Ethnoarchaeology of Eastern India PDF

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II {^, z TNDTAN AHTHROPOLOGICAL OCCASIOHAL PAPERS SOC|ETY Dimensions *f &*e*&xrtrff#$#gs *,w& ffiewsmrsfln &wfudew srys?**s ,$&Y&ruY& Seffiffi&ffi EffiAEIru&,q &ESU &JET ffi" SEruG}g Y?f3 IhII}g&H &ruT?EE{3P#LSGICAL SGCIETY 11. [: r- b'r*- +  l[']..,lrl'lll 'r Pubtishe;d by I The.indiah,Aathi ISBN :81-85525-O6-4 Price : Rs. 800.00 I US $ 50.00 ,14ted by l'eatve Data Centre :,1 32 Prince Anwar Shah Road -:,..:=-01 345 I, Contents Acknowledgennents ix Introduction xv SECTION I Prehistoric Archaeolog I Ethno-archaeologr Ethno archaeolory of Eastern India- Basanta K. Mohanta 1 Anthropologr of Arh Visual Imagery of RsckArt as a Source for Interpreting Ethno-History of India - Somnath Chakraverty 32 SECTION II Biological Anthropologr Some Aspects of Evolutionary Biologr of Primate Hair-Madhumati Chatterjee, Jyoti Ratan Ghosh, Arup Ratan Bandyopadhyay 61 Impact of Age and Body Mass Index on Pregnancy Outcome: A Retrospective Study among Primary and Secondary Infertile Couples of Ranchi, Jharlihand- Amlan K. Ray, M N. Sahu, Subrato Maity, Samiran Bisai, Kaushik Bose, Shraboni Ray, M. Roychoudhury, Debleena Ray, J. Bhattacharya 70 Ethnoarchaeolog of Eastern India Basanta K. Mohanta INTRODUCTION Ethno-archaeologr has been recently introduced as a separate branch of archaeology aswell as a sub-branch in anthropology. It is the knowledge of a contemporar5r ethnic group for understanding past culture. Coined byJesse Fewkes in 1900, the term'ethno-archaeology' is formed out of 'ethnography'and'archaeologr'. Since longback, the archaeologists were involved in collection, identification, classification and establishment of chronology of antiquities and were giving a little attention to the significance of social orgaruization of a particular group, site or region. Today there has been a change in their perceptions and many of them have adopted a variety of new technologies for analyzing findings from various standpoints. Dissolving traditional methods of studying cultural materials with the theoretical kriowledge of anthropologists and ethnologists, the archaeologisfs try to reconstruct the various cultural activities of our ancestors. Initially, the western archaeologists were using ethnographic data for the interpretation of archaeological evidences. It is only in recent time, the emphasis has been $iven to collect ethnographic data more systematically for the purpose of archaeology (Dhavalikar 1983:49). As a Ethnoarchaeolory of Eastern India Basanta K. Mohanta INTRODUCTION Ethno-archaeology has been recently introduced as a separate branch of archaeology aswell as a sub-branch in anthropologz. It is the knowledge of a contempora4r ethnic group for understanding past culture. Coined byJesse Fewkes in 1900, the term'ethno-archaeology' is formed out of 'ethnography'and'archaeologr'. Since long back, the archaeologists were involved in collection, identification, classification and establishment of chronology of antiquities and were giving a little attention to the significance of social organization of a particular group, site or region. Today there has been a change in their perceptions and many of them have adopted a variety of new technologies for analyzing findings from various standpoints. Dissolving traditional methods of studying cultural materials with the theoretical kriowledge of anthropologists and ethnologists, the archaeologisfs try to reconstruct the various cultural activities of our ancestors. Initially, the western archaeologists were using ethnographic data for the interpretation of archaeological evidences. It is only in recent time, the emphasis has been given to collect ethnographic data more systematically for the purpose of archaeology (Dhavalikar 1983:49). As a  l DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA result research methodologr as well as the model prepared by the western archaeologists for collecting ethnographic data show significant influence of the anthropologists; Incidentally, we find all the American archaeologists are by training anthropologists. Wiliey and Phillips (1958:2) have stated "American archaeologr is anthropologr or is nothing". Different scholars have tried to deflne it in various ways. According to Lawman (2OO4:b8) 'ethno- archaeolo$/ is the study of contemporary cultures, with a view to understanding the-behavioural relationships which underlie the produCtion of material culture,. Similarly, Gould (1978:vii) has mentioned, 'ethnographic research for an archaeological pu{pose, linking material remains to the human behaviour from which they resulted'. At the time of describing the usefulness of the archaeological investigation, Schiffer (1978: 230) has stated that 'the study of material in systematic context for the purpose of acquiring information, both specific and general, that will be useful in archaeological investigation'. Likewise, Staski and Sutro have narrated that, 'the study of ethnographic or historical situations, either through firsthand observation or documentary research, to extract information useful for understanding the relationships between patterns of human behaviour and material culture in all times and places' (Staski and Sutro 1991:2). One of the most important definitions is provided by Longacre in lggl. Introducing'Ceramic Ethno-archaeologr' he mentioned that 'the study by archaeologists of variability in material culture and its  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA relation to human behaviour and organization among extant societies, for use in archaeological interpretation' (Longacre 1991: 1). Kramer, a lady anthropologist from the University of Arizona has done important work on ethno-archaeology of India. Her major contribution in ethno-archaeologr includes Village Ethno-archaeologr' (1982); 'Pottery in Rajasthan' (1997); 'Ceramic Ethno- archaeolory'- an article published in Annual Reuiew of Anthropologr in 1985; and 'Ethno-archaeologr in Action' fiointlywith Nicholas David) published in 2001. According to Kramer, ethnographic fieldwork carried out with the express purpose of enhancing archaeological research by documenting aspects of socio-cultural behaviour likely to leave identifiable residues in the archaeological record (Kramer 1996). (Source: David and Kramer 2OO1:1O) A n G H A E T lnformal othnogmphic obsoryation o H to lnfom the archaoologbt L t o A R G H A E rH o L f, o culture, the full context o G G Y R l research without P 'for linkage with either H E T H x o cultural and material view of 3 I G f, I G E U x I G 3 E T I G 3 (The place of Ethnoarchaeology in Anthrcpology (Afrer R. H. Thompson, 1991 : 233)  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA The analysis of the growth and development of ethno-archaeology is simply impossible without the help of analysing its relationship with other social sciences. At the time of analysing this aspect of ethno-archaeology, David and Ikamer (2OOL:4O9) have stated that; "Like other social sciences, ethno-archaeologr advances not on its own but in partnership with its disciplinary siblings, archaeologr and ethnography, and within the larger context of social science and its philosophy. Early classic studies retain value but, unlike a Rembrandt masterpiece, their imperfections and lacunae (and not merely their differences) become apparent through developments in and beyond ethno-archaeology. ReconceptuaJizalionand the broadening range of subject matter, the growing sophistication of research design and implementation, the development of newtechniques, and the increasing scales, synchronic and diachronic, of ethno-archaeological projects all constitute and render possible advances in the understanding of the relationships between mar"erial culture in the systemic context and culture as awhole, and of the transformation of these relationships as material culture becomes part of the potential and actual archaeological record". At the time of discussing the contribution of ethno- archaeology for establishment of archaeological theory and practice, David and Kramer (2OOI:41O) have viewed that; "... however, ethno-archaeologr's contributions to specific topic of archaeological relevance of lesser irnportance than the influence it has exerted on archaeological thinking in two main areas. Especially in Europe and other parts of the world where archaeology is taught separately from cultural anthropologf, but also in North America, ethno- archaeologr has increased the amount of ethnography, and pertinent ethnography at that, to which students  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA are exposed... Second, ethno-archaeologr has proven itself responsive to new analogical needs resulting from changes in archaeological research design and methods, and its evidence and argument have become, almost across the board, an integral part of archaeological theorizing". Similarly, Basa (2OO7) has argued that anthropology is playrng a major role for interpreting archaeological data. According to him the archaeologr is invariably associated with anthropology in general and social anthropology in particular has contributed significantly for interpreting and explaining the archaeological data. He has argued that, "It has been rightly said that if anthropologr is the study of humankind, archaeologr is the study of what humans have left behind. Besides, the need for an anthropological perspective for archaeologr becomes evident when one considers the very nature of archaeologr as a discipline. Because archaeologr is a means of reconstructing the past on the basis of material remains, which are often partial. Hence, the challenge in archaeologr is how to reconstruct the whole on the basis of partial remains. This makes archaeology an interdisciplinary subject in which an archaeologist has to depend on other disciplines to obtain optimum information for the use in the process of reconstruction of the whole. In this, anthropologr as a discipline helps in various.yays. While biological anthropologists could determine the age, sex, palaeo- anthropologr and DNA from skeletal remains, models and theories of social anthropology are used in archaeology to add flesh and blood to the dry bones of archaeological data (as in ethno-archaeology), to study the emergence of complex stratified society from an egalitarian band level organization, and to explain and interpret theories of culture change" (Basa 2OO7 :1 13- I 14).  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA As ethno-archaeology is an emerging sub- discipline of both the anthropologr and archaeologr very less people are engaged in studying ethno- archaeology and choosing it as their career. At the time of analysing the career passages and the centralit5r of ethno-archaeology, David and Kramer (20O1:41 1-B) have mentioned that; "Whereas ethno-archaeologr is indeed contributing to archaeology and more broadly to anthropologr, it has not achieved the status of an institutionalized sub- discipline... Ethno-archaeologz is, then, a discipline practiced for the most part by archaeologists, usually with a particular archaeological problem set in mind... Socio-cultural anthropologists rarely, if ever undertake ethno-archaeological research, though they do on occasion write for archaeologists... Another important if often transient category of ethno-archaeological researchers comprises doctoral and, to a lesser extent, masters' students, many carrying out their research under the aegis of a larger project... The low cost of ethno- archaeological fieldwork compared to its archaeological counterpart will no doubt sustain this research approach so long as universities and research institutes remain underfunded...While most who do ethno-archaeology move back and forth between it and archaeologr, they also gain access to other area. Several one-time students of ethno-archaeologr have moved in other, sometimes new, directions...In short, while ethno-archaeologr's practitioners, even including researchers of the anthropologr of techniques school, are too few in number to be able to claim that they play an integrative role in modern anthropolory, they certainly occupy a central position within it, even if they have not as yet exploited this to its full potential".  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA In case of India, ethno-archaeology, as an academic discipline, has been introduced very late. Although there are number of tribes and other communities living in India with their traditional lifestyle they did not properly attract the archaeologists. Although importance of ethnographic workwas known to the archaeologists since the early part of the 2oth century, it was actually used in a wider way after the mid of 2oth century. At the time of anatyzing the emergence of New or Processual Archaeologr in India, Basa (2OO7:116) has mentioned that; "In India, although in the early part of the 20fr century the importance of ethnographic work for archaeology has been emphasized by scholars like John Marshall, E. Mackay, Ananda Coomarswamy, P. Mitra and Furer- Haimendorf, etc. it was felt more during 1960s. Within this background, it was G.S. Ray who in his presidential address to the Anthropolory and Archaeologr Section of the Indian Science Congress Association in 1966 called for effective collaboration between anthropologists and archaeologists in India. Priorto him, Subbarao (1962:127) had pointed out the dependence of archaeologists on ethnologr" (Basa 2OO7: I 16). Prior to two decades, except few institutes like Deccan College, Pune; ethno-archaeology was not accepted as a separate and an,important branch of archaeology and therefore the ethnographic data was very rarely used for explaining archaeological evidences (Dhavalikar 1983 49). Malik felt that "Indian archaeologr should seekthe help of such social sciences as anthropologr and sociologr because archaeology is now taken up to mean the 'whole anthropologr of extinct i culture"' (1968: f 4). The role of anthropolos in Indian  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 8 archaeolory is effective. At the time of analyzing the impact of anthropologr in Indian archaeologg, Basa {2OO7:113) mentioned that "... while the British archaeology is basically an inheritance from a historical tradition and American archaeology from an anthropological tradition, the tradition of Indian archeologr is a combination of both". In case of Orissa and Jharkhand a lot of works has been done in anthropology (ChatterJee and Das lg27; Dalton LSTS: Dasgupta f983 and 1978; Dhan 1961; Duary 2OOO; Majumdar 1950; Midya 1996; Mishra tggT; patnaik et.al. 1979-80; Patnaik 1989, 2OOS and 2OOT; Dash and Pradhan 2OO6; Prasad 1g6I; Dash lgg2; Roy 1912). In archaeologz a few scholars (Fiall LSTZ: Basa 1984, L994, L997; Behera 1995-g6; Bose and Sen 1 948; Ghosh 197 O: Mohapatr a lg62; Mohapatra I 9g6; Thaper 1985) have worked independenfly, but very less emphasis has been given to interlink both the subjects. DEVELOPMENT OF ETHNO-ARCFIAEOLOGY Since the origin, the ethno-archaeology has been growingvery fast. On tJ'e basis of its development, David and Kramer (2O01:f4-31) have divided it into three main periods. Period-I: The Initial Period, lgb6-67 Period-Il: The New Ethno-archaeologr period, 1968-81. Period-III: The Recent period, f g82-gg. According to them, the period-I started in 1g56, the year of publication of Action Archaeology by Kleindienst and Watson and continued till Ig67. The Period-Il i.e. the New Ethno-archaeologr period is from 9 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA 1968, the year of publication of two majorworks of the New Archaeologr i.e. Analytical Archaeologrby Clarke arrtd, New Perspectives in Archaeologr edited by Salty and Binford; Besides, Man the Hunter edited by DeVore, in 1981. Similarly, the Period-III starts in 1982 andcontinuedtilllggg,i.e.thepublicationofGrand mothering and the evolution of Homo erectus by O'Connell, J.F., Hawkes, and Blurton Jones' This Period-III is again divided into two sub-periods' i'e' Recent-I and Recent-Il. Recent-I began from 1982' the date of publication of Hodder's book symbols inAction whereemphasishasbeengiventoexploretherelations between associations of material culture items in living contexts and archaeological concepts of culture in a series of ethno-archaeological essays' This sub-period continued tilt 1989. Recent-Il commenced from 1990 withtheincreasingproductivityofnon-westernethno- archaeologists and ended in 1999' Ethic s for e thno - arc h ae ologis ts Earlier, at the time of conducting fieldwork' most of the archaeologists put emphasis on collecting' recovering, recording, conserving and preserving cultural remains hdving antique values. The scholars often simply ignore the living pdoples among whom their workwas carried out. But, nowtime has changed' and people engaged in this work are gradually showing concernwith the role of such resources in native belief systems. ln'Ethno-archaeologr in Action' David and Kramer (2OO1:84-85) have discussed about such types of ethics. According to them:  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 10 "Archaeologists, ethnographers, and ethnologists alike must be alert to an array of ethically challenging matters. These include avoidance of plagiarism and conflict of interest; eschewing deception; defence of informant confidentiality; maintenance, where appropriate or requested, of informants,, communities', and sites, anon5rmity; adherence to established professional codes of ethics ; avoidance of exploitative relations, sexual or other, with informants; and documentation of purported statements of facts" (David and Kramer 2OOl:g4_gb). Different types of ethical problems are found in ethno-archaeologr. According to David and Kramer (20O1:85-89) the ethical problem arise when an ethno_ archaeologist has established professional relationship with following three different groups having different responsibilities. These groups include (a) informants and host societies; (b) sponsors, funding agencies, universities, museums and private benefactors; (c) colleagues and students. In their discussion they have tried to clarify it. At the time of working with a communit5r, a researcher must take care of the needs and wishes of the informants and host societies. They should take proper permission from the competent authorities as well as community prior to carr5r out field work and must oblige after completion of fieldwork. ETHNOGRAPHIC DATA USED FOR ARCHAEOLOGICAL PURPOSE Earlier, there were only few ethnographic work made in this region. The Munda and Their Country is the first ethnographic work published in 1g12 by Rai Bahadur Sarat Chandra Roy. After that, there are number of such type ofworks made both in Orissa and  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA Jharkhand. A11 these ethnographic works would help the archaeologists in interpreting archaeological data. The following ethnographic data are used for solving archaeological problems. Settlement patterns The term 'settlement pattern' has different meaning. ln lllustrated Dictionary of Anthropologr, Lawman (2OO4:148) has mentioned, 'it is the spatial distribution of cultural activities across a landscape, at a given moment in time'. In his noteworthy reference, Chang (1958) has mentioned that, 'settlement pattern refers both the internal organization of individual settlements and to the distribution and interrelationships of multiple settlements on a landscape'. In chapter-8 of Ethno-archaeologSr in Action, David and Kramer (2OOf :225-254) have charactenze several subsistence adaptations- hunting and gathering, pastoralism and agriculture-and their spatial correlations, drawing on selected case studies with a view to identification of their archaeological signatures. Since long back, the archaeologists are interested in documenting patterns of changes in settlement. All these studies demonstrate that while subsistence and setflement are tighfly linked, settlement patterns, in addition, are the complex products of social and political relations. Most of the archaeological works made in the late l96os and 1970s are influenced by the concept derived from'General System Theory' focussed on subsistence and setflernent system (David and l(rarner 200l:226). "Archaeologists cannot observe systerns, and even patterns are inferences derived from the numbers,  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA associations, and spatial distributions of the surviving residues of the range of activities carried out over the course of time at different places in a landscape. Ethno- archaeologists can, on the other hand, observe a sample of such activities directly, and more easily infer from them the desire to develop bridging arguments linking patterns and systems were important stimuli in the development of ethno-archaeologr in its New Ethno-archaeologr (1968) period" (David and Kramer 2OOl:227). In case of Orissa and Jharkhand, most of the typical tribal villages are situated either on ttre top of the hill, foothill, at the sloppy land close to the water source. Besides, some tribes are practising settled agriculture in the plains. Except a few, all the tribal huts are very simple and traditional in form. In the hilly region, most of the tribal settlements are found in scattered form while in plains different hamlets of a village are situated in close proximity. Site structure and actiuities Archaeologists are often interested on identiffing, analysing the nature and internal organization of the structure of a site as well as its associated activities. On the basis of findings they try to establish the settlement pattern and subsistence system of a particular site (David and Kramer 2OO1:255). They usually emphasize in locating areas in which craft activities were made. In search of identiffing and interpreting such areas archaeologists can benefit from the related ethno-archaeological work made on site stmcture and associated activities. Discussing about the importance of this ethno-archaeological work for archaeologists David and I(ramer stated that: 13 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA "In seekin$ to identify and interpret such locations' archaeologists can benefit from ethno-archaeological studiesofsites'structuresandactivitiescarriedoutin particular kinds of places' Activity areas relate to iconomic activities and diversity; theV comprise minimal elements of settlement systems' Site structure' as well as site size, may relate to duration of occupation' de$ree of sedentism, and population size; these and other factors (some related to ctranges in subsistence economy) are of direct relevance to studies of the so-called Neolithic revolution, marked in many areas by growing reliance onanextendedoccupationofbuilthabitats,'(Davidand Kramer 20O1:255). Since long back archaeologists are trying to distingulshthevariouskindsofsitesonthebasisof use, e.81. multipurpose sites, special pu{pose sites' etc' (Binford and Binford 1966). Atthe time of disunguishing such kind of sites, usually they give emphasis on the artefacttypesanddiversityinrelationtotheircontexts. Here.diverslty' indicates about number of activities performed at that particular site, duration of occupation, number of activities carried out at that particularsite,andsizeofthatparticularsiteetc(David and Kramer 2OO1:256). Wheretherearebuildingsandotherarchitectural remains, artefacts and other.waste materials can be deposited directly in and around that structure which help to reconstructtheir culture' But, whenwe discuss aboutthehuntergathererornomadicpeople'itwillbe too difficult to find such type of architectural structure, as they do not produce such type of substantial built structure.  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 74 Subsistence systems Setflement pattern and subsistence system is always interelated. Ahuman habitation or setilement is always established near to a source of food and drink. similarly, the human settlements always leave some substantial tangible remains on the surface from which an archaeologists can able to trace out the nature and types of occupation practiced by the inhabitants. These residual remains help to know what the occupants of the region cultivated, gathered, hunted, bred, and ate. This floral and faunal evidence of a particular region help an archaeologist to establish the subsistence system of a particular area adapted by a group of people in that area in a particular time. The tribal group of Jharkhand and Orissa follow a wide range of subsistence strategies. According to Basa (1992:85) the chief ingredients of a subsistence economy of Orissan tribe are simple technologr, small scale units of production and social units of production, distribution and consumption being limited to family and lineage. Behura (l99oa: LO-2I,1g9ob) has divided the subsistence strategies of Orissan tribe into six types namely, (a) hunting, collecting and gathering (b) catfle herding, (c) simple artisan (d) hill and swidden cultivation (e) settled agriculture (0 urban industrial workers. Both these classifications are applicable for the tribes ofJharkhand. Abrief description of the major subsistence strategies are given below. (i) Hunting-gathertng and fishing Although now a days the tribes falling in tJlis group are no more isolated and are in contact wit]: other wider t-- 15 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA groups but in some respect, especially in case of settlement and subsistence, they are yet in very backward stage. The important tribes in this category are the Birhor, the Chenchu, the Maller, the Korwa, the Hill Kharia, the Mankadia, etc. They live in small huts and leaf-shelters. The main economy of these tribes is hunting and gatheringwith the males hunting and female gathering roots and tubers from the nearby forests. The limited resources and the nature of food supply keep them in small bands. Traditional economy of the Birhor is hunting and gathering and they are the best rope makers. They not only work hard for their food, but often go hungry in spite of their hard labour. They exchange rope as well as the hunted animals and collected forest produces for rice, salt, oil and some other essential materials with their neighbours (Patnaik 2OO5:18). Due to the denudation of the local resources and constant ecological pressure, some hunting and gathering communities are facing hardship and anxiety. As they are living close to the natural water sources, they collect different varieties of fishes from the ponds and rivers. During the monsoon they collect fishes and dry them in sun and fre and keep in for summer, when the fishes are usually not available to them. In summer, they cook these dried fishes either with the green vegetables or roast them. (ii) Pastoral Once upon a time the Koya tribe of southern Orissa was cattle herders but now they have changed their economy and became settled agriculturists.  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA L6 (iii) Shifting c ultivati o n There are a number of tribes residing in Jharkhand and Orissawho are practising shifting cultivation. Some of the important tribes of this group are the Dongria, the Kutia Kondh, the Lanjia Saora, the Bonda Paroja, the Juang and the Bhuinya, etc. They use a piece of plot located on the hill slope continuously for fewyears then it is abandoned for recuperate. Earlier, the duration of recuperative was very long (about six to nine years) but, because of the population explosion, increasing necessity, forest laws, etc. they have shortened it up to two to three years. Nowadays they are cultivating a mixed variety of crops like, millets, pulses, and vegetables, etc. {iv) Settled agriculture The tribal groups residing in plains have adapted shifting cultivation as their main economy. Some of the important settled agriculturist tribes of Jharkhand and Orissa are the Santhal, the Munda, the Oraon, etc. Paddy is the major crop cultivated in this part of ttre area. Rice is the major food item of these tribes. They usually take one full meal in a day where as some tribes take rice both in the day and night. In the side dish they take different types of fried green leaves, vegetable currlr, chitly, onion, garlic, oil and salt, etc' They also take different types of fishes and meat along with the rice. Rice beer is one of the important drinks of tJle tribes of Eastern India. Irrespective of age and sex everybody consume this rice beer. Besides, the adult males and some females are accustomed to smoke l?cca or bidt.The practice of chewing tobacco is also noticed among the adults. T7 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA Major tribes with main /traditional occupaAons State Main Occupation Tribe Jharkhand Hunting-Gathering Birhor, Pahariyas, Korwa Shifting Cultivation Hill Kharia' Korwas, Malpaharia, Sauria Paharia, Savar Setfled Agriculture Birjia, Santhal, Munda, Oraon, Ho, Bhumij Simple Artists Asurs, Mahali' Lohra. Karmali, Chik-Baraik Orissa Hunting-Gathering Birhor, l,odha' Mankdias, Paudi Bhuyans, Soura Shifting Cultivation Bonda Poraja, Dongria Khond, Juang, Kharias, Kutia Khond, Lanjia Sauras, Settled Agriculture Santhal, Ho Simple Artists Mahali Misc. OccuPation DidaYa MATERI,AL"CULTURE Material culture comprises zrny house, building or structure, tools and other artefacts that include any material item that has had cultural meaning ascribed to it, past and present. According to Miller and Tilley (1996:5) study of material culture may be stated as:- "The study of material culture may be most broadly delined as the investigation of the relationship between people and things irrespective of time and space' The perspective may be global on local, concerned with the past or tJre present, or the mediation between the two.  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 18 Defined in this manner, the potential range of contemporary disciplines involved in some way or other in studying material culture is effectively as wide as the human and cultural sciences themselves". Ethno-archaeologists are more concerned to show the relation between tJ.e human and things, and in this context, they study human culture as a whole and the material culture as a part. Earlier, when ethno- archaeology was frequently carried out by archaeologists, they were basically emphasizing only on the production and characteristics of material culture. In the succeeding period the trained anthropologists came forward to study ethno- archaeolory with a mind set up to study the holistic aspects of the culture (David and Kramer 2OO1:64). The major component of the material culture of Eastern Indian tribes includes the Household Equipment, Agricultural Implements, Dress and Ornaments, Hunting and Fishing lmplements, etc. A brief description of the material culture is given below. (i) Household equipment The household equipments of the majority of the tribal groups of eastern India etre very simple and limited. They use different t5pes of earthen utensils in their kitchen, which include earthen vessels, earthen jar and earthen lid, etc. These earthen pots are used forvarious, purposes like cooking food, preparing rice-beer, storing grains, etc. The household articles of a traditional Ho house include earthen kitchen utensils, palm leaf mat, wooden cot, bamboo umbrella, leaf raincoat, bamboo hat, broom stick, bamboo basket, winnowing fan, axe, grain bin made of straw and husking lever, etc. Presenfly  19 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA they are using various types of metal utensils, cloths, umbrella and bicycle, etc. (ii) Agri c u 1 tura I imp I em ent s The traditional agricultural implements of Eastern Indian tribes are very simple. The settled agriculturalists use different t5pes of wooden as well as iron implements for their agricultural activities which includes wooden plough with iron blade, yoke, moi (a longwooden field levelling implement), shovel, crowbar, knife, sickle and bullock cart, etc. (iii) Dress and ornaments The dress and ornaments of eastern Indian tribes var5r from area to area and tribe to tribe. Some of the 'Primitive'tribes residing in the dense forest area use very simple dress to cover their body. Few decades back, the Juangs of Orissa, and some other tribal groups were using leaf to cover their body. But some other tribes like the Ho, Santhal, Munda, Bathudi and Bedia, etc. who are residing alongwittr other communities arso use very simple dress to cover their body. Traditionally, the male members were using a hand woven coarse and narrow stripped dhoti around their waist, which rarely reach below to the kneqs. The lower corner of the dhotitucked at the back. presenfly the shirt, pant, trouser and lungi are frequenily used by the young generation. The female folk use a local made coarse sarz in their village. One end of this san is used as a lower garment to cover the waist to'knee portion where as the rest portion of the sari covers the chest and left  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 20 shoulder reaching up to the right armpit' The undergarment and blouse are rarely used by the village ladies. But due to the regular contact with other communities and frequent visit to the nearby town and market, their dress pattern is gradually changing' Presently most of the female folk are wearin$ sarz'and other dresses and material like their neighbouring communities. Besides, some school going girl use frock, shirt and ribbon as their school dress. Generally the female folk of these tribes use different types of ornaments to decorate their body, which include glass bangle, earring, necklace, paiob and hair pin, etc' The use of wrist watch is frequently found among the male members who are working outside their village whereas it is very rare in case of female members. (iv) Hunting and fishing implements The long bow and arrow are the major hunting implements of these tribes. The bow is usually made of a broad, pliant splits of bamboo with the ends tied with a thin bamboo strings. They use two types of arrow namely, the sharp arrow and blunt zrrrow. The sharp end of the arrow is made with an iron tip, if needed; it is tied with a thin thread whereas the blunt end of an arrow is made of a hard wood. Feathers of different types of birds are tied at the butt end of the arrow to enhance its speed. The sharp end arrows are basically used for hunting of big animals where as the blunt end arrows are used for killing small birds. x For fishing, they use a varieties of traps made of bamboo splits and kasfgrass. These fishing implements I are fixed in narrow and shallow running water channel fl 21, ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA or stream in such a manner that the fishes which enter into the basket are unable to return. However, sometimes they also catch small fishes from the stream by hand and net. During monsoon they also collect fishes from their paddy field by using small sized {ishing trap. {e)Art and craft Art and craft is an important aspect of human culture. Scholars from different field study art and craft as well as the artisan groups from different perspectives. Although the anthropologists, ettrnologists, sociologists and other social scientists are studying the art and craft since long, their major emphasis remain on the study of the social and economic organization of the artisan groups, broad patterns of distribution of their products, their articulation with society at large, and on the other aspects of social orgarrwation. On the other hand the Art historians, ceramicists and metallurgists focus on objects and techniques from their own specialized perspectives. From these, it is clear that, although these scholars from different disciplines are working on various aspects of a craft, none of these provide data on the material correlates of different patterns of craft production and their broader significance, to an archaeologist, what they actually need to interpret a culture. However, it is only the ethno- archaeologists, who try to show the pattern of distribution of material items result from the interaction of certain modes of specialist productionwith particular means of distribution and consumption, and how such patterns relate to socio-cultural entities ofvarious kinds  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 22 (David and Kramer 2OO1:304). The knowledge of art and craft is, usually, transmitted from generation to generation by the process of socialization. An ethno- archaeologist studies the route and routes of transmission of this technology from the present ethnic communities and supplies this knowledge to archaeologist to reconstruct the past technology of the region. But, there is some limitations of ethno- j archaeolory. It is unable to provide all the essential j data to archaeologists. India in general and eastern India in particular is I I very rich and well known for its art and craft products. While the tribes like Asur and Kolha are famous for il their traditional iron smelting technique, the Mahali is I famous for bamboo craft and Birhor is known for rope making. Similarly, the Soura possess expertise knowledge in wall painting. Apart from these, most of the tribes decorate their houses, grain bins, and different kinds of materials in different ways. Apart from these, there are different types of art and craft objects prepared by these tribal people which have some cultural value. Mention may be made of the traditional door and otherwooden carvings, carvings on comb and bamboo materials, tattoo and other body decoration and wall painting of the Juangs of northern Orissa (Eh^rin 1948; Patnaik 1989; Dash L992a): art and crafts of the Kondhas (Dash and Pradhan 2006; Patnaik 2OOZ), etc. (f) Trade and exchange The general meaning of 'exchange' is the transfer of goods and services between people where as trade  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA involve at least part-time specialists. Study of trade and exchange for ethno-archaeological purpose includes descriptions of markets along with the other mechanisms of distribution including gifting, exchange between friends, aIlies, kin, and members of different age-sets, and formal exchange partnerships between member of unrelated families over the course of generations, jajmani (patron-client relationships), where and services are exchanged, usually on specific occasions. A11these are suggestive of the variety of non- market forms of exchange existing in the past (David and Kramer 2O01:361). At the time of analysing the significance of trade and exchange in ethno-archaeology they have stated that; "Exchange and trade distribute raw materials and artefacts across space through a variety of physical and institutional mechanisms, and, as items move, information and energr, sometimes in the form of armies, move with them. The desire to rationalize trade is frequenfly implicated in the spread of state forms of policy and the development of empires. The contexts in which objects move from producer to consumer that are most familiar to archaeologist are markets, a type of institution for which there is no evidence in many ancient context" (ibid). ($ Mortuary practices The ethnographic study of mortuary practice is very much useful for interpretation of the burial sites of archaeological context. As most of tJ'e archaeologists are not aware about the ritual process, they face a lot of problem to analyse the corpse material buried with in aburiat site. Binford (1971a,l97lb,1972) has made  l DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOG1CAL RESEARCH IN INDIA a significant work on mortuar5r practice. In this report, he dismissed several propositions regarding the determinants of mortuary practices offered by anthropologists of tJ:e culture historic period. At the end of this work, he mentioned that inconsistency in mortuar5r practices is related to changeability in societ5r in general and to the social persona of the deceased and the size and composition of the group to which he or she is socially related in particular. For better understanding about the role of mortuaqr practice for interpreting the archaeology of the region a brief analysis of the mortuarypractice of the Ho tribe is given here. For the burial of the dead body, the Hos always dig a stepped burial pit which contains two chambers i.e. inner and outer. They place the dead body and associated grave goods inside the inner chamberwhere as the outer chamber is filled with soil. In earlier times the Hos placed many grave goods inside the burial pit for a deceased's future use and satisfaction. These grave goods basically includes foods, drinks, utensils, coins, ornaments (glass, brass, silver, iron and gold,etc.) and a person's daily used articles, except the hunting implements. But nowadays because of awareness and the high market price they do not bury the ornaments made of gold and silver. Customarily, the Hos perform t)te Pathalghori (placing of memorial stone) ceremony on the Ioft day after the death or 9ft day after the Jangpokharr (in case of cremation). But as per their convenience a deceased's family can also perform it in advance to the customarlr date or postpone it for a long  ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA period. But now a days, a lot of changes are noticed in Ho memorial stones. Due to the non-availability of huge stone, heavy expenditure in transportation and lack of man power, presently the Hos prefer to place a small stone on the grave of their deceased relatives. After placing this small stone some of the Hos (not economically poor) prepare cemented platform on it. As reported in earlier texts thatvertical memorial stones were erected, but now some of them make vertical cemented memorial pillars instead of small stone near the road side, engraving name of the deceased and his/her achievements. It is found that usually two types of memorial stones, namely Dolmen - horizontal stone and Menhir - vertical stone are placed in memory of the deceased. Use of dolmen is widely found which means it is used for the commoners. On the other hand the menhirs are erected only for the persons having some status within the community (e.g. village headmen). For this purpose all tle community people within the village bear the expense. Nowadays, an economicallywell to do commonerwith no notable social status like the village headmen can go for erection of menhir at his own cost which is socially acceptable within the community (Mohanta 2O1O). IMPLICATION FOR ARCHAEOLOGY As discussed earlier, the ethnographic data can answer t:asily many difficult or unsolved questions of archaeologists. Basa (1992: 95) in this context ruentioned that "ethnographic, studies could work as flesh and blood for the skeleton of archaeological L  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA researches". These following points of the ethnographic work are important for the archaeological study. The shifting cultivation and terrace cultivation practiced by different tribal groups of Orissa and Jharkhand make available evidence to the subsistence strategies of early Neolithic culture of the region. Both Orissa and Jharkhand are very rich in Prehistoric as well as Early Historic RockArt Heritage. There are a number of Rock art sites discovered from Sambalpur, Sundargarh, Jharsuguda, Rairangpur and some other parts of southern Orissa as well as from the Hazaribagh region of Jharkhand. Out these, some rock arts bear only paintings and engraving where as some possess both paintings and engravings. The subject matter and s5rmbols of these rock paintings vary from site to site. The art and painting in general and the wall painting and floor design of Eastern Indian tribe may provide clue to arralyze the prehistoric rock art. Ettrnography of craft, especially the traditional method of iron-smelting craft of theAsuras and Kolhas, the pottery and terracotta manufacturing technique, dokra craft of Mayurbhanj and Dhenkanal districts of Orissa as well as the other brass ware, bamboo and other wooden craft may show technological continuit5r from the remote past. Different tribal group follow various types of methods for disposing up the body of their deceased relatives. They also bury various kinds of material in 27 ETHNOARCHAEOLOGY OF EASTERN INDIA lhe grave along with the corpses. The size, shape and type of burial pit also vary from tribe to tribe. The cthnographic study of burial is more relevant for the archaeological study. The ethnographic study about lhe location of burial place, type of burial pit, direction o[ the head of the dead body and the arrangement of the grave goods give some important date for the further study. Besides, the size, rock type and direction of rnemorial stone could help to compare with the rnortuary practices of neighbouring tribes as well as with the other archaeolo$ical evidences. Therefore, the study of mortuary practice of different tribal communities of eastern India might help in interpreting the eastern Indian burial sites. Most of the tribes of the region believe in simple t:xt:hange system. Goods against $oods, goods against st:rvices, services against goods, gift, etc. are very ('ommon in exchange system of the tribes. The area of tlrcir exchange network is also very limited. The intra rrrrcl inter tribal dependence between the hill and plain lrcople able to analyze the tlade and exchange system ol'our ancestors. The settlement and subsistence system of tlll'lbrent tribes residing in different region could help to study the primitive settlement and subsistence s.ystem of the region. Besides, it could also provide data irlrotrt the primitive ecologr, environment, climate, flora, Irrrrna, etc. The type and nature of the house and other rtrcltitectural remains, daily use materials as well as  DIMENSIONS OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN INDIA 28 other materials or artefacts, waste products can be deposited directly or indirectly in and around a structure or activity areawould help to reconstruct the past culture. REFERENCES Ball,V.l87z. Stone monuments in the district of Singhbhum-Chota i Nagpur. Indian Antiquity | : 291-2. I Basa, K.K. L984. Palaeo-Historyof Mayurbhanj, Orissa: AReuiew. l , Unpublished M.A. Dissertation, Bhubaneswar, Department I Basa, K.K. 1994. Problems and Perspectives tn Archaeologr of 'l Orissa, India. DSA in Anthropology, Utkal University, Bhubaneswar. Basa, K.K. 1997. Archaeological heritage. ln : Comprehensive History and Culture of Orissa, Vol-1, Part-I, ed. byMishra, P.K. and J.K. Samal, pp.18-45. New Delhi. Basa, KishorK. 1992. 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