Davao History PDF

DAVAO IN THE PRE-CONQUEST ERA AND THE AGE OF COLONIZATION Karl M. Gaspar, CSSR 1. The Original Inhabitants In the pre-conquest era, the Davao Region was populated by its original inhabitants and these various ethnolinguistic groups had...

DAVAO IN THE PRE-CONQUEST ERA AND THE AGE OF COLONIZATION Karl M. Gaspar, CSSR 1. The Original Inhabitants In the pre-conquest era, the Davao Region was populated by its original inhabitants and these various ethnolinguistic groups had established themselves in the various areas of this locality since time immemorial. “When the Spaniards colonized Davao Gulf in 1848, they noted that the region had the most number of tribes anywhere in the country.”1 When Islam was introduced in this part of Southeast Asia, the Tausog, Maguindanaos, Maranaws, Iranun, Kalagan, Samal (Sama D’laut) and a few others embraced Islam. The other ethnolinguistic tribes who held on to their indigenous belief system. Various literature in terms of their self-ascribed names. Tiu relying on Spanish documents - primarily those of the Jesuits- included the following with their respective ancestral territories: the Bagobos and Guiangans in the middle part of the western coast, the Atas in the interior of the western side of the Gulf, the Dibabawons and Mangguangans in north Davao, the Mansakas in the northeastern part and the Mandayas on the eastern and northern parts.2 Gisbert in the year 1886 provided the following information as to the population of the various tribes; he included the: Ata – 25,000, B’laan – 20,000, Kaolo – 12,000 to 14,000, Bagobos – 10,000, Guiangans – 6,400 and Manobo – 1,200.3 He also indicated that the Islamized Samals were in Samal Island while the Kalagans were further in the south. There were Maguindanawons and Tausogs who settled down along Davao Gulf. The father of Datu Bago, Davao’s iconic tribal chieftain, was Tausog. The present-day Davao’s ethnolinguistic groups include Obos and Matigsalugs who were not cited in the Jesuit records. Tiu claims that today the Bagobo are composed of four different groups, namely, the Tagabawa, Guiangans, Obo and Matigsalugs. The Manobo in south Davao are also referred to as Kulaman Manobos, while the Manobos of Liboganon and Salug in North Davao are Ata-Manobo.4 Blumentritt and Cole (who referred to them as “the wild tribes”) included the following: Ata, Bagobo, B’la-an, Kulaman, Dulangan, Loac, Maguindanao, Mansaka, Mandaya, Manobo, Guiangan, Libaon, Mangguangan, and Tagacaolo.5 The pejorative gaze on the indigenous peoples in Davao was not only the handiwork of colonial historians and anthropologists. Filipino publications helped to reinforce the condescending and patronizing view of the Lumad. One example: There were many of these natives, primitive and nomadic, but with a culture of their own. It is quite hard to determine their exact place of origin, except that they were definitely Malays. There were the Calagones who inhabited 1  the southeastern slopes of Mt. Apo; the Tagacaoles on the west coast of the Davao gulf; the Aetas who lived along the Libaganon river; and the Samalese on the island of Samal and Talikud. The better known of these tribes are the Bagobos and the Mandayas, who up to now are still attractions of the province, with all their brace and courageous but futile resistance to the invasion of Christian civilization. Today, they are already driven into the far interior of the province, slowly losing their identity as little by little they succumb to the onslaught of Christian influence.6 Recent scholarship in Lumad studies have been more circumspect in terms of textualizing the landscape of Davao’s original inhabitants. While some of their chieftains did their best to find ways so that they can live in peaceful co-existence with each other by engaging in conflict resolution and forging peace pacts, still “the fragmentation among the tribes was the cause of much conflict among them in the past”. 7 One can imagine how “highly volatile” the region was considering the periodic pangayaws (tribal wars) led by the baganis (warriors) as well as the slave raids.8 Under this situation, each settlement or barangay had to fend for itself. Once conflict arose for any reason among the different barangay, tribal wars erupted because it was difficult to find an authority powerful or prestigious enough to settle the conflicts or enforce justice”. 9 Yenyongan and his colleagues with the Summer Institute of Linguistics in the early 1960s posited that the various groups were related to the Mandayas (which meant “inhabitants of the uplands”), namely the Manguwangans, Dibabawons, Mansakas, Pagsupans and Managosan.10 If one were to rely on the data from the National Statistics Office (NSO) in its 2000 Census, the following are the remaining non-Islamized ethnolinguistic groups in the Davao Region: Bagobo-Guiangan, Bilaan/B’laan, Davaweño, Dibabawon, Mandaya, Manobo/Ata-Manobo, Mansaka, Matigsalug, Tagabawa and Tagakaolo.11 In his later book Davao Reconstructing History from Text and Memory, Tiu made an attempt to come up with a comprehensive listing of Davao’s various ethnolingustic groups based on “current ethnography” but he indicated that such classification “needs further study.” 12 In this list he included fifteen tribes: the Atas, Bagobos, Blaans, Dibabawons, Guiangans, Kalagans, Kulaman Manobos, Mandayas, Mangguwangans, Mansakas, Matigsalogs, Obos, Samals, Sangils, Tagakaolos and the less numerous and not-so- known tribes – Attaws, Etos, Klatas, Loacs, Managosans, Manurigaws, Pagsupans and Tigdapayas.13 Considering that their territories are not too far away from each other, “some of these tribes are closely related” and “much intermarriages has occurred among them”. 14 2 2. THE COMING OF THE SPANIARDS BEFORE LEGAZPI It was in 1526 when one of Spain’s earliest expeditions to the Philippines reached Mindanao (referred to at that time as Cesarea Karoli) in 1526, commanded by Juan Joffre de Laoisa. This expedition, however, faced all kinds of difficulties including the occurrence of a mutiny and the capture of a few men by the indigenous people when they went ashore to procure food. Two years later, the remaining ships reached Davao Gulf and landed on Talicud Island where they were able to secure fresh water and food; they later landed in what is now a part of Sta. Cruz, Davao del Sur but left shortly when a favorable wind stirred.15 In 1531, Francisco Castro reached Caraga and stayed for a while, culminating in the baptism of the local chieftain – christened as Antonio Galvan - and his two daughters. 16 Sometime in 1538, a Portugese ship was stranded somewhere in the east coast; on board were two Jesuit priests and one brother who preached in Surigao and Butuan and did baptisms.17 In February 1543, Ruy Lopez de Villalobos and his expedition reached Baganga where they stayed for about a month. Moving on with their journey, they were forced to anchor at what is now Sarangani owing to the damage of one of the ships and the illnesses of a few of his men. The local people resisted and fights ensued. 18 Their short stay in Sarangani was characterized with acute privations so that they were forced to “eat all the dogs, cats, and rats... besides horrid grubs and unknown plants… (and) large numbers of certain variety of gray lizard which emits considerable glow…”19 In 1546, the Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier was in an expedition that dropped anchor in eastern Mindanao, in a place called Kabuaya, near Cape San Agustin. They did not stay very long as their destination was elsewhere in Asia.20 Until today, there are still stories one hears from older people in Davao Oriental about this visit of St. Francis Xavier, including the tale that the future saint and his companions were displeased with the behaviour of the local inhabitants. 3. EARLY MISSIONARY ENGAGEMENTS Two Portuguese diocesan priests found their way to what is now Butuan from 1602 to 1612. Their missionary work turned tragic as one was killed and the other fled for his life. 21 When the Spanish occupation finally took hold of the islands, it was the Augustinian friars who accompanied the colonizers. Until the coming of religious from the other order, the Augustinians had the entire archipelago for their mission territory. By 1586, the Augustinians had already established themselves in Cebu, Negros, and Panay; and in the main 3  island Luzon, they were present in the Tagalog regions, the province of Pampanga, and the coastal areas of the Ilocos region.22 The Augustinians’ monopoly of the Philippine missions ended when the Franciscans arrived in 1578, the Jesuits in 1581, the Dominicans in 1587 and the Recollects in 1606. Most of these congregations established their first houses in Manila. In 1595 a systematic division of the archipelago into distinct missionary territories was promulgated through a royal order of King Philip II, which was communicated through a letter dated 27 April 1594 to the Governor-General of the Philippines at that time, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas Aranjuez. 23 The Franciscans found themselves assigned to Bicol, Mindoro and East Visayas, the Jesuits in south Luzon and Mindanao, the Dominicans in North Luzon and later, the Recollects to Cebu, Mindoro and parts of Luzon. In 1622, the Augustinian Recollects began their missionary work in Mindanao. In the next 253 years, they minister to the faithful in Butuan, Surigao, Tandag and Bislig. These areas were eventually incorporated into the district of Caraga, which included the whole of Davao Oriental. In 1624 the Recollects reached out to the areas of what is now Lanao and Bukidnon... The expansion of the Recollects inevitably led to the setting up of a missionary mutual agreement between them and the Jesuits. They drew an imaginary line from Punta Siliaga on the northern coast to Cape San Agustin in the southeast. The Jesuits were assigned to the west while the Recollects stayed at the east.24 The majority of the Jesuit missions in the late 1500s and mid-1700s were in the Visayas and Mindanao. They established parishes in Zamboanga, Misamis and Iligan. Unfortunately, in 1768, King Charles III of Spain expelled the Jesuits from all Spanish territories resulting in a crisis. The former Jesuit missions were taken over by other religious orders; those in Mindanao were assigned to the Recollects. Because the Recollects who took over the Jesuit areas were so few, many parishes were left without a priest for the next hundred years. Still, they expanded so that in the 1840s, they reached the area of what is now Davao. Through the years of the christianization process, the religious friars had a strong concern for the children’s formation as baptized individuals. This was true in all the areas they colonized. The missionaries who worked in the Philippines followed a similar method of evangelization as was used in Latin America, but adapted it to the unique situation of the archipelago and its people. The importance they gave to the leading classes of the indigenous society and to the latter’s children was reminiscent of their concern for the Latin American caciques. A sort of “evangelization of children” was also employed during the initial stages of christianization. 25 This would be made more manifest as they settled more permanently in the reduccions that were established. 4 4. FOUNDING OF WHAT IS NOW DAVAO CITY AND THE PROVINCES OF DAVAO Despite the comings and goings of various colonial expeditions and the attempts of the early friars to evangelize the indigenous peoples in Mindanao, it would take almost three hundred years after the arrival of Miguel Lopez de Legazpi in 1565 that Davao would acquire a privileged status within the Spanish regime. Davao’s “distinct geopolitical entity came only during the last 50 years of the 333- year period of Spanish sovereignty in the Philippines.”26 The full conquest of Mindanao was held back by the colonial authorities ensconced in Manila owing to a number of factors including “the high cost of maintaining land forces and naval outposts” and the fact that “the national capital was being threatened constantly by pirates and other European powers.”27 But the time came when the Spanish monarchy and its governance system could no longer continue providing adequate financial support to its colonies; it became more urgent for the local officials in the colonies to look for ways and means of expanding the revenues, primarily in terms of tribute. So they looked further from the areas that had already been colonized. Davao Gulf (then known as Taglooc Bay and Seno de Davao) was of particular interests to them as it was already known to be a location where trade thrived. It soon became evident that the Davao Gulf area had rich natural resources that could bring about economic benefits. The Davao Gulf area was long known among Portuguese and Spanish explorers. It was worthy of closer examination because the territory was practically a by-road for navigators. Ships were able to take advantage of the wind and sea currents that prevailed during set periods of the year to go to the area. The seas were relatively calm and generally free form destructive typhoons...The inhabitants of the Gulf area and its contiguous east coast participated in trading activities that made Davao a natural bridge in the growth of contacts and commerce not merely in the southern island chain but also in the North.28 The Moro people – mainly Tausogs – were the main settlers along Taglooc Bay at this time, especially along the mouths of rivers. However, Christian traders regularly came from the east coast to engage in trade as this place had “abundant forest products… especially almaciga (a tree variety that yields resin for the manufacture of paint), lumbang nuts, beeswax, honey and even gold dust gathered by the natives along the coast from Pundaguitan (Sigaboy) up north to Quinquin (Kingking) where the river swept down gold, which they panned”. 29 What might have finally pushed the Spanish colonial masters in Manila to decide to colonize Davao and set up a Christian settlement was the Moro’s attack on San Rufo, a veteran trading vessel that reached Davao Gulf but was burned, its cargoes pillaged and the traders and crew members killed. This triggered a call for 5 vengeance leading to the setting up of an expedition that was sent to Davao led by Don Jose Oyanguren y Cruz.30 Seeking the full support of Governor General Narciso Claveria, Oyanguren set out to “to conquer and subdue the entire Gulf district; expel or pacify the Moros there, and establish the Christian religion, if he were given supplies and equipment, the command of the district and exclusive rights of trade therein.“ 31 Oyanguren got what he wanted, left for Davao in February 1845 arriving at Malipano island along Samal Island channel in March 1848. Datu Bago’s followers resisted but they were later vanquished. Datu Bago and his warriors fled to Tagum via the Davao River, as his other followers sought the safety of Sarangani and Lake Buluan.32 On 29 June 1848, the feast of St. Peter, Oyanguren gathered his people together and he dedicated his new community to the apostle. This was the beginning of the celebration of San Pedro as patron saint every 29th day of June in this new settlement which was the first reduccion set up along the Davao Gulf.33 Oyanguren’s conquest of Davao was followed by the issuance of the 29 January 1849 decree that provided a delineation of a territory that was placed under the Spanish control. To express his appreciation of what Oyanguren accomplished, Governor General Narciso Claveria named this territory Nueva Guipuzcoa which was the home province of Oyanguren in Spain. The first Christian settlement was named Nueva Vergara, after Oyanguren’s hometown. Even as the Province’s boundaries were still to be defined, this area was projected to cover “the land mass periphery to the Davao Gulf from Sarangani Island going upward” and as it followed “ the same coastal line on the east side of the Gulf, it proceeds down to Cape San Agustin and from there on the Pacific side, the territory goes up to Point Cauit, near Lanuza, then part of the ancient province of Caraga”.34 Apart from Nueva Vergara which was located along the banks of Davao River, Oyanguren also established the settlements in Pundaguitan, Sigaboy and Linas (near the Cape of San Agustin in what is now part of Davao Oriental), and Binolin in Samal Island. In 1851, the population of the whole Province across the Davao Gulf including the older towns totalled 7,330. By 1885, it would increase to 10,392.35 During the early years of colonization, Davao was already noted for the richness of its soil and the abundance of its natural resources. However, Davao’s development under Spanish rule went very slow. At a time when the Katipunan Revolution broke out in Luzon, the Spanish forces were still pacifying the Lumads in Davao. The colonizers aggressively organized reducciones as the friars reinforced the pacification drive by their attempts at proselytization. The tribal people resented being forced to work and to pay tributes, so even as they would accede to living in 6 the settlements at certain times, at other times, especially when the priests and soldiers left, they disappeared into the forests. Located in such an isolated location, Davao was not a place that settlers, including Spaniards, wanted to make their home. Because of its isolation, Davao “became a penal colony without walls or barbed wires, becoming the dumping ground of deserters and various kinds of offenders from the other parts of the Philippines.” 36 Oyanguren’s story, did not have a happy ending. His colonization efforts did not prosper as the reducciones and the trade did not prosper owing to various reasons from the continuing Moro resistance to the flight of the local population further into the forests to avoid paying tribute. When Claveria returned to Spain, Oyanguren was relieved of his post. Devastated and with a broken heart, he died on 10 October 1858 and was buried in Nueva Vergara.37 By 1860, Nueva Guipuzcoa had become the fourth of Mindanao’s five politico-military districts. This section fell under the Comandancia (Military District) of Bislig that encompassed the territory from Lianga down to Point Tagubon and consisted mainly of scattered settlements of Mandayan lumads in Cateel, Bagaga, Caraga and Manay, with a sprinkling of Christian inhabitants who lived scattered along the coasts. This section of the east coast later became the object of intense evangelization activities from the mission station of Caraga. The Jesuit missionaries who returned in 1859 had in 1874 taken over the parishes in the east coast originally founded by Recollects in 1620. 38 All throughout the time that Oyanguren took charge of Nueva Guipuzcoa until the time when the Jesuits came back, there were only a few missionaries who were around to do the work of evangelization. Given how few they were, the Recollects accomplished a lot; in just twenty years they baptized 1,127 persons who lived along the coastal areas up to the upland areas around Mt. Apo. In the process, they were able to connect the settlements in the East coast with the new Christian settlements along the Gulf, including Nueva Vergara.39 In 1867, the name Nueva Vergara was junked by the local inhabitants as they preferred the old name Davao. They petitioned to bring back the old name and this was granted; eventually the name Nueva Vergara was no longer used.40 Today very few people in Davao City would even know that their city used to be called Nueva Vergara by the colonialists. The Jesuits came back in 1859, after an absence of 91 years. They were given the remote regions of Mindanao. When the Spanish government deigned again to allow the Jesuits into the Philippines in 1859 and gave them as their first task the Christianization of Mindanao, that government needed them and a quick performance of that task very much, because there was imminent danger that Mindanao would become lost to other foreign powers or to Moro expansion. The Recollects who, aside from 7  their old parishes in the eastern half of Mindanao, had also taken over some of the parishes of the Jesuits after the latter’s expulsion in 1768, did not fit anymore in the plans of the colonial authorities regarding Mindanao and had in turn to move out.” 41 Two years after returning to the Philippines, the first Jesuits to leave Manila for Mindanao left Cavite on 7 September 1861 on board the frigate Bella Gallega; four days later, they arrived in Isabela de Basilan and later left for what is now Zamboanga City. Later, they moved to Cotabato and settled in Tamontaca which would serve as the staging point of their missionary efforts. 42 On 7 October 1868, seven years after returning to Mindanao, the Jesuits – three priests and one brother - arrived in Davao to undertake the task of caring for the spiritual needs of the inhabitants in Nueva Guipuzcoa. They stayed with a Recollect Father who eventually sold his wooden house, garden, books and furniture to Father Barua (the Jesuit superior) for four hundred pesos.43 5. FIRST FORMAL INSTRUCTION IN PAROCHIAL SCHOOLS IN DAVAO What could constitute as perhaps “the beginnings of educational instruction in Nueva Vergara must have begun not long after the founding of the Spanish settlement in 1848… (as) substantiated by the 1852 Census which identified some inhabitants as students”.44 This was facilitated by the only priest in the whole territory, Fr. Miguel Magallon de San Crispin, with the help of a few original settlers who took charge of teaching the children “the rudiments of practical Spanish language and the cartilla (primer on the Spanish alphabet and prayers)”. 45 A major policy development of the Spanish regime in terms of setting up schools arose with “the promulgation of the royal decree issued on 20 December 1863 directing the opening of education in all villages and the provision of salaries for the teachers.” 46 Consequently, formal instruction in the parochial schools of Davao began. Children, aged 6 to 14, were required to attend classes from 8 to 11 in the morning and 2 to 5 in the afternoon. The starting salary of teachers was P2.00 monthly. Poor students were exempted from paying school fees but were required to render certain work for school, such as procuring materials and fashioning them into tables, desks, chairs and benches. The church sponsored the schooling of a few teachers… Instructions were on practical Spanish conversational phrases and the alphabet. Class sessions were dominated by religious songs, words were translated in the local vernacular, e.g. Dabawnon dialect derived mainly from Mandaya and Bagobo vocabulary. 47 8  With the setting up of the mission station of Caraga, more parochial schools were opened. In these schools which were collectively set up and administered by eight missionaries, the schoolchildren were taught mainly the rudiments of the Spanish language; as this was still seen as important for purposes of the Christianization campaign. 48 Fr. Saturnino Urios, S.J. who did missionary work in Surigao and Agusan came to Davao in 1892. With his linguistic abilities – he was fluent in many languages of the indigenous peoples including those of the Kalagans, Mansaka, Mangulangans, Tagacaolo, B’laan, Bagobo and Guiangan - Fr. Urios was able to reach out to the indigenous communities in terms of his missionary engagements.49 Today, many Catholic schools in the Caraga district bear his name. Fr. Gregorio Parache, S.J. became head of the Bislig mission in 1873 and was later joined by Frs. Pablo Pastells and Juan Terricabras. Together, they travelled through Manay, Cateel and Caraga from 1876 to 1888, conducting missions among the unbaptized Mandayas and the organized Christian communities. 50 The eruption of the Philippine National Revolution that began with the uprising of the Katipunan in 1896 radically changed the face of colonization in Mindanao and would have major implications both in terms of missionary engagements and education for children. The signing of the Treaty of Paris on 10 December 1898 marked the end of one colonial occupation but also the beginning of a new one. The remaining Spanish friars in Davao only left the area, one year after the signing of the Treaty. 5. THE COMING OF THE AMERICANS With the shift of colonial power from Spain to the U.S.A., the latter began to set up the necessary governing apparatuses including the Philippine Commission which was to administer all regular provinces in Christianized regions, the Moro Province - embracing Mindanao-Sulu with predominantly Moro and Lumad populations - which was governed by the US Army with an autonomous authority and the Special Government Provinces to administer non-Christian tribespeople and their territories. 51 Between 1903 to 1913, the component districts of the Moro province included Davao, Cotabato, Lanao, Sulu and Zamboanga. The organized municipalities in Davao included Davao, Mati, Cateel, Baganga and Caraga. From 1914 to 1920, the Moro Province became the Department of Mindanao and Sulu and it was constituted by the earlier five districts which were now considered provinces along with Agusan and Bukidnon. Two municipal districts were added to the original five constituting Davao, namely, Manay and Sta. Cruz.52 9  At the beginning of the 1900s, Davao did not stand out as a progressive district in the Moro Province. It was quite isolated and the farthest from Manila; its native population was small and scattered throughout a big area. Thus Davao “constituted the colonial frontier and was approached as such by those who sought to determine its place in southern Mindanao’s development” with a thrust “not just how to construct a state, but how to achieve a critical mass of people for the state to govern”.53 Almost a year transpired between the end of the Spanish regime and the arrival of first American military officials and soldiers on 14 December 1899. During this interim period, the Davao Christian population made attempts at self-rule. First step was a meeting where they elected members of a government council. However, this provisional government was violently overthrown by another group who opposed the council and wanted to take the posts themselves. A reign of terror followed which created disorder and anarchy in the streets. The parish priest, Fr. Urios and a few trusted men found a way to resolve the conflicts which eventually brought peace to the town until the Americans arrived headed by Gen. Gen J.C. Bates, U.S. Army commanding officer of the military district of Mindanao and Jolo.54 With the implementation of the American sovereignty in Davao, various military detachments were sent to Davao and they travelled from Davao to the East coast towns from Mati, to Baganga and Cateel as well as to Sarangani. In one of these companies was assigned Second Lieutenant Edward C. Bolton who later would become Davao’s district politico-military governor; he would figure prominently in Davao’s history because of a forthcoming incident, namely his assassination in 1906 by the Tagakaolo chieftain, Mangulayon. Like many Lumads, Mangulayon resented the encroachment of the colonizers. However, it was not as if the indigenous peoples had a high level of solidarity links among themselves against the colonizers, nor were they in a position to sustain their resistance as the Americans pushed their colonial agenda in southern Mindanao. In Davao, the indigenous population was sparse and the army’s main concern was to fill up the far-flung district. This emptiness, along with Davao’s distance from Manila and the provincial capital, Zamboanga, also encouraged separatism. Taking on the anti-Filipino, anti-Manila role were army officials and American settlers who saw Davao as the final stop on the drive to the American western frontier. Many also saw the district as a future model of prosperity, progress, and civilization for neighbouring indigenous communities. As in the Muslim areas, settlers and their military governors were committed to keeping southern Mindanao separate.55 The American colonization of Davao would drastically change the landscape of its lifeworld. With their arrival, roads were constructed and telegraph lines set up. 56 One major change would be in the composition of the population as the 10 numbers of inhabitants increased exponentially owing to emigration. Earlier, the Spaniards had brought peoples from Cebu, Bohol and Leyte who constituted the first settlers in this territory. But their numbers were small since only a few migrants were attracted to come to Davao because of various reasons including: the lack of strong motivation to settle here, lack of transport facilities from their original abode to Davao and the fear of the Moro people. 57 In 1899 as the American occupation troops arrived in Davao, they were struck with how rich and fertile the soil was and its great potentials in terms of natural resources. Already referred to as “the garden of the gods” owing to the fertility of the soil and the ideal condition for farm cultivation, 58 Davao attracted the interest of Americans to set up plantations. Around 200 former soldiers and teachers (Thomasites) came to establish plantations, making Davao the most Americanized town in the country. The Americans, impressed with the economic potentialities they saw in the fertile lands of Davao, lost no time in settling here and opening vast areas for coconut and abaca plantations. Gen. Leonard Wood, first governor of the Moro Province (1903-06), may be credited for opening Davao to modern settlement and migration. Through his encouragement, fifty discharged American soldiers began some thirty-odd plantations along coast of Davao. These plantations needed workers, and word on the opportunities lured more Americans who have retired from military service and workers from various parts of the country. The prevailing peaceful conditions, the vision of acquiring a piece of land, and the availability of regular and even free means of transport from 1920s to 1930s fuelled emigration to this area.59 As American plantations expanded, more workers were needed. Since local indigenous peoples could not be enticed to work for them, the Americans dealt with the acute labor shortage by recruiting labor from other parts of the country including the Japanese workers who were finishing their construction work along the Kennon Road in Mt. Province. The first batch of 23 Japanese workers arrived in Davao in 1903; two years later, there were 154 more. 60 Eventually, the Japanese would progress from being plantation workers to actual plantation owners. By 1918, Japanese plantations numbered 71 compared to only 34 American estates. In land area, Japanese controlled 55, 906 hectares, whereas Americans only had 20,129 hectares. Filipinos owned 15,624 hectares. By 1918, there were 5,612 Japanese in Davao. As the Japanese business interests soared, those of the Americans deteriorated. The latter’s early enthusiasm and their plantations’ productivity were not sustained as they encountered all kinds of labor, marketing and productivity problems. Many were forced to sell their plantations to the Japanese. By 1928, only 24 American plantations remained whereas there were still 62 under the 11 Japanese. The other plantations were under the Filipinos (106), Chinese (13) and one Spanish. Japanese interests expanded to timber and coconut, even as they set up banks, stores as well as schools and hospitals. In the port, one saw many Japanese ships as Davao became part of the Japanese trade map. They also intermarried with the local population.61 The economic shifts in Davao at this time would have implications in the body politic of the region which ultimately impacted the state formation of the entire Republic. One theory posited is thus: (T)he failure of the American dream in Davao set the stage for the Japanese takeover of that province’s abaca plantation. Davao’s integration into the Filipinized colonial state was faster and less problematic than that of Cotabato because there was no ‘Moro problem,’ only relations between Filipinos and the new settlers, whose plantations were proving a windfall for farmers and the state alike. The Japanese protected their investments by playing the patronage game with emerging Filipino politicians, who in turn protected the hemp plantations while remaining extremely loyal to Quezon. This relationship made the question of autonomy from Manila superfluous. With southern Mindanao now an intrinsic part of the colonial body politic, the Philippines came under the effective control of one state and a unitary process of state formation became the conventional framework for discussing Philippine political developments.62 Being labeled the Land of Promise, more migrants were drawn to dream of a better life in Davao. Those who had settled in Davao earlier encouraged relatives and friends from back home in the Visayas and Luzon to consider migrating south. As more plantations were established – with the entry of Japanese corporations whose investments were primarily in the abaca industry and which later expanded to coconut, logging, fishing and large scale merchandizing – more workers were needed. News regarding the success of Japanese businesses spread beyond Davao which attracted potential migrants hoping to find jobs. Compared to how migrant workers were treated by the Americans, the Japanese treated Filipinos more decently and provided better social welfare; this was another factor that drew more migrants to work in Japanese plantations. 63 As married able-bodied men flocked to Davao, they brought their extended families along. “In a span of some three decades, the population of Davao province grew from 65,463 in 1903 to 107,385 in 1918 and 292,600 in 1939” as “the idea of Davao as a land of promise caught the nation’s imagination”.64 By 1936, migrant Filipinos constituted the biggest group in Davao totalling 79,092 compared to the Lumad population that stood at 68,356. There were 12,244 Japanese. Apart from the Japanese, more Chinese - who came as early as 1852 – flocked to Davao and went into general merchandizing business. By 1895 there 12 were 34 of them.65 As for the Japanese, their population increased to 17,888 in 1939; by the time war broke out, their number had increased to around 19,900.66 During the American occupation, the National Assembly which was under the Commonwealth Government undertook the task of creating new cities from a number of big municipalities which also happen to be provincial capitals. Davao has the distinction of being the first Charter City created under this administration when its Charter received presidential approval on 16 October 1936, by virtue of Commonwealth Act no. 51.67 By then, Davao was already considered an asset to the Commonwealth government as its contribution to the colonial coffers was quite significant. What the early American settlers hope would happen, that Davao would become a thriving economic zone, unfolded before the war owing to the profits generated by the Japanese-controlled abaca industry. 68 6. FORMAL EDUCATION IN DAVAO DURING THE AMERICAN OCCUPATION The new colonizers had a different language and, naturally, they wanted to be understood by the natives but they were forced at first to use the Spanish language. Communicating in the Spanish among those in official circles was slow and, ultimately, tedious. The need to teach English arose and even a number of American soldiers were mobilized to give English lessons to the youngsters. Eventually, formal classroom education was set up as abandoned schools got repaired and teachers employed. The first teachers were three Thomasites.69 The number of instructors increased when the adult students eventually became the pioneer native teachers. Three years after the first American troops reached Davao City, the number of children attending classes had increased. Subjects offered including the three Rs, geography, hygiene and sanitation. In 1902, one-fourth of the total number of children of school age in Davao at that time (the census was 2,825) went to schools across Davao including Davao, Mati, Caraga, Baganga, Cateel and Guianga. In June 1903, Act no. 787 was passed providing for the establishment of a public school system; this pushed for appropriating funds for the construction of school buildings and provision of school supplies.70 More American teachers arrived the following year and spread across the Gulf areas. In April 1905 a normal institute in Davao was set up to train teachers. The Religious of the Virgin Mary (RVMs) hold the distinction of being the first religious congregation to open a private school in Davao. The RVM Congregation was founded by Mother Ignacia del Espiritu Santo in 1684. Their first foundation in Mindanao, set up in 1875 was in Tamontaka, Cotabato.71 In 1902, three sisters arrived in Davao to set up a foundation. They first stayed in the house of Hon. Teodoro Palma Gil, the Davao representative to Governor General Harrison. 13 Later, Mrs. Sinforosa Bangoy vda de Joven donated a house to them which they converted into a dormitory and classrooms. This was where they set up the parochial school named Escuela Catolica de San Pedro, originally established exclusively for girls offering primary and intermediate courses. In 1914, the name of the school was changed to Colegio de la Immaculada Concepcion as the teaching of Spanish was more emphasized in the curriculum. At this time, the Sisters admitted boarders who stayed with them in their residence. Apart from the academic subjects, the girls were taught piano lessons, painting and embroidery. In 1926, kindergarten was added. In 1934, a high school was opened with eight girls at Year I and the school changed its name once more. It became the Immaculate Conception Academy. However, two years later the name was changed from Academy to Institute. Government recognition was then given to the complete intermediate course. The first high school graduation took place in 1938 with three graduates. By 1940 there were 200 colegialas enrolled. 72 Meanwhile, the public school system expanded. In June 1906, the schools in Davao had a total enrolment of 1,023, with a daily average attendance of 575. This increased gradually as Jesuit parochial schools were opened… In 1915 the number of schools and teachers in Davao significantly increased. Forty schools opened with an enrolment of 3,837, teachers numbered 74. The Jesuit parochial schools likewise had 1,210 pupils in the primary level. The Presbyterian mission, which also operated the Davao mission hospital, held classes for 120 pupils.73 In 1934, the St. Peter’s School for Boys was set up and run by the Jesuits with a complete primary school. Two years later, it opened first and second years of high school and later the third and fourth levels. It was located at the back of the St. Peter’s church facing Claveria St.74 Meanwhile the RVM Sisters opened two schools in 1935, the Our Lady’s Academy in Baganga and the Holy Family Academy in Caraga. Both provided elementary education to children. The Chinese community in Davao through the Davao Chinese Educational Association also set up a school in 1924; it was first located along San Pedro St. but later transferred to a two-hectare site. The Chinese School offered a primary education; instructions were in both Chinese and English. Filipino teachers were employed to teach English classes.75 This was how the educational landscape unfolded in Davao during the American occupation; it continued to expand until 1941 when the Japanese imperial forces invaded Davao. In the course of the war, they destroyed most of the school buildings and burned equipment and books. This was no small tragedy as it took a quarter of a century to build these schools and accumulate all the needed things needed. 76 14 END NOTES: 1 Tiu 2005, 47. 2 Tiu 2003, 6. 3 Cited in Tiu, 2033, 7. It could be confusing for the reader to have the different names of the tribes spelled in various ways. It has to be noted that some of the names of the indigenous communities are spelled differently by the different authors; in some cases, the name is shortened, e.g. Tagakaolo is Kaolo. The spelling that the different authors used is retained. The same principle is used for the spelling of localities. 4 Ibid. 5 Blumentritt 1916 and Cole 1905, in Corsino 1998, 7-24. Also in Abinales 2000, 73. 6 Caltex (Philippines), Inc. 1964, 31-32. 7 Tiu 2005, 47. 8 Ibid, 46. 9 Ibid, 48. 10 Tiu 2003, 9. 11 This data was collated by Department of Social Sciences, CHSS, University of the Philippines in Mindanao, 2005. https://docs.google.com/viewer?a=v&pid=gmail&attid=0.1&thid=138f07b4d15783ea&mt=application/pdf&url=htt ps://mail.google.com/mail/?ui%3D2%26ik%3Df670b62c86%26view%3Datt%26th%3D138f07b4d15783ea%26attid %3D0.1%26disp%3Dsafe%26realattid%3Df_h5gcw2lg0%26zw&sig=AHIEtbROIM-gaDTjLuBYThL3x7i78UxE6g&pli=1, accessed 2 August 2012. 12 Tiu 2005, 47. 13 Ibid, x. 14 Ibid, 48. 15 Corsino 1998, 26-27. 16 Ibid, 30. 17 Gaspar 1994, 250. 18 Corsino 1998, 27-28. 19.Cited from Blair and Roberston (1903-1909, vol. 2, 47), in Corsino 1998, 29. 20 Ibid, 30. 21 Gaspar 1994, 250. 22 Dela Rosa 1990, 57. 23 Blair and Roberston 1903-1909, 120, cited in Dela Rosa 1990, 57. 24 Gaspar 1994, 250-251. 25 Dela Rosa 1990, 63. 26 Corsino 1998, 1. 27 Ibid, 3. 28 Iid, 4-5. 29 Ibid, 53. 30 Ibid, , 57-61. Also cited in Schreurs 1994, 86-87. 31 Corsino 1998, 62. 32 Ibid, 70-71. 33 Ibid, 71. 34 Ibid, 37-39. 35 Ibid 83-84. 36 Tiu 2005, 31-33. 37 Corsino 1998, 75-78. 38 Ibid, 39. 39 Ibid, 95. 40 Ibid, 41. 41 Schreurs 1994, 11. 42 Ibid, 28-29. 15 43 Ibid, 92. 44 Corsino 1998, 96. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid. 47 Ibid, 96-97. 48 Ibid, 104. 49 Ibid, 105-106. 50 Ibid, 103. 51 Casiño 1992, 1. 52 Ibid, 24. 53 Abinales 2000, 69. 54 Corsino 1998, 109-111. 55 Abinales 2000, 179. 56 Corsino 1998, 118-119. 57 Ibid, 123-124. 58 Tiu 2005, 28. 59 Corsino 1998, 124-125. 60 Tiu 2011, 33. 61 Ibid, 35-36. 62 Abinales 200, 180. 63 Ibid, 85. 64 Corcino 1998, 126. 65 Ibid, 129. 66 Tiu 2005, 34. 67 Corsino 1998, 140. 68 Abinales 2000, 86-87. 69 Corsino 1998, 141-143. 70 Ibid, 143-144 71 All information in this section on the RVMs is from an undated paper entitled - UIC Timeline. 72 Ibid, 145, 147. 73 Ibid, 145-6. 74 Ibid, 148. 75 Ibid, 146-147. 76 Ibid, 148. 16