ACC VMUN 2025 Past Paper PDF

VMUN 2025 Advanced Crisis Committee CRISIS BACKGROUND GUIDE RULES OF PROCEDURE  VANCOUVER MODEL UNITED NATIONS The Twenty-Fourth Annual Session | January 31st – February 2nd, 2025 Jenna Jaffer Dear Delegates, Secretar...

VMUN 2025 Advanced Crisis Committee CRISIS BACKGROUND GUIDE RULES OF PROCEDURE  VANCOUVER MODEL UNITED NATIONS The Twenty-Fourth Annual Session | January 31st – February 2nd, 2025 Jenna Jaffer Dear Delegates, Secretary-General My name is Max Chen and it is my distinct honour to be serving as the Director of the Advanced Crisis Committee (ACC) at VMUN 2025. Throughout the Derek Li weekend, I will be supporting you alongside Will Cuddihy and Shaylen Director-General Bhushan, your Chair and Assistant Director respectively. Daniel Cao Model UN has undoubtedly been rewarding for me, enabling me to refine my Chief of Staff writing and public speaking skills, share unforgettable memories with new and old friends, and explore my passion for international relations. In crisis Justin Bao committees, I started as a timid delegate who wrote unnecessarily verbose Director of Logistics directives, then eventually developed the confidence to direct these special committees that I cherish immensely. The lively environment, insightful discussions, and unbreakable bond between delegates are truly enjoyable aspects of conferences unique to this activity. Mia Rafii USG General Assemblies In this committee, you will delve into the complexities of uniting a fragmented Brian Qian nation and transforming it into a powerful republic. As a member of the Gran USG Specialized Agencies Colombian Congress, you each play a vital role in staving off social unrest, stabilizing the fledgling economy, and preventing political devolution that Siena McCleery threatens to fracture the state, all while defending against the Spanish crown’s USG of Regional Councils relentless efforts to reassert dominance in the region. This difficult task requires you to navigate the distinct factions of centralists and federalists, manage the Devin Yue demands of foreign nations' diplomats, and repair the scars left by colonial USG Operations governance. Amber Yang USG Conference Undoubtedly, success will necessitate intense political machinations, skillful foreign policy, shrewd tactfulness, and a strategic dose of treachery. The future Gabriel Kong of Spanish-speaking Latin America lies in your hands, and I am confident that USG Finance each and every one of you will rise to the occasion. Best of luck, Annie Zhao USG Delegate Affairs Max Chen Director of the Advanced Crisis Committee Jerry Chen USG Delegate Affairs Kathy Chan USG Design & Media Position Paper Policy What is a Position Paper? A position paper is a brief overview of a country’s stance on the topics being discussed by a particular committee. Though there is no specific format the position paper must follow, it should include a description of your positions your country holds on the issues on the agenda, relevant actions that your country has taken, and potential solutions that your country would support. At Vancouver Model United Nations, delegates should write a position paper for each of the committee’s topics. Each position paper should not exceed one page and should all be combined into a single document per delegate. For the Advanced Crisis Committee, position papers are required. Formatting Position papers should: — Include the name of the delegate, his/her country, and the committee — Be in a standard font (e.g. Times New Roman) with a 12-point font size and 1-inch document margins — Not include illustrations, diagrams, decorations, national symbols, watermarks, or page borders — Include citations and a bibliography, in any format, giving due credit to the sources used in research (not included in the 1-page limit) Due Dates and Submission Procedure Position papers for this committee must be submitted by January 27th, 2025, at 23:59 PST. Once your position paper is complete, please save the file as your last name, your first name and send it as an attachment in an email to your committee’s email address, with the subject heading as “[last name] [first name] — Position Paper”. Please do not add any other attachments to the email. Both your position papers should be combined into a single PDF or Word document file; position papers submitted in another format will not be accepted. Each position paper will be manually reviewed and considered for the Best Position Paper award. The email address for this committee is [email protected]. Gran Colombia.............................................................................................................................1 Overview...................................................................................................................................................................1 Timeline...................................................................................................................................................................3 Historical Analysis..................................................................................................................................................5 Spanish Conquest and Colonial Rule (1500s-1800s)...................................................................................................... 5 Path to Independence.......................................................................................................................................................... 8 Wars of Independence........................................................................................................................................................ 9 Current Situation................................................................................................................................................. 10 Initiating Crisis..................................................................................................................................................... 13 Portfolio Overviews............................................................................................................................................. 14 Cundinamarca Department............................................................................................................................................. 14 Simón Bolívar — President.............................................................................................................................................. 14 Francisco de Paula Santander — Vice President........................................................................................................... 14 Estanislao Vergara y Sanz de Santamaría — Governor of Cundinamarca................................................................ 14 José Miguel Pey de Andrade — Minister of Justice...................................................................................................... 15 José María del Castillo y Rada — Minister of the Interior........................................................................................... 15 Domingo Caycedo — Member of Congress, Diplomat............................................................................................... 16 José Manuel Restrepo Vélez — Minister of Finance..................................................................................................... 16 Manuel Palacio Fajardo — Minister of Education........................................................................................................ 16 José Antonio Páez — Governor of Venezuela Department......................................................................................... 16 Carlos Soublette — Minister of War............................................................................................................................... 17 Manuel Piar — General, Eastern Venezuela.................................................................................................................. 17 Rafael Urdaneta — General, Western Venezuela.......................................................................................................... 17 Pedro Gual — Minister of Foreign Relations................................................................................................................. 17 José Prudencio Padilla — Admiral, Caribbean Naval Forces...................................................................................... 18 Juan José Flores — Governor of Quito Department..................................................................................................... 18 Vicente Rocafuerte — Representative of Guayaquil..................................................................................................... 18 Antonio Nariño — Minister of Internal Affairs............................................................................................................ 19 Francisco Antonio Zea — Gran Colombian Ambassador to the United Kingdom................................................. 19 Mariano Montilla — General, Caribbean Coast............................................................................................................ 19 Luis Aury — Representative of the Caribbean Coast................................................................................................... 19 Discussion Questions.......................................................................................................................................... 20 Bibliography.......................................................................................................................................................... 21 1 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Gran Colombia Overview In the early 19th century, Latin America was a hotbed of revolutionary fervour. The Spanish colonies in the region were armed with Enlightenment ideals and spurred on by successful independence movements in the United States and Haiti, preparing them for rebellion. Amongst these transformative movements was the emergence of Gran Colombia—an undertaking by Venezuelan statesman Simón Bolívar, who dreamed of liberating the northern territories of South America from their oppressive Spaniard conquistador rulers and transforming them into a unified and powerful Spanish-speaking republic. Bolívar’s noble mission extended beyond merely ousting the Spanish; he envisioned that the new nation would be a beacon of liberty in the Americas that would stand its own against colonial encroachment. Leading a coalition of soldiers and militiamen on a campaign against Spanish forces, Bolívar’s cause would emerge victorious. In 1821, the Republic of Gran Colombia officially came into existence, spanning the territories of modern-day Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama. The creation of the vast republic was monumental, stemming from significant military and diplomatic efforts. Bolívar’s leadership and strategic prowess were instrumental in the victories at Boyacá, Carabobo, and Pichincha, which liberated New Granada, Venezuela, and Quito respectively. These victories were not only military triumphs but represented the inexhaustible revolutionary spirit that disseminated throughout Latin America. Yet, the formation of Gran Colombia faced formidable challenges as the foundations of the nation were fraught with problems. Internally, its diverse regions created complications in terms of the integration of their distinct identities, interests, and politics—often leading to conflict. The young nation would also eventually need to defend its sovereignty against Spanish attempts at reconquest, all the while navigating diplomatic relationships with neighbouring countries and European powers. In addition, Bolívar's original vision of a centralized government would clash with regional leaders’ desire to advance their personal autonomy, setting the stage for political strife. By 1822, the fate of Gran Colombia and the future of the revolutionary dream hung in the balance. The initial euphoria of freedom from harsh Spanish rule was gradually revealing the realities of self-governance. Economic instability, social unrest, and political divisions threaten to unravel the nascent republic. As Congress convenes to stabilize the republic, the limits of Bolívar's leadership and the resolve of Gran Colombia's citizens will be tested during this critical juncture of Latin American history. 2 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Timeline 1498 — Christopher Columbus explores the coast of modern-day Venezuela, sparking Spanish interest in the region for future colonization.1 1525 — The first permanent Spanish settlement on the mainland, Santa Marta, is established in present- day Colombia.2 It marks the beginning of a decades-long colonial expansion. 1533 — Cartagena is founded by Pedro de Heredia.3 The port is utilized as a key base for Spanish trade and military operations in the Caribbean.4 1538 — The future capital of Gran Colombia, Bogotá, is established by Spanish conquistador Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada.5 Bogotá would quickly become a central hub for Spanish administration. 1564 — Spanish control over the northern Andean region is consolidated after the establishment of the Real Audiencia of Quito.6 An audiencia was an administrative unit in the Spanish Empire with political, military, and religious jurisdiction.7 This jurisdiction in Quito covered territories which constitute Ecuador, parts of northern Peru, parts of southern Colombia, and parts of northern Brazil today.8 May 27, 1717 — The Viceroyalty of New Granada is established, comprising present-day Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama, further strengthening the Spanish colonial administration. 1781 — The Comunero Rebellion in New Granada, a major uprising against Spanish colonial authorities, occurs.9 This demonstrates early resistance to Spanish rule and leads to further revolts in the following years. 1 Arthur Davies, “The ‘Miraculous’ Discovery of South America by Columbus,” Geographical Review, October 1954, https://www.jstor.org/stable/212161. 2 Griffith Taylor, “Settlement Zones of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta, Colombia,” Geographical Review, October 1931, https://www.jstor.org/stable/209365. 3 Charles E. Nowell, “The Defense of Cartagena,” Hispanic American Historical Review, November 1962, https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article/42/4/477/159857/The-Defense-of-Cartagena. 4 Ibid. 5 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/biography/Gonzalo-Jimenez-de-Quesada. 6 John Leddy Phelan. “The Kingdom of Quito in the Seventeenth Century: Bureaucratic Politics in the Spanish Empire,” University of Wisconsin Press, November 1968, https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article/48/4/697/157902/The- Kingdom-of-Quito-in-the-Seventeenth-Century. 7 Ibid. 8 Ibid. 9 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Comunero Rebellion,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/event/Comunero-Rebellion. 3 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 1808 — In response to Napoleon’s invasion of Spain during the Peninsular War, Spain devotes fewer resources to the administration of its overseas colonies, thus weakening their control over them.10 1810 — The Venezuelan War of Independence commences as a junta seizes control over Caracas, marking the beginning of the region’s struggle for independence.11 1811 — Revolutionary forces in Venezuela declare independence from Spain, although their success is short-lived as Spanish forces soon reestablish control.12 August 7, 1819 — During the Battle of Boyacá, Simón Bolívar ensures a decisive victory over Spanish forces that secures the independence of New Granada.13 December 17, 1819 — The wars of independence of Venezuela and Colombia culminate in the Congress of Angostura, which declares independence from Spain.14 June 24, 1821 — Bolívar's forces defeat Spanish royalists and emerge victorious in Venezuela at the Battle of Carabobo, securing Venezuelan independence as a prerequisite to the formation of Gran Colombia. August 30, 1821 — In order to stabilize the economy, gain popular support, and quickly integrate local populations, the interim Gran Colombian government enacts land reforms to redistribute land from Spanish loyalists to local populations with the Law of Expropriation.15 October 5, 1821 — The inaugural session of the newly-formed unified Congress of Gran Colombia takes place. During this session, legislators lay down key constitutional frameworks. October 12, 1821 (Crisis Initiation) — Amidst a series of internal conflicts and external pressures, the Gran Colombia Congress convenes for another emergency session to address centralization efforts and regional dissent. 10 Dan Royle, “Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna,” The International History Review, July 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2021.1951326. 11 Natalia Sobreville Perea, “War and Nation: Identity and the Process of State-Building in South America (1800-1840),” University of Kent, n.d., https://research.kent.ac.uk/warandnation/1811-miranda-declares-independence-in-venezuela- and-civil-war-begins/. 12 Ibid. 13 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Battle of Boyaca,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/event/Battle-of-Boyaca. 14 Simón Bolívar, “Address at the Congress of Angostura,” Brown University Library, February 1819, https://library.brown.edu/create/modernlatinamerica/chapters/chapter-2-the-colonial-foundations/primary-documents- with-accompanying-discussion-questions/document-3-simon-bolivar-address-at-the-congress-of-angostura-1819/. 15 Félix Posada Rojas, “Land Ownership, Mother Of All Conflicts,” CPT Colombia, July 6, 2021, https://cpt.org/2021/07/06/colombia-land-ownership-mother-all-conflicts. 4 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Historical Analysis Spanish Conquest and Colonial Rule (1500s-1800s) The territories that would later form Gran Colombia were among the earliest and most lucrative of the Spanish Empire’s colonial possessions. Following explorer Christopher Columbus’s arrival in the New World in 1492, Spanish expeditions extended the Iberian empire’s reach across the Caribbean and South American mainland.16 By the early 16th century, a wave of ambitious Spanish conquistadors including Francisco Pizarro and Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada initiated expeditions that would subjugate the Incan Empire.17 Spanish domination in South America would rapidly ensue, as Jiménez de Quesada undertook the task of journeying into the interior of the continent, founding the city of Bogotá in 1538 and simultaneously laying the groundwork for the establishment of the Viceroyalty of New Granada.18 Territories that would eventually constitute Gran Colombia—present-day Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, and Panama —became integral parts of the Spanish Empire, governed under a complex and oppressive colonial administration. Due to the territories possessing an abundance of resources and being strategically valuable, the Spanish Crown was prompted to assert firm control. During this era, colonial regions were governed by various administrative districts, divided into viceroyalties and audiencias.19 A viceroyalty was the largest administrative division of the Spanish Empire, ruled by a representative in the Americas appointed by the king.20 These were massive territories that often encompassed several modern-day territories.21 In contrast, an audiencia was a smaller judicial district within viceroyalties, serving as both a court of appeals and administrative body.22 While audiencias often held significant local power, particularly in legal and fiscal matters, they always remained subservient to the viceroy’s overarching authority. This system enabled the Spanish Crown to maintain a tight grip over its vast empire, although it also led to bureaucratic inefficiency and localized corruption.23 The Spanish Empire implemented a mercantilist economic system designed to maximize wealth extraction for the benefit of the Spanish metropole. Colonies were ordered to supply raw materials including precious 16 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Christopher Colombus,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., 2024, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Christopher-Columbus. 17 John Michael Francis, “Invading Colombia: Spanish Accounts of the Gonzalo Jiménez de Quesada Expedition of Conquest,” Penn State Press, 2007, https://books.google.ca/books/about/Invading_Colombia.html?id=P1DEFqZ6c5QC. 18 Ibid. 19 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Audiencia,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/topic/audiencia. 20 Ibid. 21 Ibid. 22 Ibid. 23 John Leddy Phelan, “Authority and Flexibility in the Spanish Imperial Bureaucracy,” Administrative Science Quarterly, June 1960, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2390824. 5 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 metals, sugar, and tobacco to Spain, which were subsequently processed and sold back to colonies or other European markets. In order to keep the colonies economically dependent and deprive them of the benefits of free trade, the crown strictly regulated colonial trade practices by enforcing a policy of exclusive trade with Spain to enrich the metropole. One of the most notorious aspects of this system was the treasure fleets, convoys of ships that transported enormous quantities of silver, gold, and other valuable goods from the Americas to Spain annually. Local Spanish authorities imposed an exploitative colonial system upon the native populations. These brutal conditions were characterized by encomienda and repartimiento, policies that enabled colonists to recruit Indigenous people for forced labour.24 On large estates, the slaves were subject to communal slavery to procure tributes of metals, maize, wheat, pork, and other agricultural products for their conquistador overlords.25 The wealth generated by the fruits of their labour flowed out of the colonies, leaving local economies underdeveloped and reliant on the metropole. The economic disparities aggravated discontent among the colonial populations, particularly the creole elites who felt increasingly marginalized despite their economic contributions. These practices defined the social structure and created a highly stratified and hierarchical society, with a clear distinction between the Spanish elite and various local groups.26 At the top of the pyramid were peninsulares, Spanish-born elites who possessed most of the wealth and power.27 Below them were the creoles, descendants of Spanish colonizers born in the Americas. Although both were ethnically Spanish, the creoles began to grow discontent with their lack of political power.28 The mestizos who occupied the middle tier often faced discrimination because of their mixed European and indigenous background.29 Finally, indigenous populations and imported African slaves formed the lowest classes and were commonly subjected to harsh labour conditions.30 Furthermore, Spain’s need for economic extraction was driven by constant involvement in military conflicts, including the prolonged Araucanian wars against the Mapuche in southern Chile.31 These conflicts drained resources from the empire and demonstrated weaknesses in their military overreach and administrative system. The weakening of Spanish authority was compounded by the Price Revolution in 24 Timothy J. Yeager, “Encomienda or Slavery? The Spanish Crown's Choice of Labor Organization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America,” The Journey of Economic History, n.d., https://www.jstor.org/stable/2123819. 25 Ibid. 26 L. N. Mcalister, “Social Structure and Social Change in New Spain,” The Hispanic American Historical Review, August 1963, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2510070. 27 Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid. 31 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Araucanian wars,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/event/Araucanian-wars. 6 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 the 16th and 17th centuries, a period of sustained inflation caused by the influx of silver from the New World into Europe.32 As the crown struggled to manage their mounting debts and depreciating currency, they also struggled to maintain control over its colonies. The colonial economy in New Spain revolved around mining, agriculture, and trade.33 Numerous mining towns were centred around extracting gold and silver.34 In New Granada (modern-day Colombia), the economy was heavily reliant on agriculture and mining, with significant social stratification between the wealthy creole elite and the impoverished Indigenous and mestizo populations.35 Venezuela’s economy was dominated by cattle ranching and agriculture, particularly the production of cacao, which created a class of landowners that clashed with central authorities.36 Plantation owners grew cash crops including sugar, coffee, and cacao in the ideal climate.37 Meanwhile, Ecuador had a more diverse economy including textile production and agriculture, but faced significant social divisions between the highland Indigenous communities and coastal elites.38 Path to Independence By the late 18th century, Enlightenment ideals had spread across the Atlantic, propagating throughout the overseas colonies.39 By challenging traditional thought and provoking rebellious ideals, Enlightenment thinkers like John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Montesquieu inspired a new generation of leaders who embodied the principles of liberty, equality, and sovereignty.40 These prominent ideas resonated especially deeply with the creole elite, who continued to be deeply frustrated by their lack of opportunities under Spanish rule.41 Within the Spanish colonies, the writings of these philosophers circulated widely, which sparked intellectual and political tumult.42 32 Douglas Fisher, “The Price Revolution: A Monetary Interpretation,” The Journal of Economic History, December 1989, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2122742. 33 Richard L. Garner, “Long-Term Silver Mining Trends in Spanish America: A Comparative Analysis of Peru and Mexico,” The American Historical Review, October 1988, https://www.jstor.org/stable/1863529. 34 Ibid. 35 Santiago Muñoz Arbeláez, “Colonial New Granada,” Oxford University Press, April 2019, https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199766581/obo-9780199766581-0215.xml. 36 Margaret A. Graham and Russell K. Skowronek, “Chocolate on the Borderlands of New Spain,” International Journal of Historical Archaeology, December 2016, https://www.jstor.org/stable/26174288. 37 Ibid. 38 Blenda Femenias, “Colonial Ecuadorian Yndias And Their Textiles,” Minneapolis Institute of Art, September 1988, https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/tsaconf/635/. 39 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “The Bourbon reforms,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., 2024, https://www.britannica.com/place/Latin-America/The-Bourbon-reforms. 40 Ibid. 41 Anthony McFarlane, “Identity, Enlightenment and Political Dissent in Late Colonial Spanish America,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 1998, https://www.jstor.org/stable/3679300. 42 Ibid. 7 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Early revolutionary movements drew on these Enlightenment ideals, although initial efforts resulted in limited success. The Comuneros Rebellion of 1781 in New Granada mirrored the protests that took place a decade prior in Britain’s Thirteen Colonies as they were driven by grievances regarding taxation and oppressive governance.43 Despite the uprisings’ ultimate failure, the rebellion demonstrated growing discontent over excessive Spanish authority.44 Soon after, similar sentiments were echoed in other parts of the Spanish Americas, causing local leaders to collude with one another and organize more extensive efforts to achieve independence from their oppressors.45 In the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata, local leaders organized the May Revolution of 1810, which was pivotal for the independence of Argentina and inspired other regions to revolt.46 The Bourbon Reforms, initiated by the Spanish Crown in the mid-18th century, sought to modernize the colonial administration in an effort to make it more efficient.47 These reforms included measures to centralize authority, increase tax revenue, and reduce the power of local elites.48 The intendancy system was introduced to replace the old corregidores with intendants who would report directly to the crown.49 While these reforms indeed strengthened Spanish control, they alienated the creole population, who felt their economic interests were undermined.50 Later on, the Napoleonic Wars further destabilized Spanish America. When Napoleon Bonaparte invaded Spain to place his brother Joseph on the Spanish throne, it delegitimized the Spanish monarchy.51 The Peninsular War (1808-1814) not only weakened Spain but limited its ability to impose authority on their overseas colonies, enabling Spanish territories to attain further autonomy.52 As the Spanish monarchy was in disarray, colonial leaders strived to push for independence. Many of them were influenced by the spread 43 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Comunero Rebellion,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., 2024, https://www.britannica.com/event/Comunero-Rebellion. 44 Ibid. 45 Wim Klooster, “The Cambridge History of the Age of Atlantic Revolutions,” Cambridge University Press, November 2023, https://doi.org/10.1017/9781108598248.003. 46 Christopher Minster, “The May Revolution in Argentina,” ThoughtCo, June 2019, https://www.thoughtco.com/argentina-the-may-revolution-2136357. 47 Fidel Tavárez, “The Bourbon Reforms in the Spanish Atlantic,” Oxford Bibliographies, February 2024, https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199730414/obo-9780199730414-0399.xml. 48 Ibid. 49 Lillian Estelle Fisher, “The Intendant System in Spanish America,” The Hispanic American Historical Review, February 1928, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2505817. 50 Ibid. 51 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Peninsular War,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/event/Peninsular-War. 52 Dan Royle, “Winning the War and Losing the Peace: Spain and the Congress of Vienna,” The International History Review, July 2021, https://doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2021.1951326. 8 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 of Napoleonic ideals of nationalism and self-determination, fueling revolutionary sentiments across the Americas.53 Emerging through all the turmoil was Simón Bolívar, the central figure in the struggle for independence, driven by his personal conviction and sense of duty to his homeland. Born in Caracas to a wealthy creole family, Bolívar was profoundly influenced by Enlightenment ideas and inspired by successful earlier revolutions in America and France.54 His vision surpassed mere independence; he aspired to create a unified and powerful republic that could withstand European imperialism.55 Wars of Independence The drive for independence gained irreversible momentum in the early 19th century, as a series of uprisings and conflicts arose across the colonies. While initial revolts were contained regionally and sporadic, they evolved into a coordinated effort against Spanish rule. In 1810, a series of junta-led coups swept across various cities and asserted local governance.56 Although still fragmented, these revolts were critical in building a broader coalition against the colonial regime.57 The Spanish Crown’s attempts to reassert control were met with fierce resistance from the newly assembled revolutionaries. Efforts to quell the uprisings were unsuccessful, as harsh repressions only fuelled the resolve of the rebels. The appointment of viceroys and military commanders with authoritarian powers failed to curb the tides of rebellion, which continued to spread across the region. Without crucial support from external allies, the independence movement likely would not have succeeded. However, Haiti, led by the first president Alexandre Pétion, provided significant military and financial aid to Bolívar's campaign, as he shared immense respect for their common struggle against colonial oppression.58 Idealistic British volunteers and mercenaries also joined the fight, enticed by the potential for personal gain in the form of land and titles.59 53 David A. Brading, “Nationalism and State-Building in Latin American History,” Ibero-amerikanisches Archiv, 1994, https://www.jstor.org/stable/43392682. 54 J. Robert Parks, “Simón Bolívar Becomes Peruvian Leader,” Gale Blog, February 2024, https://blog.gale.com/simon- bolivar-becomes-peruvian-leader/. 55 Ibid. 56 Jaime E. Rodríguez, “The Independence of Spanish America,” Cambridge University Press, October 2013, https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/independence-of-spanish- america/A5A743C3D04C086F0C1924A430B7F5F8. 57 Ibid. 58 Senador Marion and Porfirio Mamami, “La expedición de Bolívar,” El Centro de Estudios y Cooperación para América Latina (CECAL), 2013, https://www.jstor.org/stable/43487962. 59 Matthew Brown, “Impious Adventurers? Mercenaries, Honour and Patriotism in the Wars of Independence in Gran Colombia,” University of London, 2004, 9 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Bolívar's leadership was instrumental in unifying the diverse revolutionary forces, which included creoles, mestizos, and indigenous fighters, into a cohesive army.60 Many rebel groups were incorporated into the “Army of Liberation,” which would emerge victorious in several decisive battles.61 These included the Battle of Carabobo in 1821, where Bolívar's forces defeated the Spanish royalists in a turning point for Venezuela’s independence movement. Similarly, the Battle of Pichincha in 1822, led by Antonio José de Sucre, a Venezuelan general, resulted in the liberation of Ecuador. The successful campaigns waged by the revolutionaries culminated in the formation of Gran Colombia in 1821, a united political entity comprising Venezuela, New Granada (Colombia), and Ecuador. Bolívar's ambitions of a united Spanish-speaking South America had turned from vision into reality with the emergence of the new republic. The Congress of Cúcuta was held in 1821, formalizing the creation of Gran Colombia and establishing its constitution, aiming to create a strong centralized government rather than a federation. However, the new republic would face significant challenges, including regional rivalries, economic inequalities, and the integration of diverse populations. Current Situation By 1821, Gran Colombia was still in its early stages of formation after the Congress of Cúcuta. Simón Bolívar's leadership remains central, but the influence of the internal departments is growing. To define its political identity, Gran Colombia must first determine the structure of its government. Bolívar, influenced by his admiration for the United States and leaders like George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, envisions a strong central government that is able to maintain order across the vast territories.62 This system would involve an executive branch with significant power to prevent the fragmentation of the state. On the other hand, Francisco de Paula Santander and other federalists argue for a more decentralized approach. One possible government structure the Gran Colombians could adopt would be the confederation model of Switzerland. In Switzerland, cantons retain substantial autonomy to address their local needs while maintaining cultural differences.63 These political differences will threaten to tear the new republic apart if not addressed. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/78076350.pdf. 60 Ibid. 61 Ibid. 62 William R. Shepherd, “Bolivar and the United States,” The Hispanic American Historical Review, August 1918, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2505670. 63 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Act of Mediation,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/topic/Act-of-Mediation. 10 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Bolívar’s vision extends beyond governance, instead aiming to unite all Spanish-speaking South America to stand against European imperial powers.64 This ambition places immense pressure on the nascent political institutions of the republic to solidify internally before being able to support independence movements and possible military campaigns in neighbouring regions such as Peru and Bolivia.65 In terms of the economy, Gran Colombia continues to recover after the costly wars of independence. Infrastructure and agriculture have been severely damaged, requiring massive reconstruction efforts. Despite these challenges, there are opportunities in the country’s abundant natural resources, such as gold and fertile soil, that can boost economic growth.66 The nation is also trying to develop closer trade relations with Europe and the United States to attract investment and access international markets.67 However, these efforts are hampered by domestic conflict and a misallocated budget. With the lack of a Spanish metropole, Gran Colombia faces the challenge of changing its trade routes. The republic still possesses vast quantities of silver, gold, and other valuable resources that previously were funnelled into the Spanish economy.68 Now, the new government must find alternative trading partners to continue profiting off its natural resources. Efforts can be made to establish trade agreements with the United States. Additionally, European powers like Britain and France, eager to fill the void left by Spain, are also potential trade partners. The government should explore various strategies including seeking foreign loans and encouraging private investment from European merchants and industrialists. The competition among the powers could lead to diplomatic tensions, so Gran Colombia must carefully navigate these relationships to avoid becoming overly dependent on a single foreign power. The army of Gran Colombia consists of both professional soldiers and regional militias.69 While the professional army is battle-hardened from the wars of independence, they are severely underfunded and lack the necessary resources for modernization.70 Regional militias led by local leaders, while crucial for maintaining order in more remote areas of the republic, often lack coordination with the central government.71 These militias are loyal to their local communities first, making them unreliable for national defence. The danger of another Spanish invasion necessitates immediate military adjustments. However, 64 John Lynch, “Simon Bolivar and the Spanish Revolutions,” History Today, July 1983, https://www.historytoday.com/archive/simon-bolivar-and-spanish-revolutions. 65 Ibid. 66 Nola Reinhardt, “The Consolidation of the Import-Export Economy in Nineteenth-Century Colombia: A Political- Economic Analysis,” Latin American Perspectives, 1986, https://www.jstor.org/stable/2633721. 67 Ibid. 68 Ibid. 69 David Bushnell, “The Making of Modern Colombia: A Nation in Spite of Itself,” University of California Press, 1993, https://books.google.ca/books/about/The_Making_of_Modern_Colombia.html?id=daMwDwAAQBA. 70 Ibid. 71 Ibid. 11 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 challenges like the lack of a centralized command structure and the difficulty of transporting supplies through vast terrain hinder modernization efforts. To address the issue, Bolívar and his generals are pushing for the creation of a national army that would draw soldiers from all regions. This army would need to be equipped with modern weaponry, trained in contemporary European military tactics, and supported by a robust logistical network. As a stopgap measure, the government must also consider the possibility of forming mutual defence pacts with other newly independent states in Latin America to bolster defence capabilities. In the realm of foreign policy, Gran Colombia actively seeks diplomatic recognition from major powers such as the United States and European countries. Not only are these matters of prestige, but also crucial for securing economic and military assistance. Recognition would open the door to international loans, trade agreements, and possibly even military alliances that would deter Spanish aggression. Spain remains a serious threat and is unwilling to give up its colonial claims completely. There is a significant risk of becoming entangled in the geopolitical rivalries of powerful nations, and the foreign affairs department must successfully navigate these challenges to ensure the security of Gran Colombia. Closer to home, Gran Colombia’s relationships with its neighbours are equally complex. Newly independent states like Mexico, Chile, and the United Provinces of Central America appear to be natural allies against the struggles of European colonialism, yet they are wary of Bolívar’s expansionist ambitions.72 Bolívar’s vision of a united Latin America is not universally shared, and some leaders fear that Gran Colombia could become a regional hegemon.73 These tensions will complicate efforts to form alliances as Gran Colombia must balance the sovereignty of its neighbours with its own desire for strength. 72 Gordon Kenyon, “Mexican Influence in Central America, 1821-1823,” Hispanic American Historical Review, May 1961, https://doi.org/10.1215/00182168-41.2.175. 73 Ibid. 12 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Initiating Crisis It is late 1821, and Gran Colombia stands at a crucial juncture. The new government is in the process of drafting a constitution, a difficult task fraught with contention as regional leaders clash over the structure of the newborn state. Centralists, led by Bolívar, advocate for a strong central government to maintain order. In contrast, federalists push for greater regional autonomy to address local needs and preserve the diverse identities within the republic. Adding to the political turmoil, the economic situation in Gran Colombia is dire. Years of warfare have devastated agricultural production, disrupted trade routes, and drained financial resources. The new government faces the monumental tasks of rebuilding the economy while addressing the short-term needs of the population. Merchants and farmers, who are struggling to recover, demand swift action to restore agricultural productivity. Meanwhile, the threat of Spanish reconquest remains in the fledgling republic. Spanish loyalists are regrouping, and intelligence reports confirm that they are mobilizing in nearby territories, preparing for an insurgency to reclaim lost colonies. The task to defend the nation’s sovereignty and secure critical territories is daunting, as resources are scarce, and regional leaders are wary of committing their forces to a central command. News arrives that an unknown European fleet has been spotted off the coast, potentially signaling the imminent threat of invasion. Simultaneously, regional leaders threaten to secede if their demands of autonomy are not met. Economic distress is reaching a boiling point, with protests breaking out in major cities demanding immediate government action. Delegates must now face several critical decisions: they must establish a stable government that effectively balances central authority with regional autonomy, develop economic policies to recover the economy, and build a national military capable of defending against a multitude of threats. The actions taken will determine whether Gran Colombia emerges as a unified and prosperous republic or succumbs to internal division and is reconquered by the Spanish. 13 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Portfolio Overviews Cundinamarca Department Simón Bolívar — President Simón Bolívar, revered as “El Libertador,” orchestrated the liberation of numerous South American territories from Spanish rule, and transformed his vision of a united Spanish-speaking Latin America into reality.74 Now, he will do anything to protect the nation from regional fragmentation and external takeover, driven by his centralist ambition to create a strong government to maintain order. Known for his charismatic leadership, he aims to expand beyond the borders of Gran Colombia, forming a federation with all Latin American states that can collectively resist foreign intervention and prosper collectively.75 His personal correspondence reveals his deep philosophical convictions about liberty and governance, making him an unparalleled leader.76 Francisco de Paula Santander — Vice President Francisco de Paula Santander played a vital role in the independence of New Granada.77 His administrative skills will be critical in organizing the fledgling republic’s military and government.78 A dedicated centralist, Santander was fiercely loyal to the revolution and his meticulous approach to governance, belief in the importance of legal institutions, and emphasis on the government’s stability complemented Bolívar’s broader vision of a united and free Latin America.79 However, his respect for the rule of law and democratic institutions eventually caused strains with Bolívar as their political differences became inconsolable. While Santander endeavored to build a modern nation from scratch, Bolívar—attempting to expel every royalist and Spaniard in the nation—constantly demanded funds and troops from Santander in Bogotá to finance his campaigns. Estanislao Vergara y Sanz de Santamaría — Governor of Cundinamarca Coming from a distinguished career as a diplomat, Vergara serves as the Governor of the Cundinamarca Department. He maintains his historical connections with European powers that granted foreign support 74 John Lynch, “Simón Bolívar (Simon Bolivar): A Life,” Yale University Press, 2006, https://www.google.ca/books/edition/Sim%C3%B3n_Bol%C3%ADvar_Simon_Bolivar/zHWkaLOfoVQC. 75 Ibid. 76 Ibid. 77 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “Francisco de Paula Santander,” Encyclopedia Britannica, accessed June 11, 2024, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Francisco-de-Paula-Santander. 78 Ibid. 79 David Bushnell, “The Santander Regime in Gran Colombia,” University of Delaware Press, 1954, https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Santander_Regime_in_Gran_Colombia.html?id=EbE_AAAAMAAJ. 14 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 during the independence wars and recognition for the new republic.80 Additionally, he is known for his eloquence and strategic mind which enabled him to build the aforementioned network of alliances that promoted Gran Colombia’s global interests. A centralist advocate, Vergara will aim to uphold stability within the central Colombian region of Cundinamarca while utilizing his previously attained relations to increase the standing of Gran Colombia internationally. José Miguel Pey de Andrade — Minister of Justice A veteran of Gran Colombia’s struggle for independence, José Miguel Pey has a longstanding commitment to justice and reforms. Pey is a centralist who believes that a unified legal system is necessary for national cohesion. His tenure as Bogotá’s interim president during the early periods of the revolution demonstrated his ability to lead under pressure.81 Currently, in his position as Minister of Justice, he focuses on judicial reforms that will ensure equality and fairness. José María del Castillo y Rada — Minister of the Interior Across Gran Colombia, Castillo y Rada is renowned for his diplomatic finesse and logical thinking, which will prove to be instrumental during the Congress of Cúcuta. His political convictions lie with centralism, which he will attempt to imbue while drafting the constitution of Gran Colombia.82 His centralist beliefs also extend to internal governance, aiding him in mediating regional conflicts in an unbiased manner.83 His background in law and politics contributes to his adeptness at balancing regional interests with national priorities. He would also be a key participant in designing the fiscal and economic policies in the early days of Gran Colombia to ensure long-term financial stability.84 Castillo y Rada would present documents to Congress outlining the initial problems of the Government and provide economic solutions, opting to increase state resources through seemingly simple measures like the abolition of tithes and the disentailment of ecclesiastical property.85 80 Diego Uribe Vargas, “Colombia y la Diplomacia Secreta: Gestiones para implantar la monarquía,” Universidad Jorge Tadeo Lozano, 2005, https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv2175j1p. 81 Javier Ocampo López, “José Miguel Pey,” Luis Ángel Arango Library, December 2004, https://web.archive.org/web/20070926225222/http://www.lablaa.org/blaavirtual/biografias/peyjosem.htm. 82 Mauricio A. Plazas Vega, “Cuarta entrega - José María del Castillo y Rada (1776-1835) - El hacendista de la Colombia emancipada - Un hombre de contrastes,” Universidad del Rosario, September 2022, https://urosario.edu.co/en/node/4250. 83 Ibid. 84 Alvaro Lecompte, “Castillo y Rada, el grancolombiano,” Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1977, https://books.google.ca/books/about/Castillo_y_Rada_el_grancolombiano.html?id=AkZsAAAAMAAJ. 85 Ibid. 15 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Domingo Caycedo — Member of Congress, Diplomat Domingo Caycedo is a seasoned diplomat who has played a vital role in securing several of Gran Colombia’s diplomatic victories in the form of several treaties that benefited the republic.86 His centralist views align with his belief in a strong centralized national government that would be able to handle foreign affairs effectively. Within Congress, Caycedo’s goals are to strengthen Gran Colombia’s diplomatic presence and ensure its interests are well-represented on the global stage. José Manuel Restrepo Vélez — Minister of Finance José Manuel Restrepo is an accomplished historian and economist, responsible for managing Gran Colombia’s economic policies. He is known for his meticulous nature; Restrepo’s documentation of the history of New Granada’s independence has granted invaluable insight that will undoubtedly aid his work.87 As Minister of Finance, he will be entrusted with stabilizing and developing the economy through sound fiscal policies. His centralist beliefs underpin his efforts to create a strong economic foundation for the entire republic.88 Manuel Palacio Fajardo — Minister of Education As a progressive politician and educator, Manuel Palacio Fajardo has been a key advocate for educational reforms in Gran Colombia, believing that well-educated youth are crucial to a lasting republic. Possessing a Doctorate in Civil Law, Canon Law, and medicine, Farjado will focus on establishing schools and promoting literacy to foster intellectual development.89 His efforts will ensure that education becomes a cornerstone of Gran Colombia’s future. Venezuela Department José Antonio Páez — Governor of Venezuela Department José Antonio Páez is a legendary llanero leader who is celebrated for his role in key battles during the independence wars like the Battle of Carabobo.90 He is heralded as a hero in Venezuela for his charisma and tactical acumen. As the leader of the Federalist faction, Páez advocates for greater regional autonomy that 86 José María Baraya, “Biografias militares: o Historia militar del pais en medio siglo,” Oxford University, 1874, https://www.google.ca/books/edition/Biografias_militares/qicAAAAAQAAJ?. 87 The Editors of Enciclopedia Banrepcultural, “Jose Manuel Restrepo,” Banrepcultural, accessed August 11, 2024, https://enciclopedia.banrepcultural.org/index.php/Jos%C3%A9_Manuel_Restrepo. 88 Ibid. 89 Tulio Hernández, “Rostros y personajes de Venezuela,” El Nacional, 2002, https://books.google.ca/books/about/Rostros_y_personajes_de_Venezuela.html?id=tPF_AAAACAAJ 90 The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica, “José Antonio Páez,” Encyclopedia Britannica, n.d., https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jose-Antonio-Paez. 16 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 ensures that the unique needs of Venezuela are addressed.91 Páez's goal is to secure a future where local governance is respected and regional identities are preserved within a larger republic. Carlos Soublette — Minister of War A trusted ally of Bolívar, Carlos Soublette has a storied career in both the military and political sphere. He earned his role of Minister of War by leading fearlessly in the wars of independence, notably in the Battle of Carabobo.92 Soublette’s efforts will be dedicated to forging a cohesive, disciplined military that is capable of defending the republic against internal and external threats. Manuel Piar — General, Eastern Venezuela Manuel Piar, a notable figure in the liberation of eastern Venezuela, is known for his advocacy for social justice and the rights of marginalized communities, leading the way for Afro-Antilleans to join the revolutionary armies.93 During the Latin American Independence Wars, an overhaul of the existing socio- racial structure in the army gave him the opportunity to lead Republican forces to victory during the Battle of San Félix.94 As a federalist, Piar champions regional autonomy and a decentralization of power, aiming to earn equality for all citizens, especially Amerindians and Pardos.95 Piar wishes for the diverse needs of the population to be met by regional authorities, rather than the central government. Rafael Urdaneta — General, Western Venezuela One of Bolívar’s most loyal generals, Rafael Urdaneta is renowned for his unwavering dedication to the centralist cause.96 While campaigning against the Royalist forces, he demonstrated his military prowess at the crucial Battle of Carabobo.97 In western Venezuela, Urdaneta’s role in maintaining order by quelling regional conflicts and upholding central authority is heavily appreciated by his close ally Simón Bolívar. Pedro Gual — Minister of Foreign Relations Pedro Gual is an influential diplomat and statesman, who has worked together with other members of the foreign service like Caycedo to gain international recognition for Gran Colombia. Gual’s centralist 91 Ibid. 92 “Carlos Soublette,” Venezuela Tuya. Accessed August 11, 2024. https://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/soublette.htm. 93 Frédéric Spillemaeker, “A Hidden Caribbean Revolution? Race and Revolution in Venezuela, 1789-1817,” Age of Revolutions, May 2018, https://ageofrevolutions.com/2018/05/14/a-hidden-caribbean-revolution-race-and-revolution-in- venezuela-1789-1817/. 94 Ibid. 95 Ibid. 96 José Rosario Araujo, “Los Generales de Bolívar,” Monografias, May 18, 2005, https://www.monografias.com/trabajos21/generales-de-bolivar/generales-de-bolivar. 97 Ibid. 17 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 perspective drives his efforts to establish diplomatic ties and integrate Gran Colombia into the global community. His previous work has laid the foundation for the Republic’s foreign policy, especially with the United States.98 Moving forward, he must adapt to various situations that threaten to drag Gran Colombia back into war. José Prudencio Padilla — Admiral, Caribbean Naval Forces José Prudencio Padilla, a revered naval commander, is celebrated for his decisive role in the Battle of Lake Maracaibo against the royalist fleet, which led Spain to accept Venezuelan independence.99 As Admiral of the Caribbean Naval Forces, Padilla will protect Gran Colombia’s maritime interests with regional naval superiority. By safeguarding trade routes and securing the republic’s coastal regions, he will ensure the prosperity of Gran Colombia’s maritime activities. Quito Department Juan José Flores — Governor of Quito Department Juan José Flores is a dynamic leader with a distinguished military career, who was indispensable during the liberation of Ecuador. With distinguished tactical brilliance and dedication to the revolutionary cause, Flores supports Bolívar’s centralist vision. As Governor of the Quito department, the smallest and least prosperous province, he focuses on implementing policies that will foster the stability and development of his constituency. Flores aims to integrate Quito effectively into Gran Colombia, ensuring it remains equal in the eyes of both citizens and the government. His leadership is essential for the southern region’s cohesion and progress. Vicente Rocafuerte — Representative of Guayaquil A prominent statesman and reformer, Vicent Rocafuerte is a fervent advocate for federalist principles that grant regional autonomy. His efforts in Guayaquil have promoted an intense regional identity through his affiliation with local intellectuals and delivery of strong political speeches. Rocafuerte’s political career is marked by his dedication to fulfilling promises to social and economic reforms that directly benefit the region. His influence extends beyond mere politics, aiming to foster both cultural and intellectual growth in the region. Other Key Figures 98 “Pedro Gual,” Venezuela Tuya, n.d. https://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/gual.htm. 99 “José Prudencio Padilla,” Venezuela Tuya, n.d., https://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/jose_prudencio_padilla.htm. 18 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Antonio Nariño — Minister of Internal Affairs Antonio Nariño, a renowned intellectual, was largely responsible for kindling the revolution by disseminating Enlightenment ideas in New Granada.100 His translation of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen was a significant contribution to the local independence movement.101 As Minister of Internal Affairs, he works closely with the Minister of the Interior to build a strong administrative framework for Gran Colombia, driven by his centralist views. His goal is to implement reforms that streamline governance across many districts. With an immensely influential intellectual legacy, he will use his powerful voice and charisma as a revolutionary leader to advocate for reforms and develop the new republic.102 Francisco Antonio Zea — Gran Colombian Ambassador to the United Kingdom Francisco Antonio Zea, an accomplished diplomat and journalist, has been instrumental in the negotiation process during the independence wars. As Ambassador to the United Kingdom, he aims to secure financial and political backing from sympathetic European nations for the republic.103 In order for Gran Colombia to last, it will need to be a respected and influential nation on the global stage. Mariano Montilla — General, Caribbean Coast As the general overseeing the Caribbean coast, Montilla must focus on maintaining security and stability in this strategic gateway region. As a centralist, his views align with Bolívar’s vision of a unified state for citizens of all backgrounds, although he has differences with Bolívar’s leadership style and military tactics.104 His goal is to integrate the coastal regions effectively into Gran Colombia, ensuring that they modernize and develop parallel to other regions. Montilla’s tenure in military leadership is essential for safeguarding the republic’s interests along the Caribbean, serving as de facto Governor of the region.105 Luis Aury — Representative of the Caribbean Coast Luis Aury, an adventurous privateer and revolutionary, is known for his exploits in the Caribbean in supporting fledgling independence movements. Aury is recognized as one of Gran Colombia’s legendary 100 Charles Griffin, “Review: Nariño. Hero of Colombian Independence,” Duke University Press, February 1968, https://read.dukeupress.edu/hahr/article/48/1/124/157547/Narino-Hero-of-Colombian-Independence. 101 Ibid. 102 Ibid. 103 J. Lloyd Mecham, “The Papacy and Spanish-American Independence,” Hispanic American Historical Review, May 1929, https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Journals/HAHR/9/2/Papacy_and_American_Independence.html. 104 “Mariano Montilla,” Venezuela Tuya, n.d., https://www.venezuelatuya.com/biografias/mariano_montilla.htm. 105 José Rosario Araujo, “Los Generales de Bolívar,” Monografias, May 18, 2005, https://www.monografias.com/trabajos21/generales-de-bolivar/generales-de-bolivar. 19 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 liberation fighters for his feats around the Caribbean Sea.106 His leadership is characterized by his bold spirit, and he will have a significant degree of autonomy over filibustering foreign governments. As a federalist advocating for coastal regions, he will protect the unique interests within those areas of Gran Colombia, which also includes his own privateering operations. Discussion Questions 1. What strategies can Gran Colombia employ to maintain unity among its diverse regions and prevent secessionist movements? 2. How should Gran Colombia balance the centralization of power with regional autonomy to ensure both stability and local interests are fulfilled? 3. What foreign policies should Gran Colombia adopt to secure international recognition and support to safeguard its sovereignty? 4. In what ways can economic disparities between various regions be addressed to ensure equitable development? 5. What measures can be taken to strengthen Gran Colombia’s military capabilities to defend against Spanish reconquest and other external threats? 6. How should the new Congress approach land reforms to address historical inequalities and stimulate agricultural productivity? 7. To ensure his leadership is both effective and democratically accountable, what role should Simón Bolívar play in the new government structure? 8. How can Gran Colombia foster a sense of unified national identity, despite diverse backgrounds and regional loyalties? 9. What steps should the government take to develop its infrastructure, educational systems, and other aspects of the public sector to support long-term economic growth? 106 Bill Marshall and Cristina Johnston, “France and the Americas: Culture, Politics, and History,” Bloomsbury Academic, May 2005, https://books.google.ca/books?id=jfq5Tp0nq98C&pg=PA100. 20 Vancouver Model United Nations 2025 Bibliography Araujo, José Rosario. “Los Generales de Bolívar.” Monografias, May 18, 2005. https://www.monografias.com/trabajos21/generales-de-bolivar/generales-de-bolivar. 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