Gender, Feminist Theory, and Sport PDF

5 Gender, Feminist Theory, and Sport Sheila Scraton and Anne Flintoff Introduction greaves, 1994); not only making women’s sport visible but also...

5 Gender, Feminist Theory, and Sport Sheila Scraton and Anne Flintoff Introduction greaves, 1994); not only making women’s sport visible but also challenging inequalities seen to be This chapter focuses on the development of criti- founded on male dominance and male power. cal work on gender and sport and how this has Over time the emphasis has shifted from “women changed over time. In tracing this history new and sport” to “gender and sport” with a critical questions emerge as we enter the second decade engagement with discourses of masculinities as of the twenty-first century, thus pointing the way well as femininities. In the more recent past, the to potential future issues and debates. Our duality of male/female power relations has been journey through the wealth of research on gender further challenged by the developments in post- and sport involves an engagement with sports structuralism with its emphasis on identities, feminisms, interrogating how they have contrib- bodies, empowerment, and the significance of uted to our understanding of sport and the difference. This has raised fundamental questions impact (if any) this work has had on policy and about whether it is any longer appropriate to cen- practice. How we understand and explain gender tralize gender relations or whether we need far and sport is influenced by social, political, and more complex engagement with the intersections economic change and by developments both of difference relating to gender, ethnicity, race, within and outside sport. It is impossible to cover religion, class, sexuality, disability, and/or age. all material or issues internationally relating to To explore this development we focus on gender and sport, thus our own heritage as white sports feminisms and how different theoretical women in the United Kingdom means that we explanations have sought to answer very different draw particularly from our own histories and questions relating to gender and sport. Our start- experiences although where possible we also ing point is that gender relations are not static but reference research and writing in other societal change over time. There are many overlaps contexts and cultures. between different positions, writers shift their Early work on gender and sport within the own understandings and “new” feminisms Western academy provided a critique of the “mal- emerge out of existing theoretical positions. As estream”1 of sport sociology with the focus very we progress along our journey through sports much on women and sport (Hall, 1996; Har- feminism and gender and sport, we question A Companion to Sport, First Edition. Edited by David L. Andrews and Ben Carrington. © 2013 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Published 2013 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd.  gender, feminist theory, and sport 97 whether some of the “old” questions of early dation (WSF, USA), Canadian Association for feminism are now outdated and surpassed by Advancement of Women and Sport (CAAWS), new more relevant concerns or whether some Women’s Sport International (WSI), and Interna- questions and issues continue to be pertinent for tional Association of PE and Sport for Girls and our sporting lives in the twenty-first century. Women (IAPESGW), has resulted in a number of statements targeted at governments as well as national and international organizations. These Liberal Feminism statements argue for the vital importance of sport and physical education for girls and women (e.g., Modern liberal feminism bears the legacy of early 1994 Brighton Declaration on Women and Sport; pioneers such as Mary Wollstonecraft, John 1998 Windhoek Call for Action; 2008 IAPESGW Stuart Mill, and Harriet Taylor, who challenged “Accept and Respect” Declaration). Although essentialist notions of femininity and the dichot- there is little doubt that the liberal feminist omy that posited rationality as masculine/male agenda and the work of activists and pressure and emotionality as feminine/female. Second- groups has opened up opportunities for some wave liberal feminism since the 1960s and 1970s women, more radical sports feminists argue that has focused on equality of access and opportu- this superficial change has simply hidden more nity, different socialization practices, gender complex gender inequalities that continue to stereotyping, and discrimination. impact on many women and some men. The underlying assumption of all liberal sports The early feminist critiques of malestream feminism is that sport is fundamentally sound sport are valuable for their rejection of biological and represents a positive experience to which explanations2 for women’s subordination in girls and women need access. Differences in sport, and for establishing that gender is socially female sports participation are seen to be the constructed. They are important, also, for docu- result of socialization practices carried out by menting the real distributive inequalities between institutions such as the family, the media, and the men’s and women’s sport and for highlighting the school (Greendorfer, 1993; Oglesby, 1978). For significance of women role models, both as par- example, girls are socialized into feminine activi- ticipants and decision-makers in sport. Many ties such as netball, gymnastics, or hockey and of the questions raised by early liberal femi- into a female physicality, and boys are social- nists remain pertinent to contemporary sport ized into masculine sports such as football, rugby, practice. or cricket and into a male physicality (Scraton, The 2012 Olympic and Paralympic Games in 1992). Furthermore, discriminatory practices London have been heralded as the most “female prevent women from having equal access to friendly” games, with every team having women sporting opportunities including facilities and competitors, women now taking part in previ- resources. Despite new legislation, in most private ously male-only events such as boxing, and golf clubs in the United Kingdom, in practice, female Olympians from the United States out- opportunities for “lady” players to play remain numbering male Olympians for the first time. unchanged and restricted to one day in the week Since the Barcelona Games in 1992, the number or tee times later in the day at weekends (Crosset, of women athletes has increased from 25 percent 1995). Liberal feminist research also focuses on to 45 percent, a significant improvement. the underrepresentation of women in decision- However, issues of access and opportunity remain making positions in sport and in higher coaching on the agenda. For example, despite these and leadership posts (Knoppers, 1994). advances, women still do not have as many Liberal feminism has placed these issues on the opportunities to compete, with fewer medals agenda of sports organizations, governing bodies, available, and funding is still unequal. Men con- schools, and other institutions involved in deliv- tinue to dominate key decision-making and the ering, providing, and developing sport. Pressure percentage of women in governing and adminis- from activists working on women and sport trative bodies in the Olympic movement remains initiatives such as Women’s Sport and Fitness low. As of January 2013, there were only 21 Foundation (WSFF, UK), Women’s Sports Foun- women out of 101 active members of the 98 sheila scraton and anne flintoff International Olympic Committee (IOC, 2013). the personal experiences of women (the “per- This reflects sport more widely, where women are sonal is political”) and centralize sexuality as a still not in decision-making positions, although major site of men’s domination over women some small inroads have been made onto com- through the social institutionalization of het- mittee structures (Talbot, 2001). For example, in erosexuality. This has led to an analysis of 2002 Karren Brady became the first woman to be compulsory heterosexuality and lesbian femi- the managing director of a Premier League asso- nism. Adrienne Rich (1980) argues that hetero- ciation football team in England and in 2012 is sexuality is defined as the norm both for the vice-chair of another Premier League football individuals and within institutional settings, thus team. Although Sport England (a government it becomes the only legitimate form of sexuality. agency responsible for building the foundations Compulsory heterosexuality acts as a form of of sporting success) has three women committee social and sexual control by normalizing and members out of nine, this reflects a minor shift naturalizing (hetero)sexuality. Through this, towards gender equity in decision-making with radical feminists argue, male power is manifested women still very much in the minority. and maintained. Male violence against women is In addition, the focus on socialization and understood as part of this social control of sex-role differentiation by liberal feminism is women and is fundamental to women’s oppres- problematic as it treats women as a homogeneous sion (Dworkin, 1981). As men and male power group. Although early liberal feminist work has are seen to be the primary cause of women’s had some impact on policy and practice (as evi- oppression and inequality, a response has been to denced in the 2012 Olympic and Paralympic celebrate women’s values, raise women’s con- Games), many of the early initiatives identified sciousness, and develop a separatist philosophy. women as a target group, with little regard paid The degree to which separatism is developed to differences between women (White, 1995). differs from women-only events and spaces to the This approach also unquestioningly accepts adoption of a total separatist lifestyle. men’s sporting practices and organization, and Whereas liberal sports feminists argue that defines women and their world, not sport itself, women have unequal access to decision-making as the problem requiring change; the focus is very positions, radical feminists are more interested in much on reform, rather than on a fundamental the power maintained over women by men challenge to broader structural power relations. within and through sport. Radical feminists working in sport have been interested in the role of sport in the social construction of male sexual Radical Feminism dominance and female sexual submission. For example, Lenskyj (1986, 1994) argues that discus- Radical feminism developed out of radical poli- sions about “femininity” in sport should be better tics in the 1960s and 1970s which saw the devel- focused on sexuality, such is the strong associa- opment of women’s consciousness-raising groups tion between gender and sexuality. Femininity and the beginnings of a women’s movement with should be viewed as a code name for heterosexu- women campaigning publicly against domestic ality. Through sport, females are encouraged violence, pornography, and for their rights over to develop an acceptable “femininity” central to reproduction and health matters (Boston which is heterosexual attractiveness and availabil- Women’s Health Collective, 1973). There has ity. Women’s involvement in sport is controlled always been a strong link between this radical and restricted through their clothing and their activism and the theories that developed to need to present a “heterosexy” image (Griffin, explain women’s oppression. Fundamentally the 1998; Lenskyj, 1994). For example, the clothing radical feminist explanation is concerned with for international women’s beach volleyball com- underlying structural power relations that are the petitions states that the bikini bottoms must not result of the systematic maintenance of male have a side deeper than six cm. This is less to do power through patriarchy, whereby men as a with appropriateness of dress for the sport and group dominate women as a group. Radical femi- more about the objectification of women’s bodies. nists explore the nature of oppression through Women’s objectification in sport is evidenced  gender, feminist theory, and sport 99 further in the media portrayal of sportswomen supports the development of anti-discriminatory through an emphasis on their appearance, sexual- policies challenging homophobia and discrimi- ity, and their motherhood/domestic role in the nation against lesbians and gays. In 2006 the family (Creedon, 1994; Hargreaves, 1993; Pirinen, Canadian Association for the Advancement of 1997; Wright and Clarke, 1999). This takes place Women and Sport and Physical Activity pub- in our print and broadcast media and is sup- lished a discussion paper entitled “Seeing the ported by the use of women as display in male Invisible, Speaking the Unspoken” on homopho- sports such as motor racing and boxing. bia and sport. This was part of their strategy for Radical feminists have contributed to our making all sport inclusive and safe. In the past few understandings of lesbianism and homophobia years the Football Association in England has also in sport. Research in this area shows how included in their equality strategies the need to lesbians in sport and physical education are con- challenge homophobia. There are now clear state- structed as deviant, silenced, delegitimized, and ments about their commitment to “ensure every stigmatized as abnormal. Importantly, they dem- door is open for members of the gay and lesbian onstrate, also, the negotiations and resistances communities to participate and progress within developed by lesbians to maintain a presence in football” and to “combat all forms of homo- homophobic sport contexts (Cahn, 1994; Cun- phobic language and behaviour – whether by ningham, 2012; Griffin, 1998). They do this by spectators, players or other participants.”3 the development of various strategies including However, a statement such as this, whilst welcome, avoidance, the construction of complex bounda- is a liberal response to a radical issue and there ries around themselves, deflection and “playing” remains little evidence about how such a state- the heterosexual (Clarke, 1998). This work has ment impacts on actual practices and behaviors. been extended by male pro-feminist writers to Radical feminism challenges unequal gender an analysis of gay men’s position and experiences relations in sport particularly by influencing in sport (Messner, 1992; Pronger, 1990, 1998; institutional understanding of male violence and Wellard, 2006, 2009). homophobia as well as the significance of women- Radical feminists’ work on male violence to only and gay and lesbian space. This separate women has been applied to sport by demonstrat- provision ranges from local initiatives (e.g., ing the continuum of violence from sexually women-only sessions in leisure and sport centers) derogative comments to sexual abuse and rape to large-scale, international sporting events (e.g., (Brackenridge, 2001; Brackenridge and Kirby, women’s sports organizations and the Gay 1997). Within sport, this is a relatively new area Games).4 Radical sports feminism further encour- of concern dealing with important and sensitive ages the reconstruction of sport into forms that issues; male violence is experienced in sport, both celebrate women’s values rather than those more “on and off the field.” Examples include domestic traditionally associated with masculine aggres- violence and male professional sportsmen; the sion and competition (Birrell and Richter, 1987; sexual abuse and rape of athletes by male coaches; Mitten, 1992). and sexual assaults by male student athletes on Radical feminism is criticized for its tendency university campuses in the United States (Brack- to essentialism and biological reductionism. enridge, 2001; Crosset, Benedict, and McDonald, Essentialism suggests that there is an essence 1995; Fasting, Brackenridge, and Walseth, 2007; to being a woman thus emphasizing women’s Kirby and Greaves, 1996). The conviction in 2012 perceived natural or biologically determined of a long-serving football coach at Penn State qualities. There is a real danger in celebrating university for child sexual abuse is a recent the importance of women’s values that femi- example, together with the appalling killing in ninity is reified and becomes fixed and reduced May 2010 of Yeardley Love, a varsity female to a biological explanation. In addition, the lacrosse player at the University of Virginia, by concentration on patriarchy and the shared her boyfriend, himself a lacrosse player at the oppression of women by men fails to fully university. A radical sports feminist approach explore the divisions between women based on emphasizes the importance of consciousness- class, race, and ethnicity and homogenizes all raising about violence and sexual abuse and men as oppressors. 100 sheila scraton and anne flintoff Marxist/Socialist Feminism in servicing and supporting roles. Women’s dual role in the paid labor force and in domestic labor Whereas patriarchy is seen to be the primary impacts on their time and energies for sport and structure of oppression in radical feminism, recreation. Socialist feminism is critical of the Marxist feminism5 identifies gender inequalities disparities between men’s and women’s opportu- as deriving from capitalism, class, and economic nities for sponsorship, prize money, and sporting exploitation. The sexual division of labor is fun- careers (Hall, 1996). damental to this approach and focuses on how Apart from exploring the complex interrela- capital benefits from women’s unpaid domestic tionships between capitalism and patriarchal labor, maintenance of the future labor force power relations, socialist feminism shifts the (childcare), and the day-to-day care of male emphasis from solely concentrating on women’s laborers. Because of this narrow focus on capital- experiences to looking more critically at gender. ism, socialist feminism looks more specifically at In order to do this they explore male power the relationships between class and gender and through the concept of hegemonic masculinity the systems of capitalism and patriarchy. To a (Connell, 1987, 1995, 2008). This has developed large extent socialist feminism has replaced the into a large area of study (men and masculinities) economic determinist approach of Marxist femi- and has created the space for men to engage with nism and remains the feminist approach that feminist theorizing. The early work by Sabo and seeks to explore the complex dynamics of class Runfola (1980) recognized the significance of and gender relations. Women’s oppression cannot feminist work for an understanding of men and simply be explained by class relations and the sport but it is primarily through the work of Sabo sexual division of labor (Marxist feminism) or by (1985), Messner (1992), and Messner and Sabo men’s power over women (radical feminism). (1990) that there have developed critical theoreti- Socialist feminism attempts to provide a more cally informed studies of men, masculinity, and comprehensive explanation that incorporates sport. This work looks at the historical construc- both of these areas. tion of masculinity and muscularity through A major problem for socialist feminists is how sport, male hegemony, and hegemonic masculin- the relationship between class and gender can be ity and the relationship between masculinity, theorized without giving primacy to one over the male power, and sport. Importantly it explores other – a problem we will return to later when how men as a group enjoy privileges in sport discussing more recent approaches to difference through the construction of unequal gender rela- and intersectionality. This has become more tions; how men also pay the cost for their adher- complex as socialist feminists have responded to ence to narrow definitions of masculinity; and the work of black feminists (which is discussed in the importance of differences and inequalities the next section) who have argued powerfully between men (Messner, 1992, 1997; Wellard, against the ethnocentricity of white feminism. 2006, 2009; Anderson, 2005). Socialist feminism has responded by looking more closely at the interrelationships of gender, race, and class located within capitalism, patriar- Black Feminism chy, and neocolonialism. Within sport, socialist feminism highlights the part played by women in Black feminists have challenged dominant white servicing both men’s and children’s sports. For feminist theorizing and activism since the early example, women often provide the refreshments days of second-wave feminism, arguing that black at male sporting events; they wash sports clothing women’s experiences have been largely excluded for their partner or for men’s teams; and they and made invisible (Hill Collins, 1991; hooks, transport their children to sports events and 1981, 1984, 1989). They highlight the fact that the support them in their activities often to the detri- sites of their oppression may be different to those ment of their own leisure and sporting activities of white women. For example, many white (Thompson, 1999). This sexual division of labor women see the family as a major site of their extends into employment in sports organizations oppression by both men and the sexual division and sports clubs, where women are often found of labor. Yet for some black women the family is  gender, feminist theory, and sport 101 an important site for their resistance and solidar- South Asian woman in challenging the appro- ity, where they have control and can wield power priateness of white academics researching the (Hill Collins 1991). By focusing only on gendered sporting experiences of black and South Asian power relations, white feminist theories have women. She argues that their conclusions pathol- neglected to problematize racial power as central ogize South Asian culture, and universalize the to the production of white feminist knowledge. notion of South Asian women, failing to recog- White women within the feminist movement nize differences between these women in relation have not only failed to address the marginaliza- to ethnicity, religion, and class. Work on the tion of black women but have failed to seriously racialization and gendering of sport has been interrogate their own whiteness. Whiteness is the developed by, amongst others, Benn (1996), taken-for-granted central position that relegates Benn, Pfister, and Jawad (2010), Kay (2006), and blackness to “otherness” (Mirza, 1997). The invis- Ratna (2007) on Muslim women and sport and/ ibility and marginalization of black women in or physical education; Wray (2001, 2003) in rela- feminism “speaks of the separate narrative con- tion to physical activity, exercise, and health of structions of race, gender and class; it is a racial older Muslim Pakistani women; Scraton, Caud- discourse, where the subject is male; in a gen- well, and Holland (2005) on race, gender, and dered discourse, where the subject is white; and a women’s football, Paraschak (1996, 1997) on class discourse where race has no place” (Mirza, native peoples in Canada, and Ifekwunigwe 1997: 4). (2009) on sporting celebrity, class, and black The interrogation of whiteness and sport has feminism. This latter work is located within a begun to be addressed in sport although much of theoretical framework of difference that chal- the research remains focused on sportsmen (e.g., lenges the universalistic approaches of the liberal Long and Hylton, 2002; King, 2005) with work and radical feminist analyses and will be dis- such as that by McDonald (2009), Fusco (2005), cussed more fully in the next section. and Azzarito (2009), beginning to shift attention The more recent development of critical work to mapping whiteness in relation to gender, on gender, race, ethnicity, and women’s sport (as women’s sport, and physical education. discussed above) to some extent redresses the Much of the current discourse about women previous androcentric focus by much sports and sport remains ethnocentric and is viewed research on black sportsmen. There are also now through a “gendered lens” (Dworkin and Messner, critical gendered explorations of sportsmen that 2001). There is little work that could be defined engage with hegemonic masculinity, recognizing as offering a black feminist perspective on sport. that the image of athletic masculinity is not only As Birrell (1990: 193) concludes “we need to about being a man, a dominant powerful image increase the awareness of issues in the lives of seen in opposition to a subordinate femininity women of colour as they themselves articulate but is also a racialized image that distinguishes these issues.” Although written over two decades between black athleticism and white athleticism ago, there is little evidence that these omissions (Messner, 1993; Dworkin and Messner, 2001). have been addressed. Birrell (1990) argues that Sport can be an important site of masculine self- most of the work that has been done on black expression for black males that can provide some women and sport has been categoric (empha- means of resistance but can also serve to reinforce sizing differences between categories) or dis- and lock them into their marginalized positions tributive (providing statistics on inequality of within a racist society (Majors, 1990; Messner, opportunity, access, and distribution of resources) 1997; Woodward, 2004, 2009). Carrington’s (see also Smith, 1992). Often the early work on (2001) early work on race, racism, and sport is an gender, race, and sport tended to present a sim- example of the development of a critical engage- plistic, additive, theoretical model where black ment with the complexities of black masculinities women’s experiences are simply “added on” to an and sport. His work suggests that an understand- understanding of gender oppression (Scraton, ing of sport as a site of black cultural resistance 2001). to racism does not always recognize that this is Raval (1989) provides one of the first critiques black male resistance, often dependent on gen- in the United Kingdom from the position of a dered power relations. Messner, in his discussion 102 sheila scraton and anne flintoff of racialized masculinity politics, reiterates Car- the structuralist definitions of power (top down, rington’s analysis in suggesting that repressive) and considers power as plural and productive in a multiplicity of sites such as the in foregrounding the oppression of men by men, body, discourse, knowledge, subjectivity, and these studies risk portraying aggressive, even sexuality. Foucault highlights the significance of misogynist, gender displays primarily as liberat- discourses, such as medical, scientific, and sexual, ing forms of resistance against class and racial through which meanings and people are made oppression. What is obscured or even drops out and, importantly, through which power relations of sight is the feminist observation that these are maintained and changed. His conception of kinds of masculinity are forms of domination power provides opportunities for women’s resist- over women. (1997: 77) ance and struggle, with more of an emphasis on the everyday experiences and agency of individ- Carrington (2007, 2008) has extended his ual women. Poststructuralist feminism argues for earlier analysis to areas of racialized perform- the deconstruction of the term “woman” and the ativity, bodies, and identities interrogating the recognition of a diversity of femininities, mascu- complex relationships between racialization and linities, and sexualities. Judith Butler’s (1990) sport. work has been particularly influential to feminist The policy and practical responses to black thought, arguing that gender is performative. feminism have included greater awareness of the There is seen to be no inherent identity behind needs of different women. In the United Kingdom acts that “perform” gender, thus the categories of this has included specific community-based gender/sex are culturally constructed through the strategies, for example, to encourage South Asian repeated performance of bodily acts. women into physical activity and active lifestyles Research and writing on gender and sport has (Scraton and Stoddart, 2000). However, although continued to evolve as it engages with poststruc- some sports organizations may have antiracist turalist analysis and particularly the work of policies, these have had little impact on the expe- Foucault and Butler (Rail, 1998; Markula and riences of many black sportsmen and women Pringle, 2006). The focus on the body in post- (Long et al., 2000; Spracklen, Hylton, and Long, structuralism is particularly appropriate for 2006; Hylton, 2009). Indeed, the sporting world analyses of gender and sport. Foucault’s work is has some way to go before the concerns of black used in feminist research to explore the notion of feminists become central to sporting practice. the “docile body” and the “disciplined body.” Bordo (1993) shows how women engage in self- surveillance of their bodies, disciplining them- The Impact of Poststructuralism, selves through diet and exercise. Markula’s (1995) Queer Theory, and Postcolonialism early work looks at aerobics as a site for disciplin- ing the female body, but it concludes that although Poststructuralist feminists provide conceptual they work hard to achieve the ideal body, women challenges to the macro-analyses of the structural also gain pleasure, self-confidence, and self- approaches of liberal, radical, and socialist femi- esteem through their aerobics workout. nism. They argue that it is no longer relevant to The body has also been the focus of critical seek the truth or a single explanation of a particu- work exploring and deconstructing femininity. lar issue. They reject the view that it is a lack of Sport is an ideal arena for the display of gender equal access or opportunity (liberal), patriarchy and sports feminists are engaged with the embod- (radical), capitalism (Marxist) or a combination iment of femininity often through analyses of of patriarchy and capitalism (socialist) that women who take part in sports that have been explains women’s oppression. Rather they focus traditionally defined as “men’s sports” such as on difference and diversity and argue that the rugby (Howe, 2001; Wright and Clarke, 1999), ice very term “women” has little significance in hockey (Theberge, 2000; Lock, 2006), boxing the fragmented and changing world that we live (Halbert, 1997), body building (Obel, 1996), in today. Poststructuralist accounts often draw on wrestling (Sisjord and Kristiansen, 2009), and the work of Foucault (1980, 1983) who challenges football (soccer) (Caudwell, 1999; Scraton et al.,  gender, feminist theory, and sport 103 1999; Mennesson and Clement, 2003). Women created for the expression of multiple sexualities. who play these sports are negotiating their display Ravel and Rail’s research continues to develop of gender particularly in relation to muscles, poststructuralist and queer readings of sport in tough and aggressive gestures, and the clothes their research on young women’s discursive they wear. The women in these contexts are doing constructions of gender and sexuality and their gender via a body aesthetic but often are still dis- performative acts both in sport and in other con- ciplining their bodies in order to adhere to rules texts. Interestingly their findings suggest that of femininity. For example, in body building their participants (located in Montreal, Canada), women’s bodies are made to comply with com- positioned themselves as “gaie” not lesbian or pulsory heterosexual femininity through their queer. “Gaie” sexuality is constructed as more swimwear, make-up, breast implants, and styles “feminine” but, as the authors point out, this con- of walking (Wesely, 2001). However, most impor- struction of alternative sexualities can also still tantly this work raises questions about how sport reproduce some “lesbo/butch phobic ideas” can not only reproduce gender norms in relation (Raval and Rail, 2006: 395). to femininity but can also begin to trespass Pronger (1990, 2000) has been most influential gender frontiers and the potential to recreate and in queering sport analysis particularly in his work (re)define new femininities. Gender codes or on gay sport. Pronger, together with researchers stereotypes are no longer seen as polarized and such as Wellard (2006, 2009) and Anderson some commentators argue that female athletes (2005), argues that we need to go beyond the are challenging the boundaries of femininity and concept of hegemonic masculinity, as developed masculinity through the development of strong, most fully by Connell (1995, 2008), to a post- muscular sporting bodies (Heywood and structuralist understanding of masculinities, Dworkin, 2003). gender relations, and sport which uses more Postructuralist analyses of sport destabilize complex and ambiguous workings of power traditional notions of the relations between sex, (Pringle, 2005). Increasingly there are accounts gender, and sexuality (Sykes, 2006) and often of sportsmen’s subjectivities and an attempt provide a more celebratory view of constructions to explore the performances of masculinities and performances of sexuality. Queer theory has emphasizing agency, eroticism, desire, bodily developed from poststructuralist theory with its pleasures, and subversive acts of gay sports. particular focus on gender and sexuality bringing However, Wellard in particular, whilst using a deconstructionist approach to sexual identity queer theory to analyze his empirical data of gay and heteronormative discourse (Drury, forth- experiences of sport is mindful of the gap that coming). For example, Caudwell’s (1999, 2002) still exists between academic queer theory and work on women who play football deconstructs the lived experiences of sports participants. the dichotomies of sex/gender and masculinity/ Whilst agency and transformative acts are femininity through an interrogation of the evidenced in his work he still identifies the con- concepts of “butch” and “female masculinity.” tinuance of heterosexual hegemonic masculinity Whereas radical feminism focuses on compul- and its discriminatory and oppressive impact on sory heterosexuality, lesbian/gay sexuality, and his research participants. homophobia, queer theory is used by sport schol- Poststructuralism and queer theory have been ars to move away from “a lesbian and gay politics criticized for their potential for relativism that of identity to a politics of difference, resistance emphasizes difference and thus loses the notion and challenge” (Caudwell, 2006: 2). Caudwell of women’s shared experiences in relation to develops this in her examination of an “out” self- gender. The issues central to the concerns of post- defined lesbian football team exploring how structuralist analyses are also considered by some, femme-ininity/ies disrupt sex-gender-desire as discussed in relation to Wellard’s work above, imperatives. Broad (2001) also uses queer theory to be somewhat distanced from the everyday in her research on women’s rugby in the United realities of many people’s lives (Dworkin and States. In a similar vein to Caudwell, she argues Messner, 2001). Indeed these academic debates that women’s rugby is a sporting context where around transgressive bodies, female masculinity, gender boundaries can be blurred and space and queering of sport are bought into sharp relief 104 sheila scraton and anne flintoff when they become a serious challenge to the nor- Postcolonial understandings of gender and sport mative views of the competitive sports world. In tend to be textual-based, exploring representa- 2009, South African athlete Caster Semenya tions of black sportswomen and sportsmen. became the women’s world champion for the 800 There have been a number of interesting accounts meters in the World Athletic Championships. Her of Serena and Venus Williams that seek to decon- gold medal resulted in the International Associa- struct black womanhood and explore the repre- tion of Athletics Federations (IAAF) instigating sentations of black sporting bodies (Douglas, gender verification tests (Schultz, 2011). This is 2002; Schultz, 2005; Ifekwunigwe, 2009). This an example of the powerful retention, by those in work, particularly the fascinating exploration of power positions in sport (in this case the IAAF), Serena and Venus Williams by Ifekwunigwe of notions of gender/sex binaries and gender (2009: 136) engages with multiple subjectivities, normativity together with essentialist notions of agency, and the “nuanced complexities” of sport bodies having a stable sex that can be demon- celebrity, class, and race. One of the few pro- strated through dress, body shape, muscle, feminist and queer readings of black masculini- hairstyle, voice, and so on. Anyone transgressing ties is the work of Abdel-Shehid (2005) who again these expectations of normative femininity faces looks at how racism, exclusion, and diaspora serious and humiliating actions including being shape black masculinities in Canadian sport. asked to “prove” their sex/gender through Reading representations of black sport stars biological sex testing. The history of gender veri- allows for a better understanding of the contra- fication tests goes back to the 1960s when the dictions and tensions surrounding national International Olympic Committee introduced identities, gender, ethnicities, and sexualities. these tests that involved chromosomal testing for the “true woman” with a chromosome XX. This is based on an acceptance of fixed, natural, binary categories of sex: male and female. Whilst New Avenues and New Questions for academics have developed the work of Butler Sport Feminism: Middle Ground (1990), who argues for gendered performance Theorizing and Intersectional Analysis and the disruption of any continuity between sex-gender-sexuality, the performance world of In the final section of this chapter we turn to sport continues to deny the complexities of gay, consider what might be new avenues or questions lesbian, bisexual, transgender or intersex, and for feminism, gender, and sport. As noted earlier, continues to submit athletes to humiliating and feminist theories are fluid and dynamic, with inappropriate testing to identify “deviant” ath- newer theories building on, or challenging, the letes whom they see as gaining unfair advantage knowledge and understanding that has gone in women’s sports competition.6 before, reflecting changes in society and gender Theorizing difference and recognizing fluidity relations. However, in this section we also con- and multiple identities is also a key aspect of sider whether some of the older theories and postcolonialism. The concept of the postcolonial questions continue to be relevant to our under- is as contentious as the debates that surround the standings of contemporary sport practice. use of poststructuralism and queer theory. It is Whilst the contribution of poststructural femi- also relatively underdeveloped in sport theory nism to our understandings of gender relations generally and specifically in relation to gender.7 A and sport has been significant, increasingly it has text by Bale and Cronin (2003) entitled Sport and been criticized for its tendency to overemphasize Postcolonialism has few references to women’s both difference and diversity at the expense of sport or to gender relations. Postcolonialism enduring, material inequalities (Hargreaves, destabilizes notions of national identity and 2001; Walby, 2000). This has led to what could be engages with diaspora, the transnational, and new called middle ground theorizing (Archer, 2004), identities (Bhabha, 1994; Gilroy, 1993, 2000). As a position that conceives of identities as “situ- with poststructuralism it disrupts hierarchical ated accomplishments” (Valentine, 2007) in understandings of power and focuses on hybrid- relation to material and discursive structures of ity and resistance (MacDonald et al., 2009). inequalities.  gender, feminist theory, and sport 105 For example, in the United States, Heywood race, ethnicity, class, and gender, Patricia Hill and Drake (1997) and Heywood and Dworkin Collins (1998) has also cautioned against the easy (2003) make an interesting contribution to our invocation of intersectional analysis. However, a understanding of gender and sport, arguing for a number of feminist theorists are exploring the “third wave” of feminism. This notion of a third- value of an intersectional approach including wave agenda grows out of some of the African those working within sport and physical educa- American feminist writings, particularly the work tion (Flintoff, Fitzgerald, and Scraton, 2008; of bell hooks. The emphasis is on subjectivities, Ratna, forthcoming). Flintoff and colleagues multiplicity, and difference with a view that a (2008) use an intersectional lens to understand politics of hybridity is far more relevant to the contemporary physical education, arguing that twenty-first century. Whilst the third wave this approach moves us beyond the problems of emphasizes desire, pleasures, empowerment, and a single category focus on gender or race or dis- activism, similar to many poststructuralist con- ability. Their work suggests that exploring the cerns, it also embraces much of the second-wave material body through an intersectional lens can legacy particularly its critique of the beauty help us understand the complexities of difference culture, sexual abuse, and power structures. and the relationship of gender to other social cat- Whilst moving understandings of gender and egories in sporting contexts. However, whilst sport into new questions of identities, bodies, intersectional analysis helps move forward our and empowerment it does this whilst seeing it as understandings of gender and sport, we also a progression from previous feminist theorizing caution against its uncritical theoretical use. rather than a replacement or rejection of what There is a danger of slipping into a pluralist has gone before. Such middle ground theorizing, approach that potentially loses the significance of drawing on the valuable insights of poststructural gender relations. We would argue that it remains analysis, whilst not losing sight of power struc- a political and practical imperative, in specific tures and their impact on sport, is an important contexts, to retain temporary boundaries if we avenue for future feminist work. As Hargreaves are to avoid the relativism of difference. notes: Whilst considering new questions for sports feminism, it is important not to lose sight of More research is needed to help us understand some of the “old” questions that still have rele- the realities of injustice and discrimination in vance. As noted earlier, the advances for women sport, the lived social realities of oppressed at the 2012 London Olympic and Paralympic groups. This is not an argument to throw away Games and in other sporting contests, whilst sig- all narrative methods but rather to remind our- nificant, do not mean that equality of opportu- selves that stories can be used as an aid for nity and access have been fully achieved. In change, stories can persuade others of beliefs and understanding gender relations and sport, we notions of value, they can act as arguments, and they can influence public opinion. But to seem to have lost the focus on the relationship nurture such a potential we should link personal, between gender and class that was so significant individual, ‘different’ accounts to wider social in the 1980s work of socialist feminists. As sport circumstances. (2001: 199, original emphasis) has become more commercialized and spectacu- larized there have been important debates in Whilst third-wave feminism begins to engage sport studies around globalization and late capi- with this middle ground theorizing, some talism (Silk, Andrews, and Cole, 2005; Andrews, researchers and theorists are exploring the value 2009). There are many questions that emerge of the concept of intersectionality for taking us around the commodification of sport, sport forward. Davis (2008) has recently suggested that celebrity, and sport media that need to be intersectionality has become a “buzzword” for addressed by sports feminism in the twenty-first contemporary feminism, precisely because, she century. argues, of the ambiguities and uncertainties Similarly as demographics change and we have linked to its use. Although, as we have shown, an increasingly older population the relation- black feminism has always taken an intersectional ships between gender and aging would seem to approach in that it has always theorized across be fertile ground for future work. What is the 106 sheila scraton and anne flintoff impact of gender for older people previously or do now have significant questions around differ- currently engaging in sport? Is aging a gendered ence, fragmentation, and identities but this does process in relation to physical activity and sports not mean that “old” questions about inequality performance? Similarly disability remains a much do not remain pertinent today. We have a sports marginalized area in sport research generally but media that still provides limited coverage of in sports feminism in particular. Once again the women’s sport (despite the much improved centrality of the body would suggest that we need coverage at the 2012 Games) and whilst the sex- to know far more about the disabled body and ualization of women on the sports pages may gender. Smith and Sparkes (2008) through narra- not be so explicit, it remains an issue. In the tive work have begun to explore the disabled male United Kingdom, approximately 75 percent of body through sport and this work could be all sport coaches are men and approximately 94 extended, not only through narrative, to learn percent are white (Sports Coach UK, 2007; more about masculinities, femininities, and sexu- Norman, 2010). Similar statistics can be quoted alities for disabled sportsmen and women. for the United States (Lapchick, 2009). However, As Birrell highlighted back in 1990, we still it is the continued everyday oppression and ine- know very little about black and minority ethnic quality experienced by women coaches described women’s experiences of sport. Over two decades by Norman (2010: 100) that is a stark reminder later we would have to report a similar situation that gender power relations remain at the center apart from the notable exceptions discussed of sporting practices: “Women coaches’ emo- earlier. We live in a world of complexity and in tional struggles illustrated that they worked Great Britain we increasingly have communities within a male dominated culture.... Their with different and mixed heritage. We know little oppression was not overt discrimination but about the relationship of gender and sport in more subtle, insidious ideologically based these settings nor the key questions pertinent to oppressions that contribute to women’s contin- sport, physical activity, and active bodies for ued under-representation.” increasingly diverse, and often marginalized, These examples demonstrate that questions of communities. inequality remain on the agenda for gender and sport. Equally we could highlight sexual abuse of young athletes, the continuing impact of the Conclusion: Revisiting “Old” Questions beauty culture and bodies, eating disorders, in the Twenty-First Century and sport amongst other things. What is most important is that sports feminism retains the fun- As we have journeyed through the development damental principle of linking research to practice of gender and sport it has been increasingly and so striving to make a difference in the sport- obvious that just as we have new questions that ing world. Questions of hybridity and difference need exploration, the notion of a “post”-femi- are important and can exist alongside questions nist era for gender and sport simply does not of inequality and oppression. Research on gender hold true. Many of the liberal feminist concerns and sport has contributed much to our under- of the 1970s and 1980s may have shifted in standings of the sporting world and will continue detail but remain very much on the agenda. We to do so in the future. Notes 1 “Malestream” refers to the mainstream of sport and accounts for their limited ability and sociology which was seen to be dominated by male participation. academics researching from the point of view of 3 See http://www.thefa.com/football-rules-govern- men with no regard for gender relations. ance/equality/lgbt-football. 2 Biological explanations emphasize the supposed 4 The Gay Games takes place every four years and was physical and psychological inferiority of women initiated in 1982. Its founding principles are those which, it is argued, make them unsuitable for sport of participation, inclusion, and personal best. It is  gender, feminist theory, and sport 107 the world’s largest sporting and cultural event dualist theory that broadens Marxist feminism to organized by and specifically for lesbian, gay, consider economic and cultural aspects of women’s bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people. inequality. 5 Marxist feminism focuses on the economic as the 6 Caster Semenya was withdrawn from international primary source of women’s oppression. Socialist competition until July 2010 when the IAAF cleared feminism tended to develop out of a Marxist her to return to competition. approach (although some feminists would still label 7 See Chapter 1, “Sporting Resistance,” in Carrington themselves Marxist) and is usually defined as a (2010). References Abdel-Shehid, G. (2005) Who Da Man? Black Mascu- athletes.” International Review for the Sociology of linities and Sporting Cultures, Toronto: Canadian Sport, 32 (4): 407–418. Scholars Press. Broad, K.L. (2001) “The gendered unapologetic: Queer Anderson, E. (2005) In the Game: Gay Athletes and the resistance in women’s sport.” Sociology of Sport Cult of Masculinity, Albany: State University of New Journal, 18 (2): 181–204. York Press. Butler, J. (1990) Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Sub- Andrews, D.L. (2009) “Sport, culture and late capital- version of Identity, London: Routledge. ism,” in Carrington, B. and McDonald, I. (eds.) Cahn, S. (1994) Coming on Strong: Gender and Sexual- Marxism, Cultural Studies and Sport, London: ity in Twentieth Century Women’s Sport, New York: Routledge. Free Press. Archer, L. (2004) “Re/theorising difference in feminist Carrington, B. (2001) “Sport, masculinity and black research.” Women’s Studies International Forum, 27: cultural resistance,” in Scraton, S. and Flintoff, A. 459–473. (eds.) A Reader in Gender and Sport, London: Azzarito, L. (2009) “The Panopticon of physical educa- Routledge. tion: Pretty, active and ideally white.” Physical Carrington, B. (2007) “Merely identity: Cultural iden- Education and Sport Pedagogy, 14: 19–40. tity and the politics of sport.” Sociology of Sport Bale, J. and Cronin, M. (2003) Sport and Postcolonial- Journal, 24 (1): 49–66. ism, Oxford: Berg. Carrington, B. (2008) “What’s the footballer doing Benn, T. (1996) “Muslim women and physical educa- here? Racialised performativity, reflexivity and tion in initial teacher training.” Sport, Education and identity.” Cultural Studies ↔ Critical Methodologies, Society, 1 (1): 5–21. 8 (4): 423–452. Benn, T., Pfister, G., and Jawad, H. (eds.) (2011) Muslim Carrington, B. (2010) Race, Sport and Politics, London: Women in Sport, London: Routledge. Sage. Bhabha, H. (1994) The Location of Culture, London: Caudwell, J. (1999) “Women’s football in the United Routledge. Kingdom: Theorizing gender and unpacking the Birrell, S. (1990) “Women of color: Critical autobiog- butch lesbian image.” Journal of Sport & Social raphy and sport,” in Messner, M. and Sabo, D. (eds.) Issues, 23 (4): 390–402. Sport, Men and the Gender Order, Champaign, IL: Caudwell, J. (2002) “Women’s experiences of sexuality Human Kinetics. within football contexts: A particular and located Birrell, S. and Richter, D.M. (1987) “Is a diamond footballing epistemology.” Football Studies, 5 (1): forever? Feminist transformations of sport.” 24–45. Women’s Studies International Forum, 10 (4): Caudwell, J. (ed.) (2006) Sport, Sexualities and Queer/ 395–409. Theory, London: Routledge. Bordo, S. (1993) Unbearable Weight: Feminism, Western Clarke, G. (1998) “Queering the pitch and coming Culture and the Body, Berkeley: University of Cali- out to play: Lesbians in physical education and fornia Press. sport.” Sport, Education and Society, 3 (2): 145– Boston Women’s Health Collective (1973) Our Bodies, 160. Ourselves, New York: Simon & Schuster. Connell, R. (1987) Gender and Power, Stanford, CA: Brackenridge, C. (2001) Spoilsports: Understanding and Stanford University Press. Preventing Sexual Exploitation in Sport, London: Connell, R. (1995) Masculinities, Sydney: Allen & Routledge. Unwin. Brackenridge, C. and Kirby, S. (1997) “Playing safe? Connell, R. (2008) “Masculinity construction and Assessing the risk of sexual abuse to young elite sports in boys’ education: A framework for thinking 108 sheila scraton and anne flintoff about the issue.” Sport Education and Society, 13 (2): Gilroy, P. (2000) “The dialectics of diaspora identifica- 131–145. tion,” in Back, L. and Solomos, J. (eds.) Theories of Creedon, P. (ed.) (1994) Women, Media and Sport: Race and Racism, London: Routledge. Challenging Gender Values, London: Sage. Greendorfer, S. (1993) “Gender role stereotypes and Crosset, T.W. (1995) Outsiders in the Clubhouse: The early childhood socialisation,” in Cohen, G.L. (ed.) World of Women’s Professional Golf, New York: State Women in Sport: Issues and Controversies, Newbury University of New York Press. Park, CA: Sage, pp. 3–14. Crosset, T.W., Benedict, J.R., and McDonald, M.A. Griffin, P. (1998) Strong Women, Deep Closets: Lesbians (1995) “Male student-athletes reported for sexual and Homophobia in Sport, Champaign, IL: Human assault: A survey of campus police departments and Kinetics. judicial affairs offices.” Journal of Sport & Social Halbert, C. (1997) “Tough enough and woman enough: Issues, 19 (2): 126–140. Stereotypes, discrimination, and impression man- Cunningham, G.B. (ed.) (2012) Sexual Orientation and agement among women professional boxers.” Gender Identity in Sport, College Station: Texas Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 21 (1): 7–36. A&M University. Hall, M.A. (1996) Feminism and Sporting Bodies, Davis, K. (2008) “Intersectionality as buzzword: A soci- Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics. ology of science perspective on what makes a theory Hargreaves, J. (1993) “Bodies matter! Images of sport feminist.” Feminist Theory, 9: 67–85. and female sexualisation,” in Brackenridge, C. (ed.) Douglas, D. (2002) “To be young, gifted, black and Body Matters: Leisure Images and Lifestyles, East- female: A meditation on the cultural politics at play bourne, UK: Leisure Studies Association. in representations of Venus and Serena Williams.” Hargreaves, J. (1994) Sporting Females: Critical Issues in Sociology of Sport Online, 5 (2), http://physed.otago. the History and Sociology of Women’s Sport, London: ac.nz/sosol/v5i2/v5i2_3.html, accessed December 5, Routledge. 2012. Hargreaves, J. (2001) Heroines of Sport: Politics of Dif- Drury, S. (forthcoming) “Gay sports spaces: Transgress- ference and Identity, London: Routledge. ing hetero(/homo) normativity and transforming Heywood, L. and Drake, J. (1997) Third Wave Agenda: sport,” in Hargreaves, J. and Anderson, E. (eds.) Being Feminist, Doing Feminism, Minneapolis: Uni- Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality, versity of Minnesota Press. London: Routledge. Heywood, L. and Dworkin, S.L. (2003) Built to Win: Dworkin, A. (1981) Pornography: Men Possessing The Female Athlete as Cultural Icon, Minneapolis: Women, London: Women’s Press. University of Minnesota Press. Dworkin, S. and Messner, M. (2001) “Just do... what? Hill Collins, P. (1991) Black Feminist Thought: Knowl- Sport, bodies, gender,” in Scraton, S. and Flintoff, A. edge, Consciousness and the Politics of Empowerment, (eds.) A Reader in Gender and Sport, London: London: Routledge. Routledge. Hill Collins, P. (1998) Fighting Words: Black Women and Fasting, K., Brackenridge, C., and Walseth, K. (2007) the Search for Justice, Minneapolis: University of “Women athletes’ personal responses to sexual har- Minnesota Press. assment in sport.” Journal of Applied Psychology, 19 hooks, b. (1981) Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and (4): 419–433. Feminism, Boston, MA: South End Press. Flintoff, A., Fitzgerald, H., and Scraton, S. (2008) “The hooks, b. (1984) Feminist Theory: From Margin to challenges of intersectionality: Researching differ- Center, Boston, MA: South End Press. ence in physical education.” International Studies in hooks, b. (1989) Talking Back: Thinking Feminism, Sociology of Education, 18 (2): 73–85. Thinking Black, Boston, MA: South End Press. Foucault, M. (1980) Power/Knowledge: Selected Inter- Howe, P.D. (2001) “Women’s rugby and the nexus views and Other Writings 1972–77, ed. Colin between embodiment, professionalism and sexual- Gordon, Brighton: Harvester Press. ity: An ethnographic account.” Football Studies, 4: Foucault, M. (1983) “The subject and power,” in 77–92. Dreyfus, H. and Rabinow, P. (eds.) Michel Foucault: Hylton, K. (2009) Race and Sport: Critical Race Theory, Beyond Structuralism and Hermeneutics, Chicago: London: Routledge. Chicago University Press, pp. 208–220. Ifekwunigwe, J.O. (2009) “Venus and Serena are ‘doing Fusco, C. (2005) “Cultural landscapes of purification: it’ for themselves: Theorising sporting celebrity, Sports spaces and discourses of whiteness.” Sociol- class and black feminism in the hip-hop genera- ogy of Sport Journal, 22 (3): 283–310. tion,” in Carrington, B. and McDonald, I. (eds.) Gilroy, P. (1993) The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Marxism, Cultural Studies and Sport, London: Double Consciousness. London: Verso. Routledge.  gender, feminist theory, and sport 109 IOC (2013) IOC members list, http://www.olympic. Mennesson, C. and Clement, J.-P. (2003) “Homosocia- org/content/the-ioc/the-ioc-institution/ioc-mem- bility and homosexuality: The case of soccer played bers-list/, accessed January 17, 2013. by women.” International Review for the Sociology of Kay, T.A. (2006) “Daughters of Islam: Family influences Sport, 38: 311–330. on Muslim young women’s participation in sport.” Messner, M. (1992) Power at Play: Sports and the International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 41 Problem of Masculinity, Boston, MA: Beacon Press. (3/4): 339–355. Messner, M. (1993) “White men misbehaving: Femi- King, C.R. (2005) “Cautionary notes on whiteness and nism, Afrocentrism and the promise of a critical sport studies.” Sociology of Sport Journal, 22 (3): standpoint.” Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 16: 397–408. 136–144. Kirby, S. and Greaves, L. (1996) “Foul play: Sexual Messner, M. (1997) The Politics of Masculinities: Men in abuse and harassment in sport.” Paper presented to Movements, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. the Pre-Olympic Scientific Congress, Dallas, TX, Messner, M. and Sabo, D. (1990) Sport, Men and the July 11–14. Gender Order: Critical Feminist Perspectives, Cham- Knoppers, A. (1994) “Gender and the coaching profes- paign, IL: Human Kinetics. sion,” in Birrell, S. and Cole, C.L. (eds.) Women, Mirza, H. (1997) Black British Feminism: A Reader, Sport and Culture, Champaign, IL: Human London: Routledge. Kinetics. Mitten, D. (1992) “Empowering girls and women in the Lapchick, R. (2009) The 2008 Racial and Gender Report outdoors.” Journal of Physical Education, Recreation Card: College Sport, Orlando: The Institute for and Dance, 63 (2): 56–60. Diversity and Ethics in Sport (TIDES), University Norman, L. (2010) “Feeling second best: Elite women of Central Florida. coaches’ experiences.” Sociology of Sport Journal, 27: Lenskyj, H. (1986) Out of Bounds: Women, Sport and 89–104. Sexuality, Toronto: Women’s Press. Obel, C. (1996) “Collapsing gender in competitive Lenskyj, H. (1994) “Sexuality and femininity in sport bodybuilding: Researching contradictions and contexts: Issues and alternatives.” Journal of Sport & ambiguity in sport.” Review for the Sociology of Social Issues, 18 (4): 356–376. Sport, 31 (2): 185–202. Lock, R. (2006) “Heterosexual femininity: The painful Oglesby, C.A. (ed.) (1978) Women and Sport: From processes of subjectification,” in Caudwell, J. (ed.) Myth to Reality, Philadelphia, PA: Lea & Febiger. Sport, Sexualities and Queer/Theory, London: Paraschak, V. (1996) “Racialized spaces: Cultural regu- Routledge. lation, aboriginal agency and powwows. Avante, 2 Long, J. and Hylton, K. (2002) “Shades of white: An (1): 7–18. examination of whiteness in sport.” Leisure Studies, Paraschak, V. (1997) “Variations in race relations: 21: 87–103. Sporting events for native peoples in Canada.” Soci- Long, J., Hylton, K., Welch, M., and Dart, J. (2000) Part ology of Sport Journal, 14 (1): 1–22. of the Game: An Examination of Racism in Grass Pirinen, R. (1997) “Catching up with the men? Finnish Roots Football, London: Kick It Out. newspaper coverage of women’s entry into tradi- MacDonald, D., Abbott, R., Knez, K., and Nelson, A. tionally male sports.” International Review for the (2009) “Taking exercise: Cultural diversity and Sociology of Sport, 32 (3): 239–249. physically active lifestyles.” Sport, Education and Pringle, R. (2005) “Masculinities, sport and power: A Society, 14 (1): 1–19. critical comparison of Gramscian and Foucauldian Majors, R. (1990) “Cool pose: Black masculinity and inspired theoretical tools.” Journal of Sport & Social sports,” in Messner, M. and Sabo, D. (eds.) Sport, Issues, 29: 256–278. Men and the Gender Order, Champaign, IL: Human Pronger, B. (1990) The Arena of Masculinity: Sports, Kinetics. Homosexuality and the Meaning of Sex, London: Markula, P. (1995) “Firm but shapely, fit but sexy, GMP Publishers. strong but thin: The postmodern aerobicising Pronger, B. (1998) “Outta my endzone: Sport and the female bodies.” Sociology of Sport Journal, 12: territorial anus.” Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 23 424–453. (4): 373–389. Markula, P. and Pringle, R. (2006) Foucault, Sport and Pronger, B. (2000) “Homosexuality and sport – who’s Exercise: Power, Knowledge and Transforming the winning,” in McKay, J., Messner, M., and Sabo, D. Self, London: Routledge. (eds.) Masculinities, Gender Relations and Sport, McDonald, M.G. (2009) Dialogues on whiteness, London: Sage. leisure and (anti) racism.” Journal of Leisure Rail, G. (ed.) (1998) Sport and Postmodern Times, Research, 41 (1): 5–21. Albany: State University of New York Press. 110 sheila scraton and anne flintoff Ratna, A. (2007) “A fair game? British-Asian females’ burden.” International Review for the Sociology of experiences of racism in women’s football,” in Sport, 44 (2–3): 231–246. Magee, J., Caudwell, J., Liston, K., and Scraton, S. Smith, B. and Sparkes, A.C. (2008) “Changing bodies, (eds.) Women, Football and Europe, Oxford: Meyer changing narratives and the consequences of tella- & Meyer. bility: A case study of becoming disabled through Ratna, A. (forthcoming) “Playing-up and playing- sport.” Sociology of Health and Illness, 30 (2): down intersections of identity: British Asian 217–236. female footballers and women’s football,” in Smith, Y. (1992) “Women of color in society and sport.” Hargreaves, J. and Anderson, E. (eds.) Routledge Quest, 44: 228–250. Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality, London: Sports Coach UK (2007) Sports Coaching in the UK 11, Routledge. Leeds: Sports Coach UK. Raval, S. (1989) “Gender, leisure and sport: A case study Spracklen, K., Hylton, K., and Long, J. (2006) “Manag- of young people of South Asian descent – a ing and monitoring equality and diversity in UK response.” Leisure Studies, 8: 237–240. sport: An evaluation of the sporting equals racial Raval, B. and Rail, G. (2006) “The lightness of being equality standard and its impact on organizational ‘Gaie’: Discursive constructions of gender and sexu- change.” Journal of Sport & Social Issues, 30 (3): ality in Quebec women’s sport.” International 289–305. Review for the Sociology of Sport, 41 (3): 395–412. Sykes, H. (2006) “Queering theories of sexuality in Rich, A. (1980) “Compulsory heterosexuality and sport studies,” in Caudwell, J. (ed.) Sport, Sexualities lesbian existence.” Signs, 5: 631–660. and Queer/Theory, London: Routledge. Sabo, D. (1985) “Sport, patriarchy, and the male iden- Talbot, M. (2001) “Playing with patriarchy: The gen- tity: New questions about men and sport.” Arena dered dynamics of sports organisations,” in Scraton, Review, 9: 1–30. S. and Flintoff, A. (eds.) A Reader in Gender and Sabo, D. and Runfola, R. (eds.) (1980) Jock: Sports and Sport, London: Routledge. Male Identity, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Theberge, N. (2000) Higher Goals: Women’s Ice Hockey Hall. and the Politics of Gender, Albany: State University Schultz, J. (2005) “Serena Williams and the production of New York Press. of blackness at the 2002 US Open.” Journal of Sport Thompson, S. (1999) Mother’s Taxi: Sport and Women’s & Social Issues, 29 (3): 338–357. Labor, Albany: State University of New York Schultz, J. (2011) “Caster Semenya and the ‘Question of Press. Too’: Sex testing in elite women’s sport and the issue Valentine, G. (2007) “Theorising and researching inter- of advantage.” Quest, 63 (2): 228–243. sectionality: A challenge for feminist geography.” Scraton, S. (1992) Shaping Up to Womanhood: Gender Professional Geographer, 59: 10–21. and Girls’ Physical Education, Buckingham, UK: Walby, S. (2000) “Beyond the politics of location.” Open University Press. Feminist Theory, 1: 189–206. Scraton, S. (2001) “Reconceptualising race, gender and Wellard, I. (2006) “Re-thinking abilities.” Sport, Educa- sport: The contribution of black feminism,” in Car- tion and Society, 11 (3): 311–315. rington, B. and Macdonald, I. (eds.), Racism and Wellard, I. (2009) Sport, Masculinities and the Body, British Sport, London: Routledge. New York: Routledge. Scraton, S. and Stoddart, F. (2000) An Evaluation of the Wesely, J. (2001) “Negotiating gender: Bodybuilding Zindagi Project, Leeds: Leeds Metropolitan and the natural/unnatural continuum.” Sociology of University. Sport Journal, 18: 162–180. Scraton, S., Caudwell, J., and Holland, S. (2005) “Bend White, A. (1995) “Towards gender equity in sport: An it like Patel: Centring ‘race’, ethnicity and gender in update on sports council policy development,” in feminist analysis of women’s football in England.” Tomlinson, A. (ed.) Gender, Sport and Leisure: Con- International Review for Sport Sociology, 40 (1): tinuities and Challenges, Brighton: Chelsea School 71–88. Research Centre, University of Brighton. Scraton, S., Fastings, K., Pfister, G., and Bunuel, A. Woodward, K. (2004) “Rumbles in the jungle: Boxing, (1999) “It’s still a man’s game? The experience of racialization and the performance of masculinity.” top-level European women footballers.” Interna- Leisure Studies, 23 (1): 5–17. tional Review for the Sociology of Sport, 34 (2): Woodward, K. (2009) Embodied Sporting Practices. 99–111. Regulating and Regulatory Bodies, Basingstoke: Pal- Silk, M.L., Andrews, D.L., and Cole, C.L. (eds.) (2005) grave Macmillan. Sport and Corporate Capitalism, New York: Berg. Wray, S. (2001) “Connecting ethnicity, gender and Sisjord, M.K. and Kristiansen, E. (2009) “Elite women physicality: Muslim Pakistani women, physical wrestlers’ muscles: Physical strength and a social activity and health,” in Scraton, S. and Flintoff, A.  gender, feminist theory, and sport 111 (eds.) A Reader in Gender and Sport, London: Wright, J. and Clarke, G. (1999) “Sport, the media and Routledge. the construction of compulsory heterosexuality: A Wray, S. (2003) “Women growing older: Agency, eth- case study of women’s rugby union.” International nicity and culture.” Sociology, 37 (3): 511–527. Review for the Sociology of Sport, 34 (3): 227–243. Further Reading Benn, T., Pfister, G., and Jawad, H. (eds.) (2011) Muslim Hargreaves, J. and Vertinsky, P. (eds.) (2007) Physical Women and Sport, London: Routledge. Culture, Power and the Body, London: Routledge. Dowling, F., Fitzgerald, H., and Flintoff, A. (eds.) (2012) Heywood, L. and Dworkin, S.L. (2003) Built to Win: Equity and Difference in Physical Education, Youth The Female Athlete as Cultural Icon, Minneapolis: Sport and Health: A Narrative Approach, London: University of Minnesota Press. Routledge. Markula, P. and Pringle, R. (2006) Foucault, Sport and Hargreaves, J. (2000) Heroines of Sport: The Politics of Exercise: Power, Knowledge and Transforming the Difference and Identity, New York: Routledge. Self, London: Routledge. Hargreaves, J. and Anderson, E. (forthcoming) Scraton, S. and Flintoff, A. (2002) Gender and Sport: A Routledge Handbook of Sport, Gender and Sexuality, Reader, London: Routledge. London: Routledge.