (ANC), from December 1952 until his death in 1967. Luthuli was Africa’s first Nobel Peace Prize Laureate in 1960. Throughout his political career, his approach to the apartheid regime became more militant, although there is no agreement about whether he approved of the ANC’s transformation from a peaceful organisation to one committed to violent and militant action. His political style and beliefs were structured through the language of the bible and Christian principles, his experience in teaching a small primary school in natal uplands sparked this as he was later confirmed in the methodist church and became a lay preacher. This would later shape his decision to turn down the scholarship offer to study at the University College of Fort hare and instead remain a teacher receiving ten pounds monthly. Significant dates and events: - 1928: elected as the secretary of the Natal Native Teacher Union → organised boycotts & acted as a negotiator white authorities - 1935: Luthuli became the chief of Groutville Reserve and returned home to become and administrator of tribal affairs - 1951: became the natal provincial president of the ANC (AWG Champion defeated) - 1952, Defiance campaign: Luthuli was a large advocate for the campaign, actively encouraging volunteers and addressing rallies. This was a significant contributor as to why he was elected the President-General of the ANC. - 1952: Removal of his position as chief in november after refusing to resign from the ANC → caused conflict between him and the South African government - 1961, First African Nobel Prize for Peace winner: In October of 1961, Chief Luthuli was informed that he had been awarded the 1960 Nobel Prize for Peace for his ‘fight against racial discrimination’ through non-violent means. - 1967, Chief Luthuli’s Death: Albert Luthuli had led the ANC until 21 July 1967 when he passed away. Reports had stated that Luthuli was struck by a train and killed while out on a walk near his house. At his time of death, he was still under a restriction order. Key Quotes: Peace: “In Africa, as our contribution to peace, we are resolved to end such evils as oppression, white supremacy and racial discrimination, all of which are incompatible with world peace and security." Freedom: “Let us march together to freedom saying: The road to freedom may be long and thorny but because our cause is just, the glorious end - Freedom - is ours”. Non-violence: “As for myself, with a full sense of responsibility and a clear conviction, I decided to remain in the struggle for extending democratic rights and responsibilities to all sections of the South African community. I have embraced the non-violent Passive Resistance technique in fighting for freedom because I am convinced it is the only non-revolutionary, legitimate and humane way that could be used by people denied, as we are, effective constitutional means to further aspirations.” Justice: "It may well be that South Africa's social system is a monument to racialism and race oppression, but its people are living testimony to the unconquerable spirit of mankind. Down the years, against, seemingly overwhelming odds, they have sought the goals of fuller life and liberty, striving with incredible determination and fortitude for the right to live as men - free men." Mandela: The Guardian: A life in pictures SA History Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (1918 - 2013) Nelson Mandela was born on July 18, 1918 in Transkei South Africa. He was primarily a lawyer, anti-apartheid activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner (1993), and later elected as the President of South Africa (to mention a few of his achievements). In 1944 he joined the African National Congress (ANC). He played a huge role during the apartheid struggle. Many of which will be explored. After joining the ANC, he had befriended a group of young intellectuals, Walter Sisulu, Oliver Tambo, Anton Lembede and Ashley Mda. Inspired by recent campaigns and strikes in 1946 the ANC youth leader, led by Mandela began striking what is known as ‘Programme In Action’. This however was only used in 1949. By the time the National Party had been elected in South Africa (1948), Mandela was National Secretary of the ANCYL (African National Congress Youth League). Mandela, along with Sisulu and Tambo, began to try and influence the ANC to embark on militant mass action against the abundance of new segregation laws that the National Party were composing to give effect to the Apartheid policy. In 1952 Mandela was elected as the ANC Transvaal president as well as Deputy National President and by the end of the defiance campaign in 1954, Mandela emerged as one of the most influential leaders of the liberation struggle. On April 8 1960 the government banned the ANC and PAC. This got Mandela thinking about the armed struggle. Mandela immediately started discussing convening a national convection. He was made secretary of the organising committee of the All-In Africa Conference and he started to secretly travel all around the country. On the 3rd of April 1962 he issued a statement on behalf of the All-in Africa National Action council calling on students and scholars to support the Stay-At-Home campaign. This campaign however was later called off on the 2nd day due to massive police repression of strikers. This failure changed Mandela's way of thinking and made him more committed to the formation of the MK as the military wing of the ANC. On August 5th 1962 Mandela was arrested as the police had been informed about Mandela’s movements around the country and to London secretly. Then his trial took place and he gave a powerful address where he had explained his shift to armed struggle. This statement came to be known as ‘ I am prepared to die’ and it received worldwide publicity and further enhanced Mandela's status as leader of the South African Liberation struggle. Mandela was tried in Pretoria’s old Synagogue and sentenced to 5 years imprisonment for incitement and illegally leaving the country, in November 1962. He was imprisoned in Pretoria Central Prison, before being transferred to Robben Island. He was tried again in October 1963 on charges of sabotage, conspiracy to overthrow the government by revolution, and assisting an armed invasion of South Africa by foreign troops. Fast forward to 1990, when Mandela was finally released from Victor Verster prison after 27 years in the Western Cape. Since his release, Mandela had dedicated himself to charity work and created numerous charity organisations under his name (including the Nelson Mandela Children’s Benefit and 46664, an AIDS/HIV campaign). He carried this on until his death on December 5th, 2013. Key Groups Opposing Apartheid Key groups in South Africa campaigning against apartheid included the African National Congress (which you have already studied in some detail), Umkhonto we Sizwe and the South African Communist Party. Umkhonto we Sizwe: Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) (Spear of the Nation) was the military wing of the African National Congress (ANC). Founded December 16 1961 by the ANC and SACP to take a new more violent approach to the apartheid regime. The MK carried out numerous bombings of military, industrial, civilian and infrastructural sites. Task One: ATL - Thinking skills Watch this short video on Umkhonto we Sizwe and make notes on the reasons for the development of this wing of the ANC, as well as its actions. - Non-violent protests were widely ineffective against the apartheid regime. - Ben Turok spoke of using bombs they made themselves to explode key infrastructure. South African Communist Party (SACP) The Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was established in 1921 inspired by the Bolshevik revolution of 1917 in Russia. Its initial membership was largely white but by 1925 the party had a majority of Black members. In 1928, the CPSA called for Black majority rule. It was disbanded in 1950 under threat of the government's Suppression of Communism Act, but re-formed underground in 1953 as the South African Communist Party (SACP). Many of its members joined the Congress of Democrats, also formed in 1953, that later became part of the Congress Alliance. The SACP took a strongly pro-Soviet line from its exile base in London and in the 1960s cooperated closely with the ANC, becoming involved in Umkhonto weSizwe. Task Two: ATL - Thinking skills According to historian Tom Lodge, author of Red Road to Freedom: A History of the South African Communist Party 1921 – 2021, what was the contribution of the SACP to the struggle against apartheid? Communists in the 1940s began mobilising community protests to support strike movements. Cooperation between labour leaders and community activists would persist through the next five decades, helping to enable national liberation in 1994. In fact, in the 1940s local trade unionists were often community leaders, as well as belonging to the Communist Party. It was no coincidence that where the ANC had the most entrenched presence in the 1950s was in the localities in which communists were best organised in the 1940s. In short, the “Decade of Defiance”, the ten years or so of mass action against Apartheid in the 1950’s, was incubated in Party networks. There are many other ways in which the Party stamped its historic imprint. If the ANC’s armed struggle against apartheid minority rule was decisive, and it was certainly important in inspiring other kinds of political action during the 1980s, then communists supplied its strategic vision as well as providing most of the key members of its general staff and as well many field unit commanders. https://boydellandbrewer.com/blog/african-studies/red-road-to-freedom/ Task Three: ATL - self-management skills: Using the information above, what you have learned so far, the Rogers & Clinton textbook, plus your own research, complete the grid on the ANC, SACP and MK. ANC = pp82-89: Gulzar, Reiya SACP = pp89-94: Alya, Ayshah MK = pp95-99: Ofelia, Kamil, Zafirah Group ANC SACP MK Aims To fight to eliminate To protect the To overcome the the Apartheid national democratic struggle of the regime through revolution and government using non-violent protests achieve socialism violent measures but progressively despite the peaceful militant protests in protests. the 60s. Used for the ‘guerilla Their main aim was war’, it would the creation of a constitute the next unified, non-racial, step of the non-sexist and anti-apartheid democratic society. struggle. Membership (who? President-General Leading members: ANC and SACP size?) (1952-67): Albert Moses Kotane, Ruth members (anyone John Luthuli First (played a against the crucial role in apartheid regime) Deputy President founding the (mostly amateurs in (1952-58): Nelson Congress of terms of military Mandela Democrats and the training) Freedom Charter), - From 1952, JB Marks, and National High membership size Lionel Bernstein Command: Nelson rose from around Mandela, Walter 7,000 to 100,000 or - By 1925, mostly Sisulu, Joe Slovo more from the Black members and Raymond Defiance Campaign. Mahbla. Membership of the Many regional ANC consisted members were primarily of Black white communists, South Africans with selected due to their the main aim being technical expertise emancipation of and knowledge of Black South explosives (for Africans from racial future attacks) discrimination. However, other racial groups were also part of the ANC, such as Indians and even some whites. Strategies / tactics They started with Working with the Phase 1: sabotage peaceful protests ANC and other operations. Ex. and conferences to anti-Apartheid destroying power discuss matters. groups to work stations, post As peaceful towards the abolition offices, telephone methods were of Apartheid and the exchanges, police ineffective, they creation of a stations, and tax began to use more multiracial republic offices. This was violent, militant done to register methods. In 1961, symbolic strikes they formed a against apartheid military organisation, state and to hit the Umkhonto we regime financially Sizwe, to carry out (destroyed acts of sabotage high-value with the use of installations) guerilla warfare. Phase 2: Guerilla war this phase however was never reached. Key campaigns Defiance Campaign National Party Guerilla campaigns 1951 - 1953 in rural areas: May Stay-away Freedom Charter 1950 Aims: to commit 1955 acts of sabotage Miners Strike with mass political Boycott Sharpeville 1946 agitation and strike 1960 action in the cities Day of Protest 1950 Drawbacks:The general laws Formation of MK amendment act 1961 1962 which prohibited any planned resistance against the government (could result in minimum 5 years of imprisonment to death penalty). Overall impact up The ANC’s - p94 focuses (Rural Guerilla to 1964 hesitance to take up on this Campaigns) arms against Apartheid along with Had lots of influence failures: its cooperation with on the development - armed struggle other ethnic groups of the freedom phase never led its Africanist movement from reached members to become 1948 - 1964, due to disillusioned with the its close relations - Mandela and the party and form the with the ANC (many leaders arrested and PAC members of the tried (1963-1964) SACP were also The ANC’s actions members of the during this period ANC). raised awareness of success: the oppressive and Had an important unjust nature of the role in organising - It showed Africans Apartheid regime strike actions using were not afraid to both internationally its ties with the use arms against and domestically. union, namely the the government. Their resilient miners strike in (the sabotage acts struggle against the 1946. (Some added more ‘lustre’ Apartheid regime, historians believe to the ANC legend, despite main the strike marked the MK members members of the the beginning of the risked themselves party being struggle against and became known imprisoned for a segregation and as heroes for many lifetime and the apartheid) south africans) party’s formal banning, played a - most effective in crucial role in the MK cadres in Natal eventual dismantling 1964 (although later of the Apartheid extinguished) regime and the establishment of a - The first stage democratic South (sabotage) inspired Africa in the 1990s. many and POSSIBLY was one of the causes of the dramatic surges in resistance in townships. The ultimate ending: - by 1964, MK had been hunted down and its organisation was dismantled Strengths and Weaknesses of the Apartheid State (1960s) Strengths: Strict Enforcement of Legislation helped maintain Power: - Unlawful Organisations act (1960): ANC and PAC declared Illegal - Sabotage Act (1962): Carried the death penalty for acts of sabotage; culprits were presumed guilty until proven innocent. No effective check on security forces, they resorted to acts of torture to extract confessions. - General Laws Amendment act (1963): Allowed the authorities to arrest an individual for 90 days without bringing up charges or giving them access to a lawyer. This 90-day arrest could be indefinitely renewed for a further 90 days. - Bantu Laws Amendment Act (1964): Allowed the authorities to deport any African from white urban areas or white farming areas without any justification. Also allowed the minister of Bantu affairs to enforce quotas in particular areas or industries and deport unemployed africans to their homelands. South African economy was booming: - Investors returned to investing in South Africa and white immigrants came back. - The average economic growth was six per cent each year. - The number of white people employed in the manufacturing industry increased from 957,000 to 1,181,000 between 1960 and 1966. - Per capita income amongst whites increased by almost 50% - The white population was rising; from 3.09 million to 3.77 million over the course of a decade, mainly as a result of white immigrants. Weaknesses: After Verwoerd was assassinated in 1966, the stricter John Vorster took over and South Africa was a fearful and repressive police state for many. After bordering countries such as Angola, Mozambique, and Zimbabwe gained their independence in the 1970s, hostile enemies who were once friendly colonial powers could infiltrate into South Africa and begin Guerilla wars which the South African government was not prepared to fight in. Governing struggles of SA (late 80s): - AWB threatening an armed struggle to maintain apartheid - Zulu group (Inkatha) & militants within the ANC fighting each other - Many advocated Mandela and his colleagues to be released, though there were doubts of whether they could control the new generation of anti-apartheid protesters due to being imprisoned for 25 years and perhaps losing touch with South Africa (but this wasn’t the case). Summary of South Africa’s Foreign Affairs - After receiving condemnation from the rest of the commonwealth for its Apartheid policies, South Africa withdrew from it in 1961 Give and take relationship between the West and SA: SA fought against the Western fear: communism - Security was provided by western powers - Support for SA markets (buying and production of products) - SA provided raw materials to the West (gold and coal) - SA was a route to the east (strategic importance) - South Africa-United Kingdom Relations: - Relations between South Africa and the UK began on 31 May 1910 when the Union of South Africa was founded as a dominion of the British Empire. South Africa did fight in support of the UK and as a part of the British Empire in both World War one and World War two. - South Africa declared itself a republic on 31 May 1961 and pulled out of the Commonwealth of Nations. The United Kingdom, however, did not impose economic sanctions as it had many key trades with South Africa and was especially reliant on their gold.

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