The Incredible Turk Film PDF

Final The Incredible Turk Film Gallipoli Campaign (1915) During the Gallipoli Campaign, Mustafa Kemal emerged as an unknown o icer commanding a Turkish division. He demonstrated brilliant strategy and personal leadership, which ultimately changed the course of the battl...

Final The Incredible Turk Film Gallipoli Campaign (1915) During the Gallipoli Campaign, Mustafa Kemal emerged as an unknown o icer commanding a Turkish division. He demonstrated brilliant strategy and personal leadership, which ultimately changed the course of the battle. After ten months of relentless ighting, the British forces signaled their defeat and retreated. This victory cemented Mustafa Kemal as a national hero in Turkey. Collapse of the Ottoman Empire The end of World War I led to the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire. By November 1918, Allied forces occupied Constantino- ple, and the weak and corrupt Sultan o ered no opposition. He wanted to break from the ottoman path. Greek Invasion of Turkey (1919-1922) On May 15, 1919, Greek forces invaded Anatolia, landing their troops in İzmir (Smyrna). In response, Mustafa Kemal or- ganised the Turkish liberation movement and took command of the free Turkish army. Despite being repudiated by the Sultan, Mustafa Kemal swore to gain Tur- key!s freedom or die trying. Under his leadership, Turkish forces fought a brutal war of independence for three years, eventually defeating the Greek invaders. On September 9, 1922, the Turkish army entered Smyrna, marking the liberation of the country. Establishment of the Turkish Republic In 1923, Turkey was o icially declared a republic, with Mustafa Kemal becoming its irst president. Constantinople was renamed Istanbul, and the Ottoman Sultanate was abolished. The Sultan led into exile, ending a seven-century reign. f ff ff f ff f  Modernization and Reforms Mustafa Kemal established a secular government by separating religion from state a airs. He introduced a new constitution based on democratic principles and shift- ed the capital to Ankara, symbolizing a fresh start for the new nation. Cultural and Social Reforms One of Mustafa Kemal's most signi icant reforms was replacing the Arabic script with a Latin-based Turkish alphabet, which made the language more accessible. He declared Sunday, instead of Friday, as the o icial day of rest, distancing the nation from Islamic traditions. Mustafa Kemal also championed personal religious freedom and removed Islamic in luences from governance. Women!s Rights Mustafa Kemal was a strong advocate for women!s rights. He abolished polygamy, granted women equal legal and professional rights, and encouraged them to adopt Western-style clothing. By decree, he unveiled women and opened up all profes- sions and trades to them, marking a revolutionary step for gender equality in Tur- key. Economic and Industrial Development Under Mustafa Kemal!s leadership, Turkey underwent rapid industrialization. He es- tablished factories, mills, and other infrastructure, increasing the country's industri- al production tenfold. Although some heavy industries operated at a loss, light in- dustries were deliberately run at high pro its to o set the de icit. Leadership Style Mustafa Kemal held dictatorial powers, but his ultimate goal was to create a lasting democracy. He ruled with relentless determination and a clear vision for Turkey!s future. His famous motto, "Turk, be proud, work, be con ident," re lected his em- phasis on hard work and national pride. Legacy and Later Life In the 1930s, Mustafa Kemal focused on diplomacy and strengthening Turkey!s de- fenses, ensuring the nation remained neutral during most of World War II. He pre- dicted the destructive paths of leaders like Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini, show- ff f f f ff ff f f f  ing remarkable foresight. In his later years, Mustafa Kemal lived modestly, spending his time teaching and mentoring. On November 10, 1938, Mustafa Kemal passed away at the age of 58. He left behind a strong and modernized Turkey. Revered as "Atatürk" (Father of the Turks), he is remembered as a transformative leader who reshaped his nation. Global In luence Atatürk was admired by neighboring leaders, including the Shah of Iran and the Amir of Jordan. While his leadership inspired Islamic nationalism, few other leaders could replicate his vision or accomplishments. Controversies and Challenges Despite his achievements, some critics labelled Mustafa Kemal!s methods as tyran- nical. Turkey!s economy, though growing, remained heavily dependent on Western aid. Additionally, while democracy under his leadership was imperfect, it laid the groundwork for future progress. Secularism: 1. He instituted law codes that are borrowed from Europe, that will be in con lict of the sharea 2. He changed the Arabic language, he latinised it. (As you can’t read old docu- ments from the ottoman empire since the script had changed, he stops the up- coming generation from learning about the ottoman history) Parallels between Nasser and Ataturk: 1. Education 2. Finance 3. Both promoted nationalism: Atatürk: Fostered a strong sense of Turkish nationalism, encouraging citizens to take pride in their Turkish identity and culture. Nasser: Promoted pan-Arabism, inspiring Arab unity and pride. His leadership made him a symbol of Arab nationalism, especially after standing up to Western powers during the Suez Crisis. f f 4. Relations with Global Powers Atatürk: Sought neutrality in foreign policy, carefully balancing relations with Western powers while maintaining Turkey’s independence. He kept Turkey out of external alliances during his tenure. Nasser: Navigated the Cold War by playing the superpowers against each other. He aligned with the Soviet Union for arms and infrastructure support but maintained a non-aligned stance. 5. Modernisation and Reforms: Atatürk: Instituted sweeping reforms to modernise Turkey, such as adopting the Latin alphabet, introducing Western legal codes, and advancing women’s rights. Emphasised industrialisation, education, and cultural Westernization. Nasser: Pushed for modernization through land reforms, industrial development, and the expansion of education. Nationalized major industries and the Suez Canal to assert economic independence and build infrastructure for a modern Egypt. One important di erence is that Nasser nationalism involved him in a air or neighbouring states and not always in Egypts advantage. Attaturk had a limited nationalism within his country Chapter 14 This chapter examines the transformation of several Middle Eastern countries— Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia—following the decline of the Ottoman Empire and European colonialism. It highlights the emergence of modern nation-states and the leaders who played crucial roles in these transitions. 1. Historical Context of European In luence: By 1914, most of the Middle East had felt the impact of European colonial- ism, with regions like Egypt and the Fertile Crescent under direct or indi- rect Western control. Only areas like Anatolia and Persia managed to maintain some indepen- dence, largely due to military resistance and political maneuvers. ff f ff 2. Emergence of New Nation-States: Turkey: After World War I, nationalists led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk suc- cessfully resisted foreign occupation, leading to the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. This marked the end of the Ottoman Empire and the birth of a secular, nationalist state. Iran: A similar nationalist movement occurred in Persia, where Reza Shah Pahlavi replaced the Qajar dynasty and sought to modernize and central- ize the government. Saudi Arabia: Abd al-Aziz ibn Abd al-Rahman (Ibn Saud) united the Arabi- an Peninsula under the banner of Wahhabism, founding the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. 3. Turkey's Transformation Under Ataturk: Ataturk implemented sweeping reforms to secularize and modernize Tur- key, replacing Islamic law with Western legal systems, promoting educa- tion, and encouraging Western-style dress. His government emphasized nationalism and sought to create a modern Turkish identity, moving the capital to Ankara and promoting the Turkish language. 4. Iran’s Modernization E orts: Reza Shah Pahlavi initiated reforms to free Iran from foreign domination, strengthen central authority, and promote social and economic progress. He faced resistance from religious leaders and traditionalists but pushed forward with infrastructure projects like the Trans-Iranian Railway and ef- forts to modernize education. 5. The Rise of Saudi Arabia: The chapter discusses Ibn Saud’s uni ication of various tribes and emi- rates in Arabia, using religious conviction and military strength. The discovery of oil in the late 1930s transformed Saudi Arabia’s econo- my, leading to immense wealth and in luence in the region. ff f f  6. Challenges and Contradictions: Each leader faced signi icant challenges, including internal opposition, economic di iculties, and the complexities of balancing traditional values with modernization. Ataturk, while a secular reformer, ruled with authoritarian measures, while Reza Shah struggled to balance modernity with Iran’s Islamic heritage. Aramco Film: Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia: These three nations have distinct historical and structural characteristics that in luence their development and gover- nance. Modernization and Leadership Iran (Shah Reza Pahlavi): The Shah came to power and aimed to modernise Iran, imitating Western styles and practices. His e orts included changing clothing styles, introducing new laws, and establishing a secular education system. Saudi Arabia (King Abdulaziz): O icially became a recognised state in 1932, but was already in existence in a more fragmented form prior to that. King Abdulaziz made some modernization e orts, such as introducing telegraphs and building roads, but these changes were limited compared to Iran. Structural Similarities Size and Population: Both Iran and Saudi Arabia are much larger than Turkey, with Iran covering approximately 1.6 million square kilometers and Saudi Ara- bia about 2.2 million square kilometers. In 1932, Saudi Arabia had a population of around 2-3 million, signi icantly smaller than Iran and Egypt, leading to low population density. Population Density: The vast size of these countries combined with their rela- tively low populations results in very low population densities, meaning peo- ple are clustered around water resources, which are essential for living. ff f f ff f ff ff  Oil Resources and Economic Development Oil Dependency: Iran and Saudi Arabia both possess vast oil reserves, making them economically dependent on oil exports. In Iran, the Anglo-Persian Oil Company (later known as AIOC) was established in 1908 to develop oil re- sources. In Saudi Arabia, the Arabian American Oil Company (Aramco) was formed through a consortium that included Standard Oil of California, which was established to develop Saudi oil resources. Economic Challenges: King Abdulaziz was initially reluctant to grant conces- sions to American companies but needed inancial support to maintain his rule and stabilize his government. Comparative Analysis Turkey vs. Iran and Saudi Arabia: The rulers of Turkey, Iran, and Saudi Arabia had di erent approaches to modernization and governance. While Turkey un- derwent signi icant reforms under its leadership, Iran and Saudi Arabia's modernization was more limited and heavily in luenced by their oil wealth and foreign partnerships. Key Points for Exam Preparation Understand the di erent modernization e orts and leadership styles in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Be able to compare the geographic and demographic aspects of Iran and Saudi Arabia with Turkey. Recognize the signi icance of oil resources in shaping the economies and for- eign relations of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Discuss the implications of low population density and how it a ects settle- ment patterns in these countries. Discussion on Film: Oil Supply Preferences: Discussion focused on why oil for Europe should come from the Middle East rather than the U.S., Venezuela, or Mexico. Oil companies may not prioritise conserving U.S. oil resources, as they compete for markets, including Europe. ff f ff f ff f f ff  Strategic Reasons: Post-World War II, the U.S. and Soviet Union emerged as superpowers with con licting interests. Ensuring oil supplies for Europe was crucial in the event of another con lict, as Europe was producing minimal oil at the time. Aramco's Role: Aramco aimed to position itself as a strategic asset to the American econo- my and European security. Their oil production was presented as vital for countering potential Soviet in luence in Europe. Paternalistic Relationship: The ilm portrayed a paternalistic view of the relationship between Aramco and its indigenous employees, suggesting that Americans were "helping" to develop the region. There was little mention of the substantial pro its that Aramco generated. Independence of Saudi Arabia: A central question raised was the true independence of Saudi Arabia if its primary revenue source was controlled by a foreign company. The analogy was made to Egypt and the Suez Canal, suggesting that foreign control undermines sovereignty. American Enclave: Aramco's operations were seen as creating an American enclave within Saudi Arabia, with its own facilities and governance. This setup raised questions about the nature of Saudi autonomy and whether it resembled a semi-colonial relationship with the U.S. Critical Days in Persian Oil Issues Film 1951-1953 (Crisis in Anglo-Iranian Relations) Semi-colonial - Semi-colonialism is a term used to describe a situation in which a country is partially controlled by foreign powers, maintaining some degree of political independence while still being economically and culturally in luenced or dominated by external forces. Settler-colonialism - Settler colonialism is a speci ic form of colonialism characterised by the establishment of a permanent or semi-permanent f f f f f f f  population of settlers in a territory, often accompanied by the displace- ment or subjugation of the indigenous population. This process involves the appropriation of land and resources, fundamentally altering the social, economic, and political landscape of the colonised area. Dr. Mohammed Mossadeq, an Iranian nationalist and lawyer by training, hailed from a wealthy family and was part of the Iranian political elite, con- trasting with igures like Nasser who came from disadvantaged back- grounds. He focused on ending British dominance in Iran, particularly through the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, and advocated for its nationaliza- tion. In 1951, he became Prime Minister and successfully passed a law through the Iranian parliament to nationalize the company. This move was seen not only as a point of national pride but also as an economic necessi- ty for Iran's modernization and development, especially given the British refusal to o er fair compensation. Legally, Iran had the right to nationalize the company, as it was a private entity chartered in Iran, although com- pensation for nationalized assets is typically required through negotiation. However, challenges arose during the nationalization process, highlighting the complexities involved. Another factor in the crisis- The discussion highlights the context of semi-colonialism, particularly re- garding the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, where the evacuation involved not just British experts but also their families, who lived in Iran. This situation draws parallels with Aramco, as both companies operated similarly and depicted family life in their ilms. A map of Iran shows Abadan in the southwestern corner, along with principal oil deposits and pipelines, while the Persian Gulf served as a route for tankers transporting oil to Britain and Europe. At that time, Britain faced signi icant inancial challenges, making the earnings from the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company crucial for the govern- ment, which owned about 50% of the company's shares. This arrangement made the company function as a semi-private, semi-public entity. Despite ff f f f f  these complexities, the Iranians had the legal right to nationalize the com- pany. What did the company do for Iran? In the early 1900s, Iran lacked the technical resources and expertise to develop its oil reserves, although there were suspicions about their exis- tence. Consequently, the Iranian government sold a concession to foreign private companies, a common practice in the late 19th and early 20th cen- turies in the Middle East. A concession is an agreement that grants a com- pany access to a particular resource in exchange for compensation to the government. At the time, the Shah believed that selling the concession to the British would be a lucrative deal, as they would handle the prospecting and cover the development costs. No one anticipated the vast oil deposits that would later be discovered, making it seem like a favourable arrange- ment at the time. The concession for the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was originally set to expire in 1993, meaning it had about 40 years remaining as of 1951. This long timeline contributed to the impatience of Iranian nationalists who sought to nationalize the oil industry. They were unwilling to wait another four decades, particularly given the unfavorable terms of the concession, which they felt disadvantaged Iran and prevented the country from fully bene iting from its own resources. The two critical questions to consider in this context are: 1. Can they run the Abadan re inery? Yes, there was training and development that allowed Iranians to operate the re inery, indicating they had the capability to manage production. 2. Can they sell the oil? While they could produce oil, the political climate and actions taken by the British companies prevented them from successfully selling it. The British pressured other oil companies not to engage with Iranian oil, creating a signi icant barrier to market access. f f f f These factors highlight the complexities of the situation: while Iran had the means to produce oil, external political pressures and market dynamics severely limited their ability to bene it from it. The question of whether Iranians had the technical know-how to run the oil company was a irmed, as there had been a process of training to de- velop this capability. However, while Iran lacked its own ships for trans- porting oil, tankers were still available to pick up Iranian oil for export. The primary issue preventing the sale of Iranian oil post-nationalization was the response from the British. After the nationalization law was passed and the British were invited to leave, they pressured other oil companies not to purchase or market Iranian oil. This action was not related to market dy- namics; there was indeed a market for Iranian oil, as it had been sold suc- cessfully prior to nationalisation. The refusal to engage in the sale was a political decision orchestrated by the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company to un- dermine Iran's ability to sell its oil, rather than a re lection of market de- mand. Egypt in relation to Iran- In 1951, Egypt was still under a semi-colonial state, primarily due to foreign control over signi icant assets like the Suez Canal. Egyptian nationalists closely watched events in Iran, especially the actions of Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, who was challenging British in luence—similar to their own struggles against British control. Egyptian nationalists had re- sorted to violence, including attacks on British bases, in their e orts to ex- pel the British from Egypt. Mossadegh's nationalization of Iranian oil resonated with Egyptian aspira- tions, as he was e ectively doing what many hoped would happen in Egypt. During a visit to the UN, Mossadegh passed through Cairo, where he was celebrated as a hero, receiving enthusiastic parades and support f ff ff f f f ff  from the Egyptian people. His actions in 1951 not only galvanized Iranian nationalism but also had a ripple e ect, inspiring Egyptian nationalists. This inspiration played a role in the eventual nationalization of the Suez Canal by Egyptian leaders in 1956. While Mossadegh's actions were not the sole factor leading to this decision, they were certainly in luential, demon- strating the interconnectedness of nationalist movements in the region and the impact of Iran's experience on Egypt's struggle for sovereignty. New York Times Article- Richest oil The article discusses the movement toward nationalization in the context of oil companies in the Middle East, highlighting that in 1972, the Saudi government secured a 25% share in Aramco's operations. Despite this, control over policy-making and production decisions remained predomi- nantly with the four American companies involved, indicating that Aram- co was still largely viewed as an American enterprise. The mention of the Yom Kippur War, also known as the October War of 1973, signi ies a pivotal moment in the region's history that had broader implications, particularly for oil politics. The war, which involved Egypt and Syria against Israel, heightened tensions and led to shifts in the geopolitical landscape. In its aftermath, Arab nations, including Saudi Arabia, leveraged their oil resources as a political tool, leading to in- creased nationalization e orts and greater control over oil production. This period marked a turning point, where Arab states began to assert more in luence over their oil resources and challenge the dominance of Western companies, re lecting the growing nationalist sentiments and the desire for economic independence in the region. The Yom Kippur War thus acted as a catalyst for signi icant changes in the ownership and con- trol of oil resources in the Middle East. 1. Steps are taken to nationalise Aramco 2. Embargo - supposed to in luence American policy 3. A big price increase in 1973-1974, the price of oil quadrupled, it was also driven by the Shah of Iran as he wanted to make the industrial countries what he thought was a fair price f f f ff f f ff f  The article presents a di erent perspective on Aramco's relationship with the Saudi government compared to the ilm. While the ilm portrays a co- operative partnership focused on bene iting the Saudi people, the article suggests that Aramco initially operated with a sense of superiority, view- ing itself as essential to the king's rule. Early on, Saudis were primarily concerned with the inancial royalties from Aramco, with little in luence over company operations. American oil executives, many from Texas, held a dismissive attitude toward local concerns. Over time, as Aramco invested more in Saudi Arabia, it sought to reshape its image as a public benefactor, emphasizing its contributions to the country’s development. This shift highlights the complexities of foreign investment and the ten- sions between corporate power and local interests. In 1951, the nationalization of the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (AIOC) marked a signi icant crisis between the company and the Iranian gov- ernment, driven by Iran's assertion of control over its national resources. This move was in luenced by broader post-World War II trends, where countries like Venezuela, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait sought better inancial terms from oil companies, advocating for a 50/50 pro it-sharing model instead of ixed royalties per ton. Under the old system, governments received a predetermined amount regardless of global oil prices, which bene ited companies during low- price periods but left governments wanting during times of high pro its. The shift to pro it sharing represented a crucial change in oil economics, highlighting nations' desires to reclaim ownership of their resources and assert greater control over their economies. Creation of OPEC: The Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was established with the involvement of Iran, Kuwait, and later the UAE in 1971. While it still ex- ists, its in luence has diminished over time. Purpose of OPEC: OPEC was formed to unite oil-producing nations and protect them from ex- ploitation by major oil companies like Aramco. Saudi and Iranian Roles: The Saudis were instrumental in OPEC's creation, with signi icant contributions from Iran. f f f f f f ff f f f f f f f f f  Negotiation Tensions: During negotiations between Aramco and Saudi Arabia, Minister Yamani insisted on including OPEC members in discussions, which Aramco's president Bob Brown rejected, stating that negotiations should only involve Saudi Arabia. Aramco's Resistance: Aramco challenged the legitimacy of OPEC's involvement and attempted to un- dermine the three-member committee that was formed for negotiations. Imposition of OPEC: The committee chair insisted on OPEC's recognition and refused to proceed without it, ultimately forcing Aramco to accept OPEC's presence in negotiations, leading to de facto recognition of the organization. AUC Used to be called Cairo christian university Was at Cairo not in Cairo. Before, during, and after its founding in 1919, the American University in Cairo (AUC) was envisioned as a means to improve education in Egypt while promoting a Christian identity. Watson, who was a iliated with the United Presbyterian Church, emphasized the need for good schools and aimed to establish AUC as a counterbalance to institutions like Al-Azhar and the State University, which he viewed as de icient in liberal arts edu- cation. Although AUC later became more secular, its early years included religious requirements for Muslim students, re lecting its original mission to disseminate Christianity. Overall, the university's foundation was root- ed in both educational improvement and a broader religious agenda. Throughout its history, the American University in Cairo (AUC) has at- tracted a signi icant number of Palestinian students, who often sought admission when they were unable to enroll at the State University in Egypt. This trend has persisted for many years, with Palestinians forming the second-largest group of students after Egyptians. Notably, many dis- tinguished graduates have emerged from AUC, including the ambassador of Kuwait to the U.S., who was Palestinian. Following World War II, many Palestinians faced signi icant challenges, including displacement. One f f f f ff  AUC graduate returned to Palestine to seek work, and his strong educa- tion and English skills impressed the Emir of Kuwait, leading to an oppor- tunity for him in Kuwait. This highlights AUC's role in providing education- al opportunities and facilitating the careers of Palestinian students. Badeau Document The document is a letter written by Dr. John S. Badeau, the President of the American University at Cairo, addressed to President Truman on May 17, 1948. It expresses a strong protest against the United States government's recognition of the de facto government of Israel and the potential lifting of an arms embar- go. Main Themes 1. U.S. Recognition of Israel: ◦ The letter critiques the U.S. government's decision to recognize Is- rael's de facto government. The author argues this move contra- dicts the U.S. stance on the United Nations Partition Plan, which had aimed to create separate Jewish and Arab states in Palestine. 2. Lifting the Arms Embargo: ◦ The suggestion to lift the arms embargo is condemned as inconsis- tent with the intentions of the original legislation. The author fears this would exacerbate violence in Palestine, intensifying the con- lict rather than contributing to peace. 3. Injustice to Palestinian Arabs: ◦ Dr. Badeau emphasizes that recognizing a Zionist government dis- regards the rights of Palestinian Arabs. He argues this is not only unjust but also counterproductive to U.S. interests in maintaining stability and peace in the Middle East. 4. Humanitarian Concerns: ◦ The letter highlights the potential humanitarian crisis that could arise from U.S. support for Israel. The author warns it could lead to su ering and death among innocent Arab civilians and non-Zionist Jews, who have historically lived together peacefully. 5. Political Motivations: ◦ The author suggests that the U.S. government's actions are driven more by domestic political considerations than by a coherent for- eign policy or a commitment to justice. This claim re lects a broad- f ff f  er concern about how internal politics can overshadow ethical considerations in international relations. 6. Call for Review: ◦ The document concludes with a plea for the U.S. government to review and change its course of action regarding Palestine. Dr. Badeau asserts that as American citizens residing in the Middle East, they feel humiliated by their government's stance and are committed to advocating for justice and peace. Implications Historical Signi icance: This letter re lects the tensions and complexities surrounding the establishment of Israel and the Arab-Israeli con lict. It underscores the varying perspectives on U.S. involvement in Middle East- ern politics during a pivotal moment in history. Broader Reactions: The document may represent a sentiment shared by other intellectuals and citizens concerned about U.S. foreign policy and its implications for regional stability and human rights. Wendell Cleland Document Wendell Cleland was a founding igure of The American University in Cairo (AUC), established in 1917, and he served in various roles, including Director of AUC’s Extension Division from 1920 to 1947 and interim President from 1953 to 1954. His wife, Grace Cleland, also played a supportive role in the university's development. Initially, Wendell Cleland, while working as an assistant to Charles R. Watson, Secretary of the Board of Foreign Missions of the United Presbyterian Church, was tasked with exploring the establishment of an Amer- ican university in Egypt. He describes the university's mission and recounts sending faculty member Carl McQuiston to investigate the situation in Egypt in 1917, a journey compli- cated by World War I, which ultimately led to a postponement of the project. Instead, Cleland engaged in relief work in Palestine and Syria, forging connec- tions with the Arab population, Jewish Zionists, the British military, and Ameri- can residents in Jerusalem. After returning to Cairo with Grace in 1919, they began the university's establishment, purchasing a palace that became AUC's Main Building, hiring the irst Egyptian faculty, and developing an academic f f f f f  program, with classes commencing in Fall 1920. He highlights the diverse stu- dent body, which included Palestinians and Jews, as well as the admission of female students. Cleland also details the creation of the School of Oriental Studies, its Arabic language programs, and the fundraising e orts for the S.O.S. Building and Ewart Hall auditorium. Additionally, he discusses the Extension Division's initiatives, such as adult ed- ucation courses and village welfare projects. Grace Cleland shares her experi- ences in opening AUC, learning Arabic, securing housing, and providing meals for visiting faculty, alongside her e orts in running a neighbourhood health clinic and founding the Cairo Women’s Club in 1923, which re lected the evolv- ing role of women in Egypt through its international and multi-religious mem- bership. ff ff f  Chapter 16 This chapter delves into the complex history of the Arab-Israeli con lict, often referred to as the "Palestine Question." It discusses the historical, political, and social dynamics that have shaped this enduring con lict, particularly focusing on the rise of Zionism, the impact of World War I, and the subsequent events leading to the establishment of Israel. The chapter begins by emphasizing the signi icance of Palestine, referred to as the “twice-promised land,” highlighting how deep-rooted historical claims have fueled the con lict. The narrative sets the stage by questioning whether the con lict is rooted in religious rivalry or colonial ambitions. It suggests that both sides have historical claims dating back centuries, but the modern con lict began in earnest with the rise of nationalism in the late 19th and early 20th cen- turies. De inition of Zionism: Zionism is presented as the belief that Jews consti- tute a nation deserving of a homeland in Palestine. Political Zionism speci ically advocates for the establishment of a Jewish state. Diverse Perspectives: The chapter notes that not all Jews are Zionists and that some Christians and non-Jews support Zionism for various rea- sons, including religious beliefs or political guilt. Historical Roots: The chapter traces the idea of Jewish nationhood back to biblical times, particularly focusing on the covenant between God and the Israelites. f f f f f f f f 3. Diaspora and Identity The chapter discusses how, for centuries, most Jews lived outside of Pa- lestine (the Diaspora), maintaining their identity through religion and cul- ture despite lacking a common homeland. It mentions how the rise of antisemitism, especially in Eastern Europe, galvanized some Jews to seek a return to Palestine. 4. Rise of Political Zionism The chapter outlines the emergence of political Zionism in the late 19th century, driven by igures like Moses Hess and Leon Pinsker, who argued for a Jewish state as a solution to antisemitism. Theodor Herzl: Herzl’s in luential work, "Der Judenstaat," is highlighted as pivotal in popularizing Zionism among the Jewish diaspora, leading to the First Zionist Congress in 1897. 5. Jewish Immigration to Palestine The chapter discusses the "First Aliyah" (1882-1903) and the "Second Aliyah" (1905-1914), which saw waves of Jewish immigrants settling in Pa- lestine, establishing communities and agricultural settlements. Kibbutzim: The chapter describes the kibbutz movement as a symbol of Jewish self-reliance and communal living, although it also notes the grow- ing tensions with Arab locals. 6. World War I and the Balfour Declaration World War I is marked as a turning point for Zionism, with the British gov- ernment’s Balfour Declaration (1917) promising support for a Jewish na- tional home in Palestine. The declaration’s ambiguous language is scrutinized, particularly its fail- ure to adequately address the rights of the Arab majority in Palestine. 7. British Mandate and Arab Resistance After the war, Britain took control of Palestine, leading to increased Jew- ish immigration and subsequent tensions between Jews and Arabs. The Palestinian Arab response, led by igures like Hajj Amin al-Husayni, is highlighted, including protests against Jewish immigration and the estab- lishment of the Arab Higher Committee. f f f  8. Escalation of Con lict The chapter recounts key incidents, such as the 1929 Wailing Wall riots, which intensi ied animosities and showcased the deepening divide be- tween Jewish and Arab populations. It discusses the impact of the Great Depression and the rise of anti- semitism in Europe, leading to further Jewish immigration to Palestine. 9. The UN Partition Plan The chapter concludes with the UN's proposal to partition Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states in 1947, which was met with resistance from Arab leaders and the Palestinian population. While Zionist leaders accepted the partition as a step toward statehood, Arab leaders rejected it, setting the stage for further con lict. Palestine When does the Palestine con lict begin? Balfour Declaration Nov 1917 Theodor Herzl, 1897 he convinces the irst Zionist congress He was the irst one to turn the Jewish question into an international de- bate, as he wanted European states to confront this issue and accept the Jewish state Some people argue that it started in antiquity OK some people would say you know it's the struggle between you know the sons of Abraham Isaac and Ishmael OK that argument is made right there are some who say that it originates with you know the struggle between the Prophet Mohammed and the Jews of Medina, I don't accept those but you should be aware that some people make those arguments. Palestine under the ottoman empire was never a automatous state f f f f f f  During WW1 there is a weak emergence of Arab nationalism. The leading elements in the Palestinian Arab population area Arab nationalists and some of them cooperated with Amir Feisal. We're not arguing for an independent Palestine they were arguing for or advocating an independent Arab state right that's that's on the Arab side now the there was a change that was going on in Palestine in terms of demography though OK by World War One uh I would roughly estimate that about half of the Jews in Palestine were natives of Palestine right 3040 thousand the numbers are a little bit shaky. Notes on the Society of Israel Divisions within Society: The Jewish community in Israel is signi icantly divided along secular and religious lines. Secular Jews, despite the appar- ent contradiction in their beliefs, often live with strong convictions about their identity and place in society. Orthodox Jews' Perspective: Orthodox Jews generally do not support the idea of Jews returning to Palestine solely in anticipation of the Messiah's arrival. This re lects a broader theological perspective that distinguishes between various groups within Orthodoxy. Not all Orthodox Jews hold the same views on this matter, highlighting the diversity of thought within that community. Strategic Interests between States: There is an ongoing discourse con- cerning the strategic interests of di erent states in the region. It is essen- tial to approach this topic with a historical understanding, acknowledging that the dynamics are not static or unchanging, contrary to some miscon- ceptions. Arab-Jewish Population: A notable aspect of the Jewish demographic is the signi icant Arab Jewish population residing in countries such as Iraq, Egypt, Palestine, and Morocco. This community has historically faced mar- ginalization, particularly as the Palestine issue has been framed primarily as an Arab-Jewish con lict. f f f ff f  Consequences of Marginalization: The marginalization of Arab Jews is regarded as a tragic consequence of broader geopolitical narratives. This oversimpli ication has led to a complex identity crisis for those individuals, as they navigate their place within a polarized society that often overlooks their unique experiences and histories. Transformative Moment: The Balfour Declaration represents a pivotal moment in the history of policy concerning Palestine and the broader Middle East. Issuing Authority: The declaration was issued by the United Kingdom dur- ing World War I, speci ically by Arthur Balfour, who was the Foreign Secre- tary under Prime Minister Lloyd George. Contradictory Commitments: The British government made several con- tradictory commitments regarding Palestine: " Hussein-McMahon Correspondence (1915): Promised sup- port for Arab independence. " Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916): Divided the region between British and French in luence. " Balfour Declaration (1917): Expressed support for establish- ing a Jewish homeland in Palestine. These commitments were often con licting and created a complex geopolitical situation. Context of the Declaration: In 1917, the outcome of World War I was un- certain, and the British were struggling on the battle ield. They had not achieved signi icant victories against the Germans and were concerned about the possibility of the Germans gaining support from Jewish commu- nities. Motivation Behind the Balfour Declaration: The British aimed to preempt any potential German overtures to Jewish communities that might bolster German support. They speci ically sought to attract the support of: " Russian Jewish Community: The British believed that by promising a Jewish homeland, they could encourage Russian Jews to support the war e ort against Germany. This was cru- f f f f ff f f f  cial, as there was a growing sentiment in Russia to withdraw from the war. " American Jewish Community: The British anticipated that support from American Jews could in luence U.S. involvement in the war. They mistakenly assumed that the majority of American Jews were wealthy and in luential, which could be leveraged to rally support for the continuation of the con lict. Consequences of Russian Withdrawal: The withdrawal of Russia from the war, following the Bolshevik Revolution in November 1917, posed a signi i- cant threat to the British and French military positions. With German troops potentially redeployed from the Eastern Front to the Western Front, the situation became increasingly dire for the Allies. Overall Signi icance: The Balfour Declaration was a strategic manoeuvre by the British government, rooted in a mixture of geopolitical calculations and misunderstandings about Jewish communities!#dynamics, which would have lasting implications for the region. The Balfour Declaration, initially a British statement, gained the force of in- ternational law, making Britain responsible for its implementation under the mandate system. Over a 30-year period, the British facilitated large-scale Jewish immigration to Palestine, especially during the 1920s and 1930s, signi icantly increasing the Jewish population and their economic presence in the region. However, despite this immigration surge, by 1948, Jews constituted only about 30 to 33% of the population, indicating that the majority of the population re- mained Arab. This demographic context underscores the complexities of the region leading up to the establishment of Israel. Summary of Correspondence Regarding the Palestine Order In a correspondence discussing the proposed Palestine Order, the Palestinian Arab delegation expressed gratitude for the opportunity to review the draft constitution, while also voicing signi icant concerns about British governance in Palestine. They highlighted that, as of 1922, Britain was ruling as an occupying force without a legal mandate, raising questions about the legitimacy of their authority. The delegation opposed large-scale Jewish immigration, particularly f f f f f f f  of "alien Jews," many of whom were perceived as Bolshevik revolutionaries, fear- ing that this in lux would destabilize the region. They asserted that any constitu- tion falling short of granting Palestinians full control over their a airs would be unacceptable, arguing that the British policy favoured Zionist interests at the expense of the Arab majority. The proposed constitution was criticized for treat- ing Palestinians as a subordinate population, lacking democratic accountability in its governance structure. Additionally, the recognition of Hebrew as an o icial language was seen as an attempt to promote Zionist nationalism despite the fact that only a small percentage of the Jewish population spoke it, further ag- gravating the delegation!s concerns about the misuse of their tax revenues to support a language that did not re lect the local demographic. 50 YEAR FILM After 1933, many Jews led Europe due to the rise of the Nazis in Germany. The British initially supported Zionist aspirations in Palestine, but their stance shifted signi icantly after the 1936–1939 Palestinian Arab revolt against British rule, dri- ven by fears of losing their land amidst a surge in Jewish immigration. The re- volt, led by Palestinian peasants, involved widespread violence and resistance, forcing the British to use both military force and diplomacy to regain control. In 1939, the British issued a White Paper limiting Jewish immigration to appease Arab states like Egypt and Iraq, whose support was crucial for British strategic interests, especially with World War II looming. This decision left Zionists in a dilemma as they refrained from fully opposing the British, given their ight against Germany, but resisted the immigration restrictions. Increasing Zionist violence ultimately made Palestine ungovernable, prompting the British to hand the issue over to the United Nations in 1947. The UN's decision to partition Pa- lestine was rejected by the Arab majority, leading to the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. f f f f ff f ff  1947 Situation: By 1947, tensions between Jewish and Arab populations in Palestine were es- calating, exacerbated by British colonial policies and persistent violence. Following World War II, a surge of Jewish immigrants, many being Holocaust survivors from Europe, sought refuge in Palestine, signi icantly impacting demographic dynamics. The Arab population, fearing displacement and loss of their majority status, pressured the British government to limit Jewish immigration. British Mandate and UN Involvement: The British mandate was increasingly viewed as unworkable; British o icials acknowledged their inability to mediate the escalating con lict between Arabs and Jews. The British ultimately referred the issue to the United Nations, seeking a reso- lution to partition Palestine into separate Jewish and Arab states. UN Special Committee on Palestine Committee's Role: The UN established a special committee to assess the situation in Palestine and propose a solution. The committee encountered signi icant challenges, particularly from Arab leaders who refused to engage in discussions about partition, viewing it as a direct threat to their claims to the land. Arab Leaders' Reactions: Some Arab leaders made vehement statements against Jewish claims, as- serting that they would resist any partition by force, illustrating the deep- seated animosity and urgency surrounding the issue. f f f ff  The Exodus and Partition Resolution Exodus Ship Incident: The ship "Exodus," carrying approximately 5,000 Jewish refugees, was inter- cepted and turned away, underscoring the desperate plight of Holocaust survivors seeking a safe haven in Palestine. The UN committee observed the despair of these refugees, in luencing their recommendation for partition. UN Partition Recommendation: The UN ultimately recommended partitioning Palestine into two states—one Jewish and one Arab—despite signi icant Arab opposition. The resolution was met with mixed emotions; while it was celebrated by Jew- ish leaders, it instigated outrage and despair among Palestinians. Immediate Aftermath of Partition: The announcement of partition in 1947 led to widespread violence, with at- tacks commencing almost immediately. Tensions lared between Jewish and Arab communities, leading to violent confrontations. Jewish neighbourhoods were attacked, and retaliatory actions were taken, solidifying a cycle of violence. Di iculties in Jerusalem: Jewish convoys attempting to deliver supplies to besieged areas faced se- vere dangers from Arab militias, resulting in many casualties and highlighting the deteriorating security situation. Abdul Qadir al-Husseini: A prominent Palestinian military leader who commanded forces defending against Jewish advances. His leadership was crucial in organizing Arab resis- tance during this tumultuous period. ff f f f  Deir Yassin Massacre: A pivotal and tragic event in the con lict where Jewish forces attacked the Arab village of Deir Yassin, resulting in the deaths of approximately 110 Arabs. The assault was marked by brutality, leading to widespread fear among the Arab population and contributing to mass evacuations from Palestinian vil- lages. Jewish Leadership's Response: In the wake of violence, Jewish leaders sought to garner international sup- port, particularly from the United States, to legitimize their claim to state- hood. The urgency of establishing a Jewish state was underscored by the recent history of persecution faced by Jews, particularly in Europe. Truman and Marshall's Disagreement: Inside the U.S. government, signi icant debate ensued regarding support for the establishment of a Jewish state. President Harry Truman supported Jew- ish aspirations, while Secretary of State George Marshall expressed strong reservations. Marshall feared that supporting a Jewish state would provoke Arab nations and lead to widespread con lict, re lecting the complex geopolitical consid- erations at play. The events surrounding the partition of Palestine marked a turning point, set- ting in motion a series of con licts that would evolve into a prolonged and bitter struggle. As tensions escalated, multiple Arab states prepared for potential military in- tervention, foreshadowing the larger regional con lict that was about to un- fold. f f f f f f  The paragraph discusses the signi icant events and consequences following the 1948 war, a pivotal moment in the Israeli-Palestinian con lict, often referred to by Palestinians as the Nakba, or "catastrophe." This term encapsulates the pro- found sense of loss, displacement, and upheaval experienced by Palestinians as a result of the war and the establishment of the state of Israel. Misjudgment of Israeli Strength- Underestimation of Forces: One of the central themes of the paragraph is the critical error made by Palestinian leaders and Arab armies in under- estimating the military capabilities of the Israeli forces. Initially, there was a widespread belief among Arab leaders that the Israeli military would be easy to defeat. This miscalculation led to inadequate military preparations and a lack of strategic planning, ultimately resulting in their defeat during the con lict. Consistent Theme: This underestimation was not a one-time occurrence; it was a consistent theme throughout the war. Both Palestinian leadership and the broader Arab military forces failed to grasp the seriousness of the Israeli position and the resolve of its troops, which proved to be decisive in the outcome of the con lict. Factors Contributing to Israeli Victory Morale: The morale among Israeli troops was exceptionally high, fueled by the historical context of the Holocaust. For many Jewish ighters, the war was not just a territorial dispute but an existential struggle for sur- vival—a ight for the very existence of the Jewish people. This emotional and psychological motivation provided the Israeli forces with a signi icant advantage, allowing them to ight with greater determination and re- silience. Lack of Coordination Among Arab Forces: A signi icant factor in the Is- raeli victory was the failure of Arab armies to coordinate their military ef- forts e ectively. Instead of presenting a uni ied front against the Israelis, the Arab states were often preoccupied with their internal political rival- ries. The Arab League, which was expected to facilitate cooperation among member states, was divided. Key players, such as the Hashemite monarchy of Jordan and the leadership from Egypt and Saudi Arabia, were at odds with one another, leading to a lack of coherent strategy and military unity. ff f f f f f f f f f f  Division within the Arab League: The fragmentation of the Arab League weakened its collective military e orts. This lack of unity meant that the Arab forces could not capitalize on their numbers e ectively. If these armies had operated under a uni ied command, they might have been able to deploy their relatively small forces in a more coordinated and ef- fective manner, possibly altering the war's outcome. Resource Mobilization Israeli Resource Mobilization: In addition to high morale, Israel was more adept at mobilizing resources for the war e ort. The Israeli forces had a more substantial number of ighters actively engaged in the con- lict than the combined forces of the Arab states. This ability to mobilize e ectively was crucial in sustaining their military campaigns and securing victories on the battle ield. Consequences for Palestine Post-1948 Territorial Changes: The war had profound implications for the territory of Palestine. Most of the land that had been historically recognized as Pa- lestine came under Israeli control, fundamentally altering the demograph- ic and political landscape of the region. West Bank and Gaza Strip: The consequences of the war also included the division of the remaining Palestinian territories. The West Bank fell under Jordanian rule, while the Gaza Strip was administered by Egypt. This division further complicated the Palestinian national identity and as- pirations for statehood, as the population was now split between di erent governing authorities. In summary, the paragraph outlines the critical factors that led to the Israeli vic- tory in the 1948 war and the subsequent transformation of the region. It high- lights how misjudgments, lack of coordination, and internal divisions among Arab states contributed to the con lict's outcome. The Nakba is a pivotal mo- ment that continues to resonate in Palestinian consciousness and shapes the ongoing struggle for identity, rights, and statehood. The territorial changes es- tablished after the war laid the groundwork for future con licts and remain cen- tral to the Israeli-Palestinian narrative today. f ff f f ff f f ff ff f ff 1956 In 1956, Israel joined Britain and France in a military con lict against Egypt, but the more signi icant event in the region came during the 1967 war, known as the Naksa or Six-Day War. This con lict resulted in all of historical Palestine coming under Israeli control, along with substantial territories such as the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights. The impact of the 1967 war was pro- found, particularly for Palestinians, who had become increasingly fragmented between 1948 and 1967. Many lived as refugees in camps in Gaza and Lebanon, while others were scattered across various countries, forming a Palestinian diaspora reminiscent of the Jewish diaspora prior to the establish- ment of Israel. This dispersion made it incredibly challenging for Palestinians to organize and resist the consequences of the 1948 Nakba. As a result, many looked to Arab states, particularly Egypt under President Gamal Abdel Nasser, for support. Nasser, who had fought in the 1948 war, expressed a strong desire to return Palestinians to their homeland. However, when the Arab states failed to defeat Israel in 1967, it had a radicalizing e ect on the Palestinian population, instill- ing a belief in the necessity of self-liberation. Consequently, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), established in 1964 but previously ine ective, transformed into a representative body for this new- ly radicalized population, dominated by various militant groups known as fe- dayeen. The PLO became an umbrella organization for several factions, includ- ing the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and its evolution post-1967 marked a signi icant shift towards militant resistance. While Hamas shares the goal of liberating Palestine, it did not become part of the PLO; rather, the largest faction within the PLO after 1967 was Fatah, led by Yasser Arafat, who emerged as a key igure in the Palestinian nationalist movement. f ff f f f ff f Cuba Cuba served as a semi-colony of the United States until Fidel Castro success- fully established a socialist regime, drawing inspiration from radical leftist movements around the world, including those in Algeria, China, and Vietnam. This global context in luenced the trajectory of Palestinian politics following the 1967 war. Over time, the actions of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which had evolved into a more radical and militarized entity, ultimately led to negotiations with Israel, culminating in the Oslo Accords of 1993. A pivotal moment in Palestinian history occurred in Jordan, where a signi icant portion of the population—estimates suggest between 60% to 75%—is of Palestinian origin. The PLO found refuge in Jordan from 1967 until 1970, using it as a base to operate against Israeli occupation, particularly since they were barred from their own territories. However, tensions rose between the PLO and the Jordanian monarchy, which was conservative and wary of the PLO's revolu- tionary ambitions. The Palestinians openly speculated about the potential to overthrow the Jordanian king, given their demographic majority. This tension culminated in a violent confrontation in 1970, known as Black September, where the better-equipped Jordanian army clashed with PLO forces. The con lict was brutal, resulting in signi icant casualties among Pales- tinian civilians and militants alike, ultimately leading to the PLO's expulsion from Jordan. Following this defeat, the PLO relocated to Lebanon, where it continued its operations from 1970 to 1982. During the last three decades of the 20th century, a signi icant surge in Islamist movements emerged, particularly from the 1970s through the 1990s. This period can be understood through three key factors that contributed to the reassertion of Islamic power in the Middle East. 1. The Impact of the 1967 Defeat The defeat in the Six-Day War of 1967 had a profound e ect on the Arab world, particularly among Muslims. Many believed that the abandonment of God by leaders like Nasser and the Ba'ath Party led to this disastrous out- f f f ff f f  come. This sentiment connected the embrace of secular ideologies to their defeat, with many feeling that God had punished them. While this interpretation gained traction among many Arabs, most Palestini- ans did not adopt this view. Some argued that the failure was due to insu i- cient secularism rather than an outright rejection of it. 2. Sadat's Policies and the Revival of the Muslim Brotherhood The political landscape shifted with the rise of Anwar Sadat after Nasser's death. Sadat accelerated the Islamic renewal by releasing imprisoned mem- bers of the Muslim Brotherhood and allowing those who had led to return. This revival served as both a cause and consequence of the 1967 defeat. Sadat aimed to counterbalance the leftist ideologies prevalent under Nasser, hoping that the Muslim Brotherhood would provide a conservative counter- weight. However, he underestimated the potential backlash, which ultimately contributed to his assassination in 1981. 3. The In luence of Saudi Oil Money The 1973 oil crisis signi icantly boosted Saudi Arabia's revenues, which were used to propagate Wahhabism—a strict and often intolerant interpretation of Sunni Islam—both domestically and abroad. This in lux of wealth allowed Is- lamist groups to lourish. Many members of the Muslim Brotherhood who had sought refuge in Saudi Arabia were in luenced by Wahhabi ideologies. This inancial support ex- tended to various countries, reinforcing religious conservatism and con- tributing to the growing Islamist movements in the region. Despite the rise of these Islamist movements, attempts to establish Islamic regimes in the Arab world often failed. The only notable success during this period occurred in Iran, where the 1979 revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini resulted in the estab- lishment of an Islamic government. This success contrasted sharply with the broader failures in the Arab world, highlighting the complexities of Islamic resur- gence during the late 20th century. f f f f f f f ff