Chinese Word Order Variation - PDF

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AppealingXenon1045

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City University of Hong Kong

Jeeyoung Peck

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Chinese linguistics word order variation semantic conditions pragmatics

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This presentation explores semantic and pragmatic conditions influencing word order variations in Mandarin Chinese. It discusses different word order patterns like SVO, SOV, and OSV, and examines the role of animacy and topicality in shaping these variations. The presentation also addresses the use of "ba" in different sentence structures. It provides examples, including those for Korean.

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The Cambridge Handbook of Chinese Linguistics Chapter 21: Semantic and Pragmatic Conditions on Word Order Variation in Chinese Jeeyoung Peck Presentation II...

The Cambridge Handbook of Chinese Linguistics Chapter 21: Semantic and Pragmatic Conditions on Word Order Variation in Chinese Jeeyoung Peck Presentation II Jasmine CHAN Sung Hei 57583513 Ricky CHAN Wai Kei 58094070 Kelise CHEUNG Man Yi 57332539 Derris LAM Ching Yin 57565243 Katie LEUNG Yat Tung 57315600 Table of contents 01 03 Introduction & Background Variation between V and Adverbial v Word order variation in Chinese v Semantic Condition 1: Iconicity Principle v Semantic Condition 2: Lexical Aspect 02 04 Variation between SVO, SOV,OSV Conclusion v Word order v Pragmatic conditions v Semantic conditions 01 Introduction & Background Introduction Word Order in Flexibility of Word Historical Context Mandarin Chinese Order Canonical word order for Marked word orders such as During the 1970s & 1980s, Chinese: SOV and OSV are permitted whether Mandarin was shifting Subject Verb Object (SVO) for emphasis or to highlight towards an OV language was old information being debated. 他们吃⾯条了 tā men chī miàn tiáo le 他们把⾯条吃了 Sun and Givón (1985): They have eaten noodles tā men bǎ miàn tiáo chī le They ate the noodles OV structures occur in only 他们(tā men, they) - S 6-8% of cases in both 吃(chī, eat) - V The object marker 把 (bǎ), spoken and written ⾯条(miàn tiáo, noodles) - O shows a shift from the usual Mandarin SVO to SOV SVO occurs in 92-94% Background Word order variation in Chinese Canonical SVO Structure The canonical SVO word order in Chinese is similar to English and other languages and this order is considered unmarked. Example: 他们吃⾯条了 tā men chī miàn tiáo le They have eaten noodles The subject ("他们", they), verb ("吃", eat), and object ("⾯条", noodles) occur in this (SVO) default order. Background Word order variation in Chinese Marked Word Orders and Information Structure In Mandarin, word order is not purely syntactic Examples: 我學過 Semantics Semantics我學過 wǒ xué guò Semantics Semantics wǒ xué guò I have studied semantics. As for semantics, I have studied it. The position of elements like the subject, object, and verb often reflects their topicality, focus, or their status as new or old information. Background Word order variation in Chinese Correlation Pairs and Mixed Word Order Correlation Pairs: pairs of grammatical elements whose order corresponds with either Verb- Object (VO) or Object-Verb (OV) tendencies. Examples: 留了个纸条在⻔上 ⼤家都站在操场上 liú le gè zhı̌ tiáo zài mén shàng dà jiā dōu zhàn zài cāo chǎng shàng I left a note on the door Everyone is standing on the playground The object comes before the preposition The preposition precedes the object Reflecting an OV-type pattern Reflecting a VO-type pattern (Prepositional) (Postpositional) Chinese can exhibit mixed word order based on specific grammatical elements, such as prepositions or adpositions. 02 Variation between SVO, SOV, and OSV Word order scrambling as a way to express information structure cross-linguistically Chinese: Standard Order (SVO): 他吃蘋果 tā chī píng guǒ (He eats an apple.) Scrambled Order: ➀ Topicalization (OSV): 蘋果他吃 píng guǒ tā chī (The apple, he eats.) - The object "蘋果" (píng guǒ, apple) is rearranged in such a way to draw attention to the object (apple) as the main topic ➁ Focus (SOV): #他蘋果吃 tā píng guǒ chī (He eats the apple.) - The object "蘋果" (píng guǒ, apple) is rearranged in such a way to emphasise the subject "he" or action (of eating) Word order scrambling as a way to express information structure cross-linguistically Korean: Standard Order: Scrambled Order: 그 사람이 식당에 갔어요 식당에 그 사람이 갔어요 Geu sarami sikdang-e gasseoyo Sikdang-e geu sarami gasseoyo (That person went to the restaurant) (To the restaurant, that person went) The preposition "식당에”(sikdang-e), to the restaurant, is rearranged in such a way as to emphasise the action's final location. Topicality in Chinese NN’V Structures SOV Structures: - Subject in SOV form is usually more topical than object. - 192 out of 199 instances had subjects that were more topical than "把 ba" designated items. 「在選購地皮時,他看到一個農場有一千多株柿樹。因為他喜愛那 大片別具風格的柿樹,便把這柿園買了下來。他精心設計了改建方 案,盡量不伐掉一株柿樹。一切辦妥之後,他將自己的新寓所取名 為八德園.」 “Someone, while purchasing land, saw a farm with over a thousand persimmon trees and, due to his love for the unique beauty of the trees, decided to buy the orchard. He carefully planned the renovation, ensuring that not a single tree was cut down, and named his new residence Bādé Yuán (八德園).” Topicality in Chinese NN’V structures OSV Structures: - Subject in OSV pattern is frequently less topical than object. 「準備考試的費用其實是可以節省下來 - Subject “我” is preceded by object “這 的,方法就是不參加紅太陽英語培訓 筆錢" for emphasis. 班。當然,這筆錢我是老老實實地付 了的。但我身邊也有不少人省下了一 Factors for OSV Usage: 部分,比如「72小時」,就沒有上 - Even when the object's topicality is TOEFL培訓班,但考得非常不錯。」 lower than that of the subject, the OSV pattern is used. - Factors include multiple proposed objects in parallel structures or insignificant subject roles. Emphatic/Contrastive Function of OV pattern in Chinese 11A: 你光邏輯上懂了還不行 "Just understanding it logically is not enough." 11B: 你必須把那東西吃透 "You must thoroughly understand that thing." 11C: 才真正把東西學到手了 "Only then will you truly have learned it." Ba-OV Pattern: - Propose that the indicated OV order serves as a contrastive or emphatic discourse device - (11b) emphasizes ‘吃透’ (‘thorough understanding’) in contrast to ‘邏輯上懂了’ (‘logical understanding’) in (11a). Semantically Contrasting Adverb: - The word ‘真正’ (‘really’) in (11c) intensifies the contrastive quality of the ba-OV pattern. Emphatic/Contrastive Function of OV pattern in Chinese Ba-OV Pattern: - According to Sun and Givón (1985), the OV pattern in Chinese highlights contrast or emphasises certain points. - (12) "掛歷你都分了嗎?" suggests not all calendars may have been distributed. - OV pattern without ba is frequently used to highlight differences in speech when used with contrastive adjectives like 都 ('all') or negative adverbs like 不 ('not’). 12: 掛歷你都分了嗎? Have you distributed the calendars? SOV vs OSV In SOV structure, they require a contrastive reading, but OSV does not Objects in the SOV pattern must present contrast, whereas in OSV, it is not necessary (Ernst & Wang, 1995) Animacy & Roles in Chinese Subjects → animate Objects → inanimate Animate nouns are often agents (doers of action) Inanimate nouns are patients (receivers of action) Word Order Patterns Common Structure: Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) e.g. 他吃蘋果 (He eats an apple.) Variations: - Object-Subject-Verb (OSV) Function: Emphasizing the object, poetic or narrative contexts, less common e.g. 蘋果他吃 (The apple, he eats.) - Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) Function: Seen in noncanonical forms, particularly with object marking e.g. 他把那個蘋果吃了 (He ate that apple.) Word Order Patterns Different Rules: Depending on animacy SVO: Animate subjects preferred with inanimate objects e.g. 他吃了蘋果 (He ate the apple.) Differential Object Marking (DOM): certain objects in a sentence are marked based on their semantic features (animacy and definiteness) SOV: Follows animacy marking with "把" (ba) Obligatory Marking: The object is more animate than the subject e.g. 这句话把兰西惹恼 (These words annoyed Lanxi.) Optional Marking: The object is less animate than the subject e.g. 他吃了蘋果 (He ate that apple.) Experimental Findings Animate nouns are identified as agents more than inanimate nouns in SVO Animacy cues have a stronger influence than word order cues when conflicting Perception of Agents Chinese speakers identify animate nouns as agents rather than inanimate nouns e.g. NVN structure presented where 1st noun is animate (小 狗:puppy) and 2nd is inanimate (球:ball), listeners interpret puppy as the agent Conflicting Cues When animacy cues conflict with word order, animacy has a stronger influence e.g. In an NVN structure with an animate 1st noun and inanimate 2nd noun, 98% of respondents identify 1st noun as agent → dominance of animacy over word order cues 03 Variation between V and Adverbials Semantic Condition 1: The Iconicity Principle VO languages Postverbal adverbials. OV languages Preverbal adverbials. ∵ Chinese: both preverbal and postverbal adverbials ∴ The ordering of V and adverbials leads to different semantic conditions. The Iconicity Principle is one of the answers to this question. The Iconicity Principle 2 cognitive semantic principles (Tai, 1985). Principle of Temporal Sequence (PTS) ○ Word order in Chinese depends on the time sequence of events in the real world. Principle of Temporal Scope (PTSC) ○ If event X occurs within the time period of Y, Y should precede X in the sentence structure. PTS as an Iconicity Principle ○ Reflects the chronological order of events, with the verb as the central reference point, and other elements semantically connected with it according to temporal sequence. Preverbal Adverbials: Directional Adverbials Principles of PTS and PTSC ○ James Tai suggests these principles explain the positioning of verbs and adverbials in Chinese. Directional Adverbials ○ Pre-verb position only. ○ Indicate a starting point where the verb expresses a motion action. ○ Represents the logical sequence of starting point preceding the action state. Examples Directional Adverbials: 從 cong (from)、往 wang (toward) a. 他从中国来。 (Tai 1985: 53) b. *他来从中国。 (Tai 1985: 53) tā cóng zhōng guó lái. tā lái cóng zhōng guó. he__from__China__come he__come__from__China He came from China. The adverbial PP 從 is the starting point c. 他往南看。 (Tai 1985: 55) d. *他看往南。 (Tai 1985: 55) tā wǎng nán kàn. tā kàn wǎng nán. he__toward__south__look he__look__toward__south He looked toward the south. The adverbial PP represented facing the particular direction PTS is observed: the adverbial PPs correspond to conceptual order. Ordering Differentiate Meanings: Locative Adverbials PTS explains the meaning differences when adverbials are placed before or after the verb Locative Adverbials: 在 zai (on) o The state of being in a location occurs before or after the action. o The order reflects the sequence of states preceding the action. Examples: a. ⼩猴⼦在⻢背上跳。 (Tai 1985: 58) b. 小猴子跳在马背上。 (Tai 1985: 58) xiǎo hóu zi tiào zài mǎ bèi shàng. xiǎo hóu zi tiào zài mǎ bèi shàng. little__monkey__on__horse.back__on__jump little__monkey__jump__on__horse.back__on The little monkey was jumping on the horse’s back. The little monkey jumped on the horse. The meaning differences showed that the ordering conforms to the PTS Ordering Differentiate Meanings: Manner Adverbials Manner Adverbials o Mental state of actor takes place first before the action? o Or accompanies through the process? Examples: c. 他很高兴地玩儿。 (Tai 1985: 57) d. 他玩儿得很高兴。 (Tai 1985: 57) tā hěn gāo xìng de wánr. tā wánr de hěn gāo xìng. he__very__happy__de__play he__play__de__very__happy He is playing very happily. He is very happy from playing Thus, the word order between the adverbial and V obeys PTS. Postverbal Adverbials: Duration Adverbials PTS: Duration adverbials are typically placed postverbally. Duration Adverbials ○ The initial point of action state precedes the state described by the duration adverbial. Examples: a. 他病了三天了。 (Tai 1985: 58) b. *他三天病了。 (Tai 1985: 58) tā bìng le sān tiān le. Tā sān tiān bìng le. he__sick__pfv__three__days__prt he__three__days__sick__pfv He has been sick for three days. Conformed to PTS Duration Adverbials: Exception The Universal Quantifier 都 ('dou') o When the duration adverbial is followed by 都 ('dou'), it must appear before the verb to establish the time frame for the action. Surface order follows PTSC Both the initial and endpoint of the state of being sick fall within the temporal range. Examples: a. 他三天来都病着。 (Tai 1985: 61) b. *他都病着三天来。 (Tai 1985: 61) tā sān tiān lái dōu bìng zhe. tā dōu bìng zhe sān tiān lái. he__three__days__come__all__sick__ipfv he__all__sick__ipfv__three__days__come He has been sick during the past three days. Postverbal Adverbials: Frequency Adverbials Principle of Temporal Sequence (PTS) o Frequency adverbials typically follow the verb, indicating temporal frequency after the action state. Examples: a. 他来了三次。 (Tai 1985: 59) b. *他三次来了。 (Tai 1985: 59) tā lái le sān cì. tā sān cì lái le. he__come__pfv__three__times he__three__times __come__pfv He has come three times. Frequency Adverbials: Exception The Universal Quantifier 都 ('dou') o When the frequency adverbial is followed by 都 ('dou’), the temporal range denoted by the frequency adverbial scopes over the event o Validates the PTSC Examples: a. 他三次都失败了。 (Tai 1985: 61) c. *他都失败了三次。 (Tai 1985: 61) tā sān cì dōu shī bài le. tā dōu shī bài le sān cì. he__three__times__all__fail__pfv he__all__fail__pfv__three__times All the three times he failed. Summary PTS and PTSC The arrangement of verbs and adverbials reflects the chronological sequences of events in the conceptual world. Semantic Condition 2: Lexical Aspect Investigate the positioning of adverbials by analyzing the “lexical aspect” - Postverbal Adverbial PPs Introduce a Boundedness to an Event - Postverbal PPs introduce a Scale to an Event or Modify a Scalar Event Postverbal Adverbial PPs Introduce a Boundedness to an Event The boundedness distinction and Vendlerian classes serve an important role in the positioning of adverbials. Boundedness: bounded/telic and unbounded/atelic Vendlerian class: activity, accomplishment, achievement, and state Postverbal Adverbial PPs Introduce a Boundedness to an Event Guanzhong dialect: The postverbal locative phrase denotes bounded paths (E.g., goal) The preverbal locative phrase denotes unbounded paths (E.g., direction) and bounded paths (E.g., source) (Tang & Lamarre, 2007) Postverbal Adverbial PPs Introduce a Boundedness to an Event The function of postverbal “在” PP depends on the aspectual property of the preceding verb Ø Preceding V is dynamic, “在” contains a locative boundary Ø Preceding V is stative ; “在” does not change the aspectual property (E.g., 住 zhù “live”, 坐 zuò “sit”) Ø For atelic verbs, “在” provides a bound (E.g., 跳 tiào “jump”, 走 zǒ u “walk”) Ø For telic verbs, “在” makes the boundary explicit (E.g., 放 fàng ”put”, 降落 jiàng luò “land”) (Liu, 2009) So far… Source PPs in the preverbal Goal PPs usually in the postverbal 他从中国来。(tā cóng zhōng guó lái.) 走到⾨⼝ (zǒ u dào mén kǒ u) *他来从中国。(tā lái cóng zhōng guó.) “walk to the entrance” “He came from China.” Nondirectional locatives have different interpretations in different position ⼩猴⼦在⻢背上跳。(xiǎo hóu zi zài mǎ bèi shàng tiào.) “The little monkey was jumping on the horse’s back.” ⼩猴⼦跳在⻢背上。(xiǎo hóu zi tiào zài mǎ bèi shàng.) “The little monkey jumped on the horse.” Consider… Some locative PPs do not contain the boundary expression but are still in the position of postverbal and also do not exhibit the contrast meaning in the variation of positions. (Example 1) Example 1: Example 2: a. [他们]向山上又跑了大约一个时辰。 大家都站在操场上。 ([tāmen] xiàng shān shàng yòu pǎo le dà yuē yī ge shí chén.) (Dà jiā dōu zhàn zài cāo chǎng shàng.) “They ran toward the mountain for about two hours.” “Everyone is standing on the playground.” b. 婷婷说完便跑向电梯。 (tíng tíng shuō wán biàn pǎo xiàng diàn tī.) “Ting Ting ran toward the elevator after she’s finished with what she is saying.” Directional PPs in (1b) and nondirectional PPs in (Example 2) are considered exception cases of the boundary hypothesis mentioned. V-P compound It is suggested that only a limited number of PPs are allowed to be incorporated into the preceding verb to form a V-P compound (跳在). As a result, the previous prepositional object becomes the object (他的怀⾥) of the compound verb V-P. (example a) Examples: a. 我从窗台爬下去, 跳在(了)他的怀里。 b. 晚上一个人走在(*了)路上不怕吗﹖ (wǒ cóng chuāng tái pá xià qù, tiào zài (le) tā de huái lǐ.) (wǎn shàng yī gè rén zǒu zài (*le) lù shàng bù pà ma?) “I climbed down from the window and jumped into his arms.” “Aren’t you afraid to walk alone at night?” In (a), “在” incorporates the preceding “跳” to form a V-P compound, “他的怀⾥” becomes the object of “跳在”. In contrast to (b). Postverbal PPs introduce a Scale to an Event or Modify a Scalar Event Scale and V-P compound If the postverbal PP is related to a denotation of the scalar result, the locative PPs permit V-P compounding. 1. Introduces a close scale to the preceding V E.g., 升到天空 (shēng dào tiān kōng) ”ascend to the sky” 2. Introduces an open scale to the preceding V E.g., 走向⼭顶 (zǒ u xiàng shān dı̌ng) “walk toward the mountain summit” 3. Further specifies the scale denoted by the preceding V E.g., 睡在床上 (shuì zài chuáng shàng) “sleep on the bed” (Peck & Lin, 2019) Postverbal PPs introduce a Scale to an Event or Modify a Scalar Event Morden Chinese Postverbal adverbial PPs: Preverbal adverbial PPs: Ø Participate in the internal event Ø Modifying the entire event structure, composition external to the composition of the Ø Turning the modified event into a scalar event event Ø Modifying a subpart of the event within a scalar event (Peck & Lin, 2019) Conclusion Q&A Q&A – Multiple-choice Questions 1. In the SOV form, which constituent typically holds higher topicality than the object? A) The verb B) The subject C) The adverb D) The object 2. You are speaking to a friend about a famous novel that both of you know well. You want to emphasize the specific book you read. Which sentence structure in Chinese best reflects this focus? A) 我讀了這本書 (I read this book). B) 這本書我讀了(This book, I read). C) 我把這本書讀了(I read this book). D) 這本書把我讀了(This book read me). Q&A – Open-ended Questions 3. The “ba” structure is used for many verbs. Discuss if the “ba” structure is applicable to all verbs. Or are there situations where “ba” cannot be used? If so, please state some of the verbs where “ba” is not applicable. 4. Discuss how animacy influences the use of the ba-construction in non-canonical word orders like SOV. Why is this necessary, and what happens if the “ba” marker is omitted? Thank You References Ernst, T., & Wang, C. (1995). Object preposing in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of East Asian linguistics, 4, 235-260. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01731510 Huang, C., Lin, Y., Chen, I., & Hsu, Y. (2022). The Cambridge handbook of Chinese linguistics. Cambridge University Press. Morbiato, A. (2018). Word Order and Sentence Structure in Mandarin Chinese: New Perspectives. ResearchGate.

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