LT3216 Chinese Linguistics: Week 8 Ellipsis (PDF)

Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go LT3216 Chinese Linguistics Ellipsis Week 8, Semester A, 2023/24 Instr...

Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go LT3216 Chinese Linguistics Ellipsis Week 8, Semester A, 2023/24 Instructor: Dr. LEE Tsz Ming (Tommy) [email protected] City University of Hong Kong 24October, 2024 Week 8 - Ellipsis 1 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 2 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Before we start Class presentations (again) - next week! Final handout due for Group 1-5 today Plan for today VP ellipsis - missing a verb phrase Argument ellipsis - missing arguments Slluicing constructions - the missing of some larger clausal structures Week 8 - Ellipsis 3 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 4 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Issues in ellipsis Ellipsis constituents that are inaudible or invisible but are still meaningful (1) a. 如果他會 ∆ ，我也一定會把書看完。 VP ellipsis b. ∆ 看到 ∆ 了。 Argument ellipsis c. 他不唸書了，我想知道為什麼 ∆。 Pseudo-sluicing (2) a. If he will ∆, I will finish reading this book too. VP ellipsis b. *∆ saw ∆. *Argument ellipsis c. He gave up studying. I want to know why ∆. Sluicing Week 8 - Ellipsis 5 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Issues in ellipsis Issue 1: recoverability of deletion whether ∆ is a pro-form (that refers back to a linguistic antecedent), or contains a silent structure [VP V O ] If the latter, is the abstract syntactic structure of the ellipsis site identical to the overt syntactic structure of its antecedent? Issue 2: the licensing conditions of deletion Even when deletion is perfectly recoverable, it does not necessarily yield a well- formed result. What are the licensing conditions? Issue 3: cross-linguistic variations Each language has its own ellipsis profile. What does this tell us about the grammar? Week 8 - Ellipsis 6 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Issues in ellipsis VP ellipsis is common in both Chinese and English (both Verb-Object languages), but it is less clear if there is any in Object-Verb languages like Japanese and Korean. Argument ellipsis may be said to be special from the perspective of English, but it is common in East Asian languages, e.g., Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese, Mongolian, etc. Sluicing seems to be common to both Chinese and English, but we will see that the parallel is only superficial. Week 8 - Ellipsis 7 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 8 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Licensing conditions There are different variants of VP ellipsis in English (3) a. VP Ellipsis John likes candy, but Bill doesn’t ∆. b. British English do John will eat candy and Bill will do ∆, too. c. Modal Complement Ellipsis John doesn’t want to participate, but he will ∆. (4) a. *John likes candy, but Bill ∆. b. ??John ate his candies, and Mary also ∆. VP ellipsis in English is licensed by auxiliary verbs. Week 8 - Ellipsis 9 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis In Chinese, modal verbs and auxiliary verbs can license VP ellipsis. (5) a. 張三會喜歡你給他的禮物。李四也會 ∆。 b. 我能夠三天不吃一口飯。你也能夠 ∆ 嗎？ c. 他可以每天吃杯麵，但我不可以 ∆ 。 But in the absence of these elements, VP ellipsis is disallowed. (6) Cases without head licensing a. *張三吃了一個蘋果，但我 ∆ 。 b. *張三昨天找了李四商量。王五今天也 ∆ 。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 10 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Two observations There is no Chinese counterpart of dummy/auxiliary do, which largely restricts the possible form of VP ellipsis in Chinese. But head/verb licensing is crucial in both languages. A head/verb must appear before the ellipsis site. Note that head licensing is arguably a necessary condition, but not a sufficient condition. VP Ellipsis must be licensed by a head. But being a head does not always license VP ellipsis. Week 8 - Ellipsis 11 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion 1 Come up with examples that are heads/verbs, but they fail to license VP ellipsis, in English and Mandarin, respectively. You may want to consider sentences with the following confuguration: Subject... V... [VP ∆ ] Week 8 - Ellipsis 12 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion 1 Come up with examples that are heads/verbs, but they fail to license VP ellipsis, in English and Mandarin, respectively. You may want to consider sentences with the following confuguration: Subject... V... [VP ∆ ] (7) a. *John let me stay at his home, and Mary let ∆, too. b. *John saw Mary playing basketball , and Peter saw ∆, too. (8) a. *張三讓孩子待在家裡。李四也讓 ∆。 b. ??張三求李四不要走。王五也求 ∆。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 12 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion 2 Using examples from Chinese, challenge the head licensing generalization (which holds generally in English). i.e., is there non-head/verb elements that license VP ellipsis? e.g., Subject... Adv... [VP ∆ ] Week 8 - Ellipsis 13 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion 2 Using examples from Chinese, challenge the head licensing generalization (which holds generally in English). i.e., is there non-head/verb elements that license VP ellipsis? e.g., Subject... Adv... [VP ∆ ] (9) The sub-cluasal, affixal negation bu in Mandarin a. 我喜歡花，他不。 Can.: ?我鍾意花，佢唔。 b. 我想參加比賽，他卻不。 Can.: ?我想參加比賽，佢唔。 (10) Some adverbs a. 張三肯定吃了一個蘋果，但李四卻不一定 ∆ 。 b. 張不可能找了李四商量。王五也不可能 ∆ 。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 13 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion 3 Some aspectual elements can also license VP ellipsis (11) a. 張三有來過。李四也有 ∆ 。 b. 張三還沒去。我也還沒 ∆ 。 c. 香港試過連續下十天的雨。澳門也試過 ∆ 。 Interestingly, not all aspectual elements can do so. (12) a. *香港的出生率開始低於亞洲平均。日本的也開始了 ∆。 b. *香港的樓價會繼續下降，聽說股價也會繼續 ∆ 。 c. *張三在跟老師商量一個事情，王五也在 ∆ 。 A semantic split between the two types: perfective markers allow VP ellipsis, but not other aspectual elements. (see Lee and Pan (2024)) Week 8 - Ellipsis 14 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Recoverability of deletion Two prominent analyses of silence: A pro-form analysis (no ellipsis is involved): (13) a. S Aux [VP1 V O ], and S Aux proVP1. b. John will [VP submit the assignment], and I will pro, too. An abstract structure analysis (ellipsis applies to structure): (14) a. S Aux [VP1 V O ], and S Aux [VP1 V O ]. b. John will [VP submit the assignment], and I will [VP1 submit the assignment], too. In what follows, I present evidence suggesting that ∆ is an abstract structure rather than a pro-form. Week 8 - Ellipsis 15 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Evidence #1: Extraction from ellipsis site (15) a. I like potatoes , but I don’t like tomatoes. b. Potatoes I [VP like potatoes, but tomatoes I don’t [VP like tomatoes ]. c. Potatoes I like, but tomatoes I don’t ∆VP. The ∆VP must involve (b) but not (a). (16) a. [VP like potatoes ] b. [VP like tomatoes ] So it must be an abstract syntactic structure, rather than a pro-form. Week 8 - Ellipsis 16 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis What is represented by ∆ in this case? (17) Passives (involve displaced arguments) a. Someone arrested John, and someone arrested Bill, too. b. John was arrested John, and Bill was arrested Bill, too. c. John was arrested, and Bill was ∆ too. Week 8 - Ellipsis 17 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Now then, construct a similar argument in Chinese. Week 8 - Ellipsis 18 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Now then, construct a similar argument in Chinese. (18) a. 語言學，我喜歡，但物理學，我不。 語⾔學，我喜歡，物理學，我也是 b. 張三沒有給老師罵過，李四也沒有。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 18 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Evidence #2: Sloppy identity reading Consider two possible readings of the following sentence: (19) 張三想跟他的女朋友去旅行。李四也想 ∆ 。 a. Strict reading: b. Sloppy reading: Week 8 - Ellipsis 19 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis Allowing sloppy reading is an important property of ellipsis. The referent of ∆ is not definite, but can be “sloppy": it may refer to someone that is not mentioned previously. If ∆ is a pro-form, we would expect the meaning to be identical to its antecedent ➔ strict reading If ∆ is an abstract structure containing another occurrence of a pronoun, it can be interpreted differently from its antecedent. ➔ sloppy reading (20) Zhangsani... hisi.... Lisij... [VP... hisj... ]. Week 8 - Ellipsis 20 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go VP ellipsis English behaves the same in this regard. (21) John will travel with his girlfriend. Tom will ∆, too. Summary on the recoverabiility of deletion debate: In principle, to interpret silence (the ∆), we may rely on a silent pro-form, or posit an asbtract structure. However, based on evidence from (i) extraction and (ii) sloppy reading, we conclude that VP ellipsis in Chinese and English involve abstract structures. The pro-form fails to exaplin why extraction from ellipsis site and sloppy reading is possible. Week 8 - Ellipsis 21 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion: shi-constructions In Chinese, we have an additional shi-constructions that look very similar to VP ellipsis. (22) a. 張三會喜歡你給他的禮物。李四也是 ∆。 b. 我能夠三天不吃一口飯。你也是 ∆ 嗎？ Week 8 - Ellipsis 22 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion: shi-constructions Determine whether shi-constructions allows (i) extraction from ellipsis site, (ii) sloppy reading; and (iii) adjunct-included reading. (23) Extraction from ellipsis site? (24) Sloppy reading? 佢想同佢女朋友去旅⾏，我都係 Shi-constructions are/ are not instances of VP ellipsis (that involves abstract structures). Week 8 - Ellipsis 23 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 24 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis Argument ellipsis is available in Chinese (and many other East Asian languages), but not English. In Chinese, arguments are very different from adjuncts in terms of ellipsis possibility. What kinds of arguments can be silent? (25) a. Subjects ∆ 走了嗎？ ∆ 走咗未？ b. Objects 他看到了一個男孩，我也看到了 ∆。 How about objects in ditransitive constructions? Week 8 - Ellipsis 25 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis Consider: (26) Mandarin a. 他送了一個男孩那本書，我送了一個女孩 ∆那本書 。 b. 他送了那個男孩一本字典，我送了 ∆那個男孩 一本漫畫。 In Mandarin, direct objects can/cannot be elided. In Mandarin, indirect objects can/cannot be elided. Week 8 - Ellipsis 26 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis How about non-arguments, i.e., adjuncts (adverbials) (27) a. 張三很認真的看了文獻。我也看了文獻。 b. 張三沒洗澡三天了。我也沒洗澡。 Must the interpretation of the second clause contain the adjunct in the first clause? It should be noted that when the configuration of ellipsis is satisfied, it must apply. (28) a. 李四喜歡張三，我也喜歡 ∆。# 但我不喜歡張三。 object b. 張三去香港了，∆ 在唸書。#但張三沒有在唸書。 subject The two continuations is infelicitous, because the ∆ must be interpreted as object/subject, repectively. Ellipsis is not a matter of choice. Week 8 - Ellipsis 27 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis We can determine whether the adjunct meaning is included in the second clause, by constructing a continuation that negates the adjunct meaning. (29) a. 張三很認真的看了文獻。我也看了，不過看得很隨意。 b. 張三沒洗澡三天了。我也沒洗澡，不過只是一天。 The felicity of these sentences suggest that adjunct ellipsis is not available in Mandarin. (or at least substantially different argument ellipsis) Not everything in Chinese can be elided, despite the general preference to silent elements. Week 8 - Ellipsis 28 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis In addition to the argument-adjunct asymmetry, there are also certain subject-object asymmetries. ❶ (Un)availability of indefinite readings (30) a. 他想認識一位語言學老師，我也想認識 ∆一位語言學老師 。 b. *他看到一個客人釣了龍蝦，我看到 ∆一個客人 釣了魚。 (31) a. 佢想識一位語言學老師，我都想識 ∆一位語言學老師 。 b. ??佢見到一個客人釣咗龍蝦，我見到 ∆一個客人 釣咗魚。 A missing object can correspond to an indefinite, but a missing subject cannot. Week 8 - Ellipsis 29 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis ❷ (Un)availability of “sloppy" readings (of definite expressions) (32) Missing objects 張三喜歡 自己的女朋友。李四也喜歡 ∆ 。 a. Strict reading: 李四也喜歡張三的女朋友 b. Sloppy reading: 李四也喜歡李四自己的女朋友 The referent of 自己的女朋友 can ambiguous between two possibilities, hence, metaphorically, “sloppy". (32) shows that it is available for missing objects. Week 8 - Ellipsis 30 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis However, the sloppy reading is unavailable with a missing subject. (33) Missing subjects 張三看到自己的女朋友釣了龍蝦。李四看到 ∆ 釣了魚。 a. Strict reading: 李四看到張三的女朋友釣了魚 b. *Sloppy reading: 李四看到李四的女朋友釣了魚 The only possible referent of 自己的女朋友 is Zhangsan’s girlfriend (i.e., the strict reading). Week 8 - Ellipsis 31 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis Object asymmetries: not all types of objects can be elided. ❶ Double object constructions with an affected object (34) a. 我娶了他家 一個閨女。 Mandarin b. 我吃了他 一個蘋果。 Mandarin Note: they are not ditransitive constructions (the affected object is optional) the two nominals do not form one big object Week 8 - Ellipsis 32 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis In Mandarin, the object that typically allows for ellipsis resists ellipsis in this construction. (35) a. 我娶了他家 一個閨女。 *張三也娶了他家 ∆。 b. 我吃了他 一個蘋果。 *張三也吃了他 ∆。 c. 我今日霸咗佢 呢個位（等佢冇得叉電）。 Cantonese d. 我攞咗城大 好多著數。 Cantonese Week 8 - Ellipsis 33 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis ❷ Objects of intransitive verbs The sole argument of intransitive verbs may stay in the object position when there is an additional subject. (36) a. 張三死了父親。 cf. 父親死了。 b. 他們昨天來了客人。 cf. 客人昨天來了。 c. 呢個國家死咗幾百個平⺠。 cf. 幾百個平⺠死咗。 d. 城大冧咗個天花板。 cf. 個天花板2016年冧咗。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 34 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis But these objects cannot be elided. (37) a. 張三死了父親。 *李四也死了 ∆ 。 b. 他們昨天來了客人。 *我們也來了 ∆ 。 Object ellipsis becomes unavailable in constructions with an additional argument. Week 8 - Ellipsis 35 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Argument ellipsis Summary and potential analysis 1 Argument-adjunct asymmetries Ellipsis requires head licensing. Arguments are selected by verbs, but adjuncts are not. 2 Subject-object asymmetries Missing subjects are indeed occupied by silent pronouns. Missing objects are derived via an ellipsis operation. 3 Object asymmetries The additional arguments are said to be licensed by both the verb and the object. When they are present, the object cannot be elided anymore. Week 8 - Ellipsis 36 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion: NP and CP objects Some objects can be a clause, and they can be elided as well. (38) 張三看見 [ 李四在學校打籃球 ] 。王五也看見了 ∆。 However, not all CP objects can be elided. (39) *我猜 [ 他很聰明 ] 。他們也猜 ∆。 Li (2005, 2007) suggests the following generalization: (40) Conditions on CP ellipsis a. The verbs that can license CP ellipsis can take nominal objects. b. The verbs that fail to license CP ellipsis also fail to take nominal objects. (41) a. 張三看見李四。 b. *我猜他。 Week 8 - Ellipsis 37 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Discussion: NP and CP objects By considering the following set of verbs and others, determine whether Li’s generalization is accurate. (42) a. 相信 (43) a. 認為 b. 知道 b. 以為 c. 聽說 c. 打算 d. 後悔 d. 希望 Week 8 - Ellipsis 38 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 39 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? Sluicing in English involves ellipsis that involves the whole clause. (44) a. Jack bought something, but I don’t know what ∆Jack bought. b. Jack left, but I don’t know why ∆Jack left. Sluicing is different from VP ellipsis in that the subject is also included; it does not require head licensing. (Wh-expressions are not heads nor verbs, i.e., they are phrasal.) But sluicing in English similarly gives rise to sloppy reading: (45) I know how to say I’m sorry, and Bill knows how ∆to say he’s sorry , too Week 8 - Ellipsis 40 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? Does Chinese also have sluicing? For some wh-expressions, we do have a parallel structure. (46) 他不唸書了，我想知道為什麼 ∆他不唸書了 。 We discuss why the Chinese counterparts in (46) should be distinguished from English sluicing. Week 8 - Ellipsis 41 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? But for some other wh-expressions, the sentence is less acceptable. (47) ??他買了點什麼，但我不知道什麼 ∆。 In these cases, a copula is strongly preferred, (48) 他買了點什麼，但我不知道 是 什麼 ∆。 But with the copula, the content of ∆ is difficult to fix. Week 8 - Ellipsis 42 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? In some other cases, ∆ is entirely unformulatable. (49) a. 畢業旅行快到了，但我不知道星期幾。 b. *畢業旅行快到了，但我不知道星期幾 畢業旅行快到了。 (50) a. 樓價越跌越厲害了，但我不知道是多少個percent。 b. *樓價越跌越厲害了，但我不知道是多少個percent 樓價越跌越厲害了。 The underlined part seems to be a clause on its own, rather than dervided from ellipsis of a structure. Week 8 - Ellipsis 43 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? They are reminiscent of English pseudo-sluicing. (51) a. Jack bought something, but I don’t know what it is. b. Jack left, but I don’t know why it is so. What if there is no sluicing in Chinese? There is only pseudo-sluicing. The idea is that there is no ellipsis at all. (52) a. 他不唸書了，我想知道 [ prosubject (是) 為什麼 ] b. 他買了點東⻄，但我不知道 [ prosubject (是) 乜野 ] Week 8 - Ellipsis 44 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Sluicing? This helps accounts for the two previous cases. (53) a. 畢業旅行快到了，但我不知道 [ pro畢業旅行 (是) 星期幾 ] b. 樓價越跌越厲害了，但我唔清楚係 [ pro跌幅 (是) 幾多個percent ] Recall that a subject in Chinese can be silent (missing subject cases), unlike English (which require subjects be overt). It predicts that the missing subjects can be recovered by demonstratives. (54) a. 畢業旅行快到了，但我不知道 [ 那 是 星期幾 ] b. 樓價越跌越厲害了，但我唔清楚係 [ 那 是 幾多個percent ] Week 8 - Ellipsis 45 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Summary From a comparative perspective, languages have their own ellipsis profile. Chinese English Argument ellipsis ✔ ✘ VP ellipsis ✔ ✔ Shi-constructions ✔ ✘ Sluicing ✘ ✔ Pseudo-sluicing ✔ ✔ Cross-linguistic variations can bring us quite far away when understanding natural languages. Week 8 - Ellipsis 46 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Table of Contents 1 Introduction 2 Ellipsis 3 VP ellipsis 4 Argument ellipsis 5 TP ellipsis (Sluicing) 6 Before we go Week 8 - Ellipsis 47 / 48 Introduction Ellipsis VP ellipsis Argument ellipsis TP ellipsis (Sluicing) Before we go Before we go Questions Comments Read for next next week: Huang, Li and Simpson (2014), Chapter 9, Quantification and Scope. Week 8 - Ellipsis 48 / 48