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A Critique of Philippine Political Historiography Development and Decay (David Wurfel) Continuity and Change (David Timberman) Wurfel’s Historical Periods of Analysis Pre-Spanish era American period Spanish era...

A Critique of Philippine Political Historiography Development and Decay (David Wurfel) Continuity and Change (David Timberman) Wurfel’s Historical Periods of Analysis Pre-Spanish era American period Spanish era Japanese period Revolutionary period Post-War Politics Martial Law period Timberman Traditional Elite Democracy (1960s) Authoritarianism (1972-1986) Restored Democracy (1986-) Orientalism in the Philippines Ileto (2001): examines the Orientalist construction of Philippine politics, juxtaposing Philippine political behavior and institutions with the American/Western models and ideals. Colonial discourse: “West” vs. “East” In Our Image (Karnow, 1990) American ideals were resisted by Filipino tradition (e.g. passions, kinship ties, debts of gratitude, personal loyalties) America's democratizing mission failed because of the strength of Filipino traditions Americans cannot be blamed for the failures of their ex-colony Compadre Colonialism (Owen, 1971) and Glenn May (1984) American colonial officials had to “compromise” their ideals because of the resistance of Filipino leaders Compadrazgo politics Patron-client ties (clientelism) highlighted Philippine politics Beginning from Spanish rule and up to American rule, leaders of Philippine communities learned not how to serve the government but rather how to use it Institutions were present, but they were flawed in operation Factionalism (McCoy, 1980) / clientelism (May, 1984) are the driving force/s of Philippine politics Leaders, Factions, Parties (Lande, 1965) Philippine democracy: a ‘rare’ example of successful adaptation to an Asian environment of imported Western institutions Study of political parties in the Philippines vis-à-vis the American model (his ideal model)  Observed peculiarities in the system (similar political parties; switching affiliations) The Philippine party system should be the sole vehicle of politics The need for the “conversion” and “taming” of politicians The Philippines as a "modernizing" country, like a work in progress An Anarchy of Families (McCoy, 1993) A work within the context of the restoration of the old oligarchy after Marcos Familism, localism, corruption, and violence essentially underlie Filipino political behavior An anarchy (lack of order) of families (kinship networks in politics), especially at the provincial countryside Different chapters in the book analyze family mechanisms to seize and maintain political power (land, political machines, violence, etc.) Resil Mojares: political families do not move in a void, they are also made by the community Reynaldo Ileto (2001) Recurring points in Ileto’s reviewed works: In [early] accounts of Philippine politics, we were constructed as a negative "other" of the Euro-American political tradition. We (the PH) was a problem that needed fixing. Philippine history and politics encoded in binaries (private vs. public, family vs. state, anarchy vs. order, warlords vs. statesmen) only reproduces colonial discourse Historical Revisionism the means by which the historical record, the history of a society, as understood in its collective memory, continually accounts for new facts and interpretations of the events that are commonly understood as history Historical Distortion occurs when historical accounts or narratives are changed to suit a personal agenda. deliberate changing of the narrative in order to perpetuate a lie that would serve the interest of a person, a regime, an administration, or a dictatorship with an intention of erasing a portion of history The Philippine Constitution and Constitutional Bodies What is a constitution? A constitution is, broadly, a set of rules, written and unwritten, that seek to: ○ Establish the duties, powers, and functions of the various institutions of government ○ Regulate the relationship between them ○ Define the relationship between the state and the individual Types of Constitution  Codified: key constitutional provisions are collected together in a single legal document, popularly known as a “written constitution” or “the constitution” Uncodified: made up of rules drawn from a variety of sources in the absence of a single authoritative document Importance of Constitutions Empowering states Providing government stability Establishing values and goals Protecting freedom Legitimizing regimes Philippine Constitutions 1899 Malolos Constitution 1943 Constitution (1943-1945) (1899-1901) 1973 Constitution (1973-1986) 1935 Constitution (1935-1943 and 1987 Constitution (1987-present) 1945-1973) 1899 Malolos Constitution Crafted by the Revolutionary Congress in 1899 ○ Felipe Calderon: powerful legislature over the executive ○ Apolinario Mabini: more powers for the executive These contentions reflected the dynamics of power relations involving the ilustrados, educated classes, Calderon and Mabini groups, and between Congress and Aguinaldo The Malolos Constitution is the first initiative in Asia for a democratic republic. It provided for a parliamentary system of government with a unicameral national assembly. 1935 Constitution The 1935 Constitution is the most valuable document in Philippine constitutional history. It served as a guide for the Commonwealth and the Philippine Republic from 1946 to 1972. It provided for a presidential, unitary state in which all power was vested in a regularly-elected national government characterized by an American-style separation of powers. Suffrage was limited to male citizens who were 21 years old or over, with minimal literacy and residency requirements (Article V). Women's suffrage would come later on. (1937) Executive branch: the President and Vice-President are given a maximum of two four-year terms (eight years). Legislative branch: the initial proposal was a unicameral National Assembly whose members were to be elected for a term of four years. ○ From 1939-1940, the Constitution was amended by the National Assembly to restore a bicameral Congress composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives.  ○ Another amendment changed the term of the president from one sixyear term to two four-year terms Legislative branch: there were 24 senators elected nationally and 120 representatives elected by district. ○ The Nacionalista and Liberal Parties alternately dominated chambers of the Congress from 1945 to 1972. ○ Manuel Quezon continued to exert influence on the legislative agenda of the National Assembly. Judiciary: one Supreme Court (one Chief Justice and ten Associate Justices) and inferior courts. ○ All members of the Supreme Court and judges of inferior courts shall be appointed by the President and confirmed by the Commission on Appointments. 1973 Constitution Context: Approaching the end of the second term of Ferdinand Marcos (first term: 1965-69; second* term: 1969-72) The 1971 Constitutional Convention was convened to revise the 1935 Constitution. Shortly after the declaration of Martial Law in 1972, the Con-Con finalized and passed the 1973 Constitution that legitimized and concentrated the powers of government on Marcos. The 1973 Constitution changed the system of government from a presidential to a modified parliamentary system. Constitutional authoritarianism: a dictatorship rationalized as based on a constitution ratified by the people. Nine constitutional amendments in 1976 made way for the: ○ vesting of executive & legislative powers upon Marcos; ○ sustaining the president's issuances to rule the country; ○ having the recourse to referendum as the mechanism to obtain the will and consent of the people. Amendment 6: ○ "Whenever in the judgment of the President (Prime Minister), there exists a grave emergency or a threat or imminence thereof, or whenever the interim Batasang Pambansa or the regular National Assembly fails or is unable to act adequately on any matter for any reason that in his judgment requires immediate action, he may, in order to meet the exigency, issue the necessary decrees, orders, or letters of instructions, which shall form part of the law of the land." Executive branch: dual executive (president and prime minister) ○ The military became one of the major political institutions that helped enforce martial law. ○ The bureaucracy was subordinated to Marcos and was extremely politicized.  Legislative branch: a unicameral legislature ○ The president and prime minister are from the National Assembly ○ During the time of Martial Law, legislation was through presidential decrees (PDs) and letters of instruction (LOIs) (Amendment 6) Legislative branch: the Batasang Pambansa was a weak legislative body because of: ○ the semi-parliamentary feature of the government where the Prime Minister was both a member of the Executive and leader of the majority party in the BP ○ the unbridled legislative power granted to the President under Amendment 6 ○ the BP had no power to pass upon the appointments made by the President except for the PM Judiciary: one Supreme Court and inferior courts ○ The Judiciary was heavily politicized and greatly influenced by the Executive during the time of Marcos. ○ Javellana vs. Executive Secretary (1973): one of the cases filed that questioned the validity of the 1973 Constitution, especially regarding the means of ratification. ○ After the declaration of Martial Law, Marcos ordered all judges to submit undated resignation letters except those in the Supreme Court Some other distinct features of the 1973 Constitution: ○ Article 11 has provisions for local governments ○ Article 12 provides for the three constitutional commissions: Civil Service Commission, Commission on Elections, and Commission on Audit ○ Article 15, Section 15 stipulates the separation of the Church and State 1987 Constitution Context: Ferdinand Marcos called for presidential snap elections on February 7, 1986, as an attempt to legitimize his rule. The EDSA People Power Revolution took place from February 22-25, 1986. Corazon Aquino assumed office on February 25, 1986. The Constitutional Commission was created in April 1986. The draft was submitted in October 1986. The people ratified the Constitution on February 2, 1987. Lessons were learned from the 1973 Constitution and its implementation by the Marcos regime: ○ The 1987 Constitution provided for restrictions on executive power. ○ The Constitution also provided for a system of checks and balances among the three co-equal branches of government, with an emphasis on public accountability. ○ The Constitution also has provisions to ensure judicial independence. Executive branch: sole executive (president) with no re-election ○ The Constitution prescribes a line of succession in case of death, permanent disability, removal from office, or resignation of the President. ○ Lessons learned from the Marcos regime include:  Appointment powers of the president Limits on the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus Non-suspension of the constitution during martial law Public disclosure of the president’s health Coordination with Congress on contracts with foreign-owned corporations Legislative branch: bicameral legislature (Senate and HOR) ○ Relevant departures from the 1973 Constitution: Institutionalization of the party-list system (20% of House membership) Three-term limit (three years per term) for members of the HOR ○ Important legislative checks on executive/judicial power include: Checks on the appointment powers of the President (Commission on Appointments) Checks on the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus Impeachment powers Judiciary: there was a need to reestablish and enhance judicial independence through: ○ Security of tenure ○ Fiscal autonomy of the judiciary ○ Creation of the Judicial and Bar Council ○ Expanded power of judicial review ○ Power to review the proclamation of martial law and suspension of the writ of habeas corpus ○ Judge of presidential elections (Presidential Electoral Tribunal) The 1987 Constitution expanded the Bill of Rights (Article III). Constitutional commissions: Civil Service Commission, Commission on Elections, and the Commission on Audit plus the Commission on Human Rights (Article 12) Article IX, Civil Service Commission: prohibition of candidates who lost in elections to be appointed to any office in the Government one year after the said elections. Article 10: a constitutional mandate for the enactment of a local government code; also for the creation of autonomous regions in Muslim Mindanao and the Cordilleras. Summary of key constitutional changes Executive Legislative Judiciary Changes in re-election terms Unicameral and bicameral Changes in membership legislatures (number of Associate Shift from presidential to Justices) (semi-) parliamentary (1973) Establishment of the party-list system (1987) Changes in the nature of Changes in powers to appointment of justices declare martial law Checks on executive power  (e.g. impeachment, Establishment of the Changes in appointing declaration of Martial Law, Judicial and Bar Council powers of the executive etc.) (1987) Expansion of judicial review beyond constitutionality issues Old and New Institutionalism Institution: “rules, norms, conventions, traditions, practices that structure human organization, shape individual behavior, and affect political processes and outcomes” The institutional approach is characterized by its “its emphasis upon the institutional context in which political events occur and for the outcomes and effects they generate”; how political conduct is shaped by the institutional landscape in which it occurs (Schmidt, 2006) ○ Old institutionalism ○ New institutionalism Formal institutions: formal rules and organizations (written laws, rules, processes), official structures of government Informal institutions: formal rules and informal conventions – norms and traditions that make up “the rules of the game” (Douglass North) that shape human interaction and are backed by social sanctions Old Institutionalism Its focus is on the formal, legal structures of government and the state It defines the state in terms of political, administrative, and legal arrangements More descriptive New Institutionalism An attempt to "bring institutions back in" to the explanations of politics and society It argues that [political] behavior cannot be understood without reference to the 'institutions' within which behavior occurs (Immergut 1998: 6-8) Common ground: the importance of the state Early approaches to studying Philippine politics focused on formal and legal institutions of government Examples: Dr. Maximo Kalaw on the study of government and Dr. Onofre Corpuz on the bureaucracy Dr. Maximo Kalaw Born in Lipa, Batangas  First Filipino head of the Department of Political Science, University of the Philippines Diliman His study of political science focused on nationalism, freedom, and democracy Dr. Kalaw became a recognized authority on Philippine government and politics “Political science is the study of the state. The divisions of political science are: (1) descriptive; (2) historical; (3) theoretical; and (4) political law. Descriptive political science is a discussion of the actual state and governmental organizations.... Historical political science deals with the development of the state and its institutions.... Theoretical political science is sometimes called political philosophy. It takes up principles and norms of conduct that should be observed by persons and political entities.... Political law takes up the law setting up the framework of the government or defining the relation between the individuals and the government.” The political science of Dr. Maximo Kalaw Key concepts in the study of government (Kalaw, 1948) ○ State ○ Sovereignty ○ Government ○ Forms of government ○ Nation ○ Organization of government These are also key concepts in old institutionalism. Rational Choice Institutions as norms, cognitive Institutions can provide incentives frames, and meaning systems that to maximize utility guide human action Rational actors pursue self Proceeds according to the logic of interests within institutions appropriateness Proceeds according to the logic of interest Discursive [Institutional] role of ideas and Historical discourse Importance of sequences in Ideas form basis of collective development, timing of events, and action and public persuasion phases of political change Proceeds according to the logic of Proceeds according to the logic of communication path-dependence Sociological Organic-hierarchical paradigm Resulted from Dr. Remigio Agpalo’s study on the politics of Occidental Mindoro. Society and polity were perceived as an organism composed of hierarchical elements and body parts are used to indicate political roles: ○ pangulo (pang-ulo) – head ○ kinatawan – representative / congressman ○ kanang kamay (right hand) or bisig (arm) – sub-leader of the pangulo  ○ galamay (fingers) – followers and supporters of the pangulo Behavior in the society and polity is regulated by the basic law of an organism: interdependence of hierarchical elements The relationships between the political elite and the people (or its subordinates) are symbiotic and paternalistic. ○ The principal components of the political system are the political elite and the people. ○ This symbiotic relationship is shown in the politics of patronage. The relationship between the elite and the people involves highly personalistic and particularistic needs: medical, legal, funeral expenses; job recommendations; bank loans; etc. For Agpalo, the main pattern of Philippine politics during the last 100 years: politics of incorporation and outlawry of those whose belief system is opposed to liberal democracy. The polity is an organism which grows through the ingestion and absorption of external elements which can be incorporated. The principalia (political elite including the landed & commercial elite) had been incorporating into its ranks professionals, industrialists, technocrats, the military, etc. Emerging social forces that were not [fully] incorporated: peasantry and labor groups, studentry, socialists and communists Destructive elements are purged, rejected, destroyed, or neutralized. Agpalo also linked the organic-hierarchical paradigm to future processes of political modernization and political development in the Philippines. ○ Political modernization requires the rationalization of authority and national integration. The OHP fits this because of its emphasis on the interdependence of different parts. ○ Political development is the higher end. This requires the promotion of liberal democracy by the political elite. The OHP fits this through the politics of incorporation and the precept. (“Ang sakit ng kalingkingan…”) ○ Agpalo also forwards that liberal democracy (based on rule of law, civility, and social justice) is the best and most appropriate type of government for the Philippines Everyday politics From Benedict Kerkvliet's experiences of living in rural areas (Philippines, Vietnam) and studies of other peasant societies in other countries, mostly Asia. Benedict Kerkvliet conducted fieldwork in San Ricardo, Nueva Ecija in the late 1970s. people embracing, complying with, adjusting, and contesting norms and rules regarding authority over, production of, or allocation of resources and doing so in quiet, mundane, and subtle expressions and acts that are rarely organized or direct Elements of everyday politics:  Little to no organization Can occur in organizations but is Usually low profile or private not organized behavior Often intertwined with private Done by people who do not regard activities in small communities their actions as political Types of everyday politics: Support - involves deliberate or even enthusiastic endorsement of the system Compliance - going through motions of support without much thought about it Modifications and evasions - convey indifference to the rules and processes regarding production, distribution, and use of resources Resistance - subordinates intentionally contesting people in superordinate positions through subtle, indirect, and non-confrontational behavior Patron-client framework Patronage is a “material resource, disbursed for particularistic benefit for political purposes and generally (but not always) derived from public sources.” (Hicken et al., 2019) Shefter (1994): Patronage involves the “exchange of public benefits for political support or party advantage” and is given out by politicians to “individual voters, campaign workers, or contributors.” Clientelism involves “people of higher social status [who] are linked to those of lower status … clientelist relationships are hierarchical and involve ongoing, iterated personal interactions where the behavior of each party is contingent on the behavior of the other.” Not all patronage involves clientelism and vice-versa. One of the most prominent (if not the most popular) approaches in the study of the Philippine politics. Carl Lande (1965) observed some peculiarities in Philippine political parties and he sought to explain the reasons behind these. A patron-client relationship is defined as “a power arrangement which involves the informal linkage between a political leader (patron) who is able to provide material goods and services for his political followers (clients) who, in return for the benefits received from the former, reciprocate by rendering personal support and loyalty to their patron.” (Magno 1989) Most distinctive feature of Philippine politics: ○ the two major parties are identical Peculiarities of Philippine political parties: ○ intra-party solidarity is minimal, interparty switching is endemic Reasons for these peculiarities: Philippine kinship system and vertical dyadic ties of patron-client relationships Consequence of this party system: the program of the administration is the personal program of the incumbent president rather than the party  Patron-client relationships tie poor individuals or families to rich ones: these usually exist between landlords and tenants. Role of bilateral kinship ties (paternal and maternal relatives are of equal importance) ○ Role of social classes: the division in society is based upon differences in wealth (land ownership in particular) ○ National political parties take their character from constituent units of local origin. In sum, the patron-client framework of Carl Lande argues that Philippine politics does not involve functioning political parties but it revolves around interpersonal relationships (familial and patron-client ones) and factions composed of personal alliances. Major developments in political economy prompted the need to re-examine the application of the patron-client framework to the study of Philippine politics. Patron-client ties in the village Filipinos rely on the cultivation of dyadic relationships to further their interests, especially when it involves super-ordinates (patron) and subordinates (clients) For leaders, material inducements are important to gain followers For followers, they must prove their "worth" to their leader by repaying him in terms of support, especially electoral support The leader-follower relationship in the village extends to municipal, provincial, and national levels. Patrimonialism A focus on personal and particularistic relations and considerations Max Weber’s definition: “the governmental offices originate in the household administration of the ruler… Government administrators are originally personal servants and personal representatives of the ruler…” Paul Hutchcroft’s analysis: a look into the patrimonial features of the Philippine state and the nature of dominant interests that pursue their particularistic agendas within the Philippine state. Post-war developments which heightened the patrimonial features of the state: spoils system in the central rent-seeking ventures by oligarchic bureaucracy interests patron-client relations in the countryside Dominant interests during the Marcos regime: Marcos himself economic interests (intra-elite competition based on rivalry of elite families) external actors (role of foreign aid and international loans) technocrats and cronies  old and new oligarchy The patrimonial features of the state, together with these dominant interests, allow/allowed for the continuous “plunder of the state. Bossism Sidel’s article begins with the limitations of the patron-client framework. There are some factors that have limited the conventional PCF: ○ economic growth, industrialization, and urbanization ○ capitalism, commercialization of agriculture, landlessness, etc. Sidel recognizes the role of coercive and monetary pressures in electoral politics in compensating for the dwindling power of clientelist exchanges; these pressures keep the bonds between super-ordinates and subordinates. The need to underscore the role of coercive pressures and local monopolies in electoral politics and social relations that are not necessarily clientelist relationships. The need to look at power and hold over state apparatuses. Accumulation of large landholdings has often followed from, rather than preceded, the assumption of elected office; mostly enabled by control over the coercive apparatuses of the state & lucrative illegal economies. Bossism: “prevalence of local power brokers (bosses) who achieve sustained monopolistic control over both coercive and economic resources within given territorial jurisdictions or bailiwicks” (Sidel 1997) Difference between bosses and patrons: “coercion is a main pillar of power and authority rests on inducements and sanctions than affection or status” (Scott 1972) Sidel looked at the case of local bosses in Cavite (single-generation bosses) and Cebu (multi-generational dynasties). Violence is not just a symptom of the breakdown of patron-client ties, but it is also a characteristic of electoral competition and social relations Local politicians in the Philippines have “relied heavily upon vote-buying, fraud, intimidation, and violence to win elections.” Overall, the bossism framework looks into how violence and control over elected office can lead to capital accumulation (being elected into office first before gaining access to state resources). Developmental State Model Developmental states may be defined as “states whose politics have concentrated sufficient power, autonomy and capacity at the centre to shape, pursue and encourage the achievement of explicit developmental objectives....” (Leftwich 1995, 401) A crucial feature of the developmental state is the intimacy of its relationship with the private sector and the intensity of its involvement in the market (Johnson 1981; as cited in Leftwich 1995, 403)  Japanese developmental state: power and autonomy of its elite bureaucracy; setting of agreed policy goals determined by the bureaucratic elite and not the politico-legislative elite Six major components that define the developmental state model: A determined developmental elite; ○ Developmental elites are composed by developmentally-determined senior politicians and bureaucrats who are close to the executive head of government; they work together in the pursuit of developmental policies, even at the expense of political and legislative elites (e.g. entrenched politicians) Relative autonomy of the developmental state; ○ The developmental elites and the state institutions they command are autonomous from the clamor of special interests (class/regional/sectoral interests) and it can also override these special interests in favor of the national interests A powerful, competent, and insulated economic bureaucracy; ○ Economic coordination and development are managed by specific institutions ○ These economic bureaucracies are differentiated from planning institutions by their real power, authority, technical competence, and insulation in shaping development policy (examples: economic bureaucracies in Taiwan, Korea, Singapore) A weak and subordinated civil society; ○ Civil society is defined here as “privately-organized interests and groups, above the family level but below that of the state” ○ Developmental states have been “strong states” that can coordinate the activities of civil society and are not threatened by them ○ Control of civil society appears to be a general condition for the constitution (formation) and continuity of developmental states Effective management of non-state economic interests; and ○ State power and autonomy in developmental states were consolidated before national or foreign capital became influential, thus strengthening the capacities of developmental states vis-à-vis non-state economic interests ○ In contrast with Latin American states, there are historically powerful landed interests whose power is entrenched Repression, legitimacy, and performance ○ Developmental states share the characteristic of having brutal suppression of civil rights, wide measure of legitimacy, and sustained performance in delivering developmental goods ○ There are non-democratic / quasi-democratic developmental states ○ The mixture of repression and legitimacy can be best explained by the well-distributed benefits of high growth rates of developmental states as measured by the Human Development Index Predatory state model (Re)emergence of predatory states are linked with “democratic rollbacks” or democratic recessions / return to authoritarian regimes There are questions on the definition of democracy (beyond the procedural minimum definition), conditions leading to democratic recessions, and issues surrounding democratic consolidation Democratic distress: in developing countries, democracy has become a “superficial phenomenon” – supposedly “democratic structures” such as elections, political parties, etc. are in place, but reality is different Diamond (2008, 39): “All of these cases of democratic distress reflect a common challenge: for democratic structures to endure – and be worthy of endurance – they must listen to their citizens’ voices, engage their participation, tolerate their protests, protect their freedoms, and respond to their needs.” Some democracies around the world are marred with issues concerning: free and fair elections electoral fraud decline in public confidence in endemic corruption civilian constitutional regimes poor governance slow economic growth When elites monopolize political power and consequently limit economic competition to generate profits for themselves, the result is a predatory state. Predatory states cannot sustain democracy. Sustainable democracy requires constitutionalism, compromise, and respect for law Characteristics of a predatory state: Cynical and opportunistic elite Public policies and programs do behavior not really matter (then, what does?) Ordinary people are not citizens but Officials feed on the state and the clients of powerful local bosses powerful prey on the weak Vertical chains of dependency are The purpose of the government is created and secured by stark to produce private goods for inequalities in power and status officials, their families, and cronies (with patronage, coercion) It is an extractive and growth-impeding state. Generally, it promotes the private interests of dominant groups in the state Diamond (2008, 43): “The most egregious predatory states produce predatory societies. People do not get rich through productive activity and honest risk taking; they get rich by manipulating power and privilege, by stealing from the state, extracting from the weak, and shirking the law.”  Sustainable democracy cannot thrive in predatory states. But democracy can triumph if the predatory tendencies of rulers are restrained by rigorous rules and impartial institutions Some possible reforms: The need to build effective institutions that will seek vertical and horizontal accountability The need for better, stronger, and more democratic institutions (political parties, parliaments, and local governments) that link citizens to one another and to the political process Improvement of the technical skills, resources, professional standards, and organizational efficiency of the state A more open market economy to make the accumulation of wealth possible through honest means and initiatives in the private sector The need to restructure and empower institutions of accountability and to bolster the rule of law Additional note: international actors must stop their habit of keeping predatory and troubled states afloat State-Society Framework Max Weber’s definition of a state: “a human community that successfully claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory” According to Migdal (1988), real states vary according to how they fit this ideal-type. State capacities include: penetration of society; extraction of resources; and regulation of social relationships; appropriation or use of resources in determined ways A strong state image focuses on capabilities involving state penetration of society and extraction of resources A weak state image focuses on capabilities involving regulation of social relationships and appropriation of resources State survival rests on a number of factors, including the: ○ organizational capabilities of its leaders; ○ population size; ○ potential material and human resources available; ○ and ability to mobilize its population (an element of social control) An exercise of state social control involves the successful subordination of people’s own inclinations of social behavior or behavior sought by other social organizations in favor of the behavior prescribed by state rules. Modeling state-society relations  Society is a mélange of social organizations. Many states have faced tremendous difficulty in effecting intended changes at the local level, we must look at the sources of resistance to the state’s efforts at achieving predominance. The major struggles in many societies, especially those with fairly new states, are over who has the right and ability to make the countless rules that guide people’s social behavior. Note: Using Migdal’s state-society framework is just one of the different ways to analyze state-society relations in the Philippines Social control is the currency over which organizations in an environment of conflict battle one another ○ High levels of social control enable the state to mobilize their populations Levels of social control are reflected in a scale of three indicators: compliance: the state’s ability to gain conformance to its demands participation: organizing the population for specialized tasks in the institutional components of the state organization legitimation: most potent factor in accounting for the strength of the state; an acceptance of the state’s rules of the game as true and right. It indicates people’s approval of the state’s desired social order The more currency (compliance, participation, legitimation) of social control is available to state leaders, then the higher the level of social control to achieve state goals. Differing state capacities and varying levels of social control (either for the state or non-state actors) are also affected by external factors. Philippine setting: concept of “mutual accommodation” by Abinales The Marxist approach Class: central concept in Marxist analysis Classes are defined according to “the place that they occupy in a historically determined system of social production, by their relation to (ownership or non-ownership of) the means of production, by their role in the social organization of labor, and by the dimensions of the share of social wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it.” (Guerrero, 1970)  ○ Related concepts include class interests, class consciousness, class practices, class formations, and class struggle Karl Marx: “The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles.” A pivotal concept in a Marxist class analysis is exploitation with three criteria: ○ inverse interdependent welfare principle: the material welfare of exploiters depends on the material deprivation of the exploited ○ exclusion principle: the inverse interdependence of welfare depends upon the exclusion of the exploited from access to productive resources ○ appropriation principle: exploiters use their material advantage to appropriate the labor effort of the exploited (transfer of fruits of labor from one group to another) Exploitative relations cause alienation (e.g. being robbed of the fruits of one’s labor) In Amado Guerrero’s Philippine Society and Revolution, he identified the following classes in Philippine society: ○ the landlord class ○ the bourgeoisie (comprador, middle, petty) ○ the peasantry (rich, middle, poor) ○ the proletariat (semi- and lumpen) The basis for class analysis is the relationship between the exploiters and the exploited. Prominent groups of the Philippine Left* Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (1930s-1960s) Communist Party of the Philippines (1968) w/ the New People’s Army (NPA) National Democratic Front (coalition) Laban ng Masa (coalition) Bagong Alyansang Makabayan / Bayan (alliance of left-wing Philippine organizations) Some [general] issues: Ideological orientations and variations (including splits and factions) Engagement with the Philippine state The Philippine Left in the post-EDSA period and at present Specific issues: human rights violations and killings, red-tagging and impunity, passage of the Anti-Terror Law and its impact on groups and organizations, etc