Urban Blocks PDF

It took more than 25 years to publish the English version of *Formes urbaines: de l'îlot à la barre*, but the story it tells about the erosion and disappearance of the urban block remains highly relevant today *Formes urbaines* highlighted the importance of detailed urban design, at a time when pla...

It took more than 25 years to publish the English version of *Formes urbaines: de l'îlot à la barre*, but the story it tells about the erosion and disappearance of the urban block remains highly relevant today *Formes urbaines* highlighted the importance of detailed urban design, at a time when planning mostly focused on economic and social policies. It used detailed plans and sections to explore how cities are physically structured, moving beyond basic functional design guides. The book also emphasized that economic, social, and cultural factors shape how spaces are used in different contexts *Formes urbaines* focuses on how cities are shaped by ordinary buildings, especially houses, which make up the majority of urban spaces. It highlights that the urban environment is mostly composed of these everyday structures, with special buildings being rare exceptions. *Formes urbaines* is significant because it offers a Europe-wide perspective on urban design. It traces the influence of Haussmann\'s urban planning, particularly the creation of new routes through existing cities, and examines the exchange of ideas between key figures like Berlage, Unwin, and May, who shared common experiences and worked in each other\'s offices. The book also highlights the role of meetings, conferences, and publications in spreading ideas. The English edition expands on these exchanges, including connections across the Atlantic, such as Clarence Stein's influence by Howard and Unwin, and the impact of figures like Jacobs, Lynch, and Krier on the Congress for the New Urbanism. The book is described as focusing on the \"agony\" of losing the well-organized structure of the urban block, which was common in classical European cities. It discusses how this structure was transformed in the nineteenth century and almost completely erased in the twentieth century, while tracing the evolution of the city The issue of the urban block has caused confusion. Initially, the focus was on the scale of local urban organization, not on grand city layouts or monuments, nor on domestic details, but on the often-overlooked \"in-between\" realm. The book also reflects on the symbolic importance of the block and its gradual disintegration, particularly as shown in Ernst May's urban planning scheme. Focusing on the urban block has had some negative consequences. Some designers have oversimplified the idea, turning it into a formula like \"city = block\" or \"modernity = single building.\" This led to the creation of \"pseudo-blocks\" in new neighborhoods or renovations, which are just empty, superficial designs without real value. The book argues that it\'s important to carefully plan how plots are divided, consider the purpose of spaces, and approach urban design with more thought and reflection. The choice of examples in the book, covering the period from Haussmann to Le Corbusier, reflects significant, unprecedented changes in urban history. The selected examples were somewhat arbitrary, based on the authors\' interests and available material at the time. While other examples could have illustrated similar points about the breakdown of urban fabric, the authors chose to focus on realized projects. This allowed them to not only discuss theoretical ideas but also to examine how these theories were applied in actual, built environments. Although this study focuses on historical facts, it is not a work of history. It blends architectural knowledge, an understanding of context, and direct observation to provoke reflection. This approach ultimately leads back to history, but the primary goal is to raise questions about our current ability to design cities. These questions, though the context may have changed over the past twenty years, remain relevant today. The transformation of Paris under Haussmann is significant not only because it shaped the city's current appearance but also because it created the \"bourgeois city.\" Haussmann\'s work, supported by the Third Republic, made Paris the model of modern bourgeois society. His interventions established a specific spatial layout based on bourgeois ideals, which became the dominant urban model. This spatial framework persisted even after Haussmann\'s time and the fall of the Empire, influencing urban planning in the early Third Republic. 4o mini The technical challenge of Haussmann\'s transformation of Paris focused on modernization, sanitation, and improving living conditions, transport, and infrastructure. Haussmann's work radically changed the city's structure, making it a planned urban environment. The road network was reimagined, allowing for the efficient distribution of people, food, water, gas, and waste. New facilities, such as town halls, schools, markets, hospitals, and barracks, appeared throughout the city. These facilities were systematically integrated into the urban layout, emphasizing functional specialization and control. The road network and the facilities it connected created a hierarchy, supporting an ideology of separation and the practice of zoning. By aligning the administrative boundaries with the defensive walls built in 1843, Haussmann established the framework for the future evolution of Paris. At the same time, his interventions in the historic center led to the destruction of working-class neighborhoods, aiming to give the city a \"modern\" image suitable for a commercial and cosmopolitan hub. Napoleon III's plan for Paris suggests that Haussmann had a clear, unified vision for the city. Critics have pointed out that unlike earlier urban planning, which was disjointed, Haussmann was able to control the entire city's development. The creation of the Direction des Travaux de la Seine, an organization that managed the project, is seen as proof of Haussmann's broad, city-wide approach to urban transformation. Haussmann did not have total control over the entire city, nor did his influence extend to all levels of authority. He worked within an already structured environment, focusing only on selected elements of the city rather than trying to redesign it completely. His main interventions were at the \"global\" level, particularly the creation of major new routes, or *percées*, that pierced through the city and connected key public spaces, like squares, stations, and important buildings. For example, the boulevards of Strasbourg and Sebastopol, created between 1852 and 1858, established a 2.3 km-long perspective between the Gare de l\'Est and the Chamber of Commerce, linking important open spaces such as Place Saint-Jacques and Place du Châtelet with symmetrically aligned theaters. The dual network of *percées* (new boulevards) and monumental buildings served three main purposes: 1) to highlight and enhance the visibility of monuments by isolating them and creating visual connections between them; 2) to eliminate poor living conditions and unhealthy areas; and 3) to bring modernity to the city by providing more space, light, and easy connections between stations and neighborhoods Haussmann\'s network of *percées* influenced the growth of the city in a specific way. His urban interventions were designed with a particular vision for how the city should expand, and this can be seen in the organization of districts and blocks. On the map of Paris, areas such as Plaine Monceau, Chaillot, the back of Mont Sainte-Geneviève, and Buttes Chaumont show clear signs of Haussmann\'s influence, even if some parts of these districts, like Clignancourt, remain unfinished or only partially developed **Figure 4: The Haussmannian Urban Tissue** a\. **Intersection of Saint-André** (between Rue Perdonnet and Rue Louis-Blanc in the 10th arrondissement): In 1866, four homogeneous blocks were created by cutting diagonally through an older, rectangular grid. This intervention modified the existing layout between Rue du Faubourg Saint-Denis, Rue Philippe de Girard, and Boulevard de la Chapelle. b\. **Percée of Boulevard Voltaire** (starting from Place de la République): The diagonal path of the boulevard disrupts the existing plot subdivision. The result is a series of oddly shaped leftover plots, which seem more irrational compared to the old grid. Despite this, the transition between the old and new urban fabric is seamless, maintaining continuity in the built-up area The blocks created by the cutting of the star plan grids in Haussmann\'s networks were often triangular in shape, contrasting with the traditional rectangular Paris blocks. However, some rectangular Haussmannian blocks did exist. The subdivision of these blocks into plots followed specific rules, particularly influenced by the triangular shape: - **Plot orientation**: Each plot is carefully aligned so that it is perpendicular to the street. - **Interior division**: The central dividing line within the block is the bisector of the acute angle formed by the intersecting streets, ensuring geometric irregularities are addressed. - **Plot size**: Excluding deep plots along the street, the remaining plots are generally of similar proportions. CHAPTER 2 The concept of the satellite garden city, a new form of urbanization, was first introduced and tested in England in the early 20th century. It was theoretically outlined by Ebenezer Howard in his 1898 publication *Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform*. The evolution of this urbanization process can be traced through key milestones: - **1904**: Letchworth, the first garden city, was built based on Howard\'s economic model and developed by Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker. - **1909**: Hampstead became the first garden suburb designed following Unwin\'s design principles. - **1919**: Welwyn was established as the first garden city combining Howard\'s theories with Unwin\'s practical methods. The movement towards cottage industry and improving industrial work was influenced by an architectural tradition that had been developing for over a century. Since the late 1700s, architects had been inspired by rural architecture, especially the cottage. This influence extended to the design of working-class homes, which were modeled after these rural cottages. While some individual cottages had been built, there was a need to include them in larger urban planning projects, bringing these rural ideas into the design of cities Confident in his ideas, Howard worked to create a garden city by recruiting two young architects, Raymond Unwin and Barry Parker, to help design Letchworth in 1904. The project was funded by a joint stock company. Although Howard's vision of spreading the garden city model wasn't fully realized, Unwin used the experience to develop a city planning theory, which he applied to Hampstead. This theory became central to English town planning until World War II. In 1906, the Town Planning Act was introduced to regulate the layout of plots and housing. The Act was updated in 1909 to give local governments more control over planning. Around this time, Unwin published *Town Planning in Practice*. 4o mini The transport system, particularly the extension of underground train lines into the suburbs, played a crucial role in shaping urban development. Around each station, new growth areas, or \"growth poles,\" emerged. In some cases, the railway company encouraged this development by creating and selling subdivided plots at discounted prices to future residents. This led to the creation of London's Metroland, a suburban area shaped by the expansion of the underground network After reading several articles by Raymond Unwin, the planner visited Letchworth to discuss her project for a community with him and requested some sketches (the plan of February 1905). She then acquired two additional plots of land from Eton College to make the garden suburb possible. On March 6, 1906, she established the Hampstead Garden Suburb Trust with the following guidelines: 1. People from all social classes and income levels should live together, and handicapped individuals should be welcomed. 2. Cottages and houses should be built at an average density of 8 dwellings per acre (20 per hectare). 3. Streets should be 40 feet (13.2 meters) wide, and houses should be spaced at least 50 feet (16.5 meters) apart, with gardens between them. 4. Plots should be separated by hedges, trees, or fences, not walls. 5. Streets should be lined with trees, and their colors should harmonize with those of the hedges. 6. Woods and public gardens should be accessible to all residents, regardless of their rent. 7. Noise should be minimized, including that from church or chapel bells. 8. Rents should be low to allow weekly-paid workers to afford living in the suburb. 9. Houses should be designed so that they do not obstruct each other\'s views or spoil the overall beauty. Raymond Unwin experimented with different types of \"closes\" (a type of residential space) in Hampstead. These ranged from simple, enclosed areas to more complex ones on the edges of streets or dead-ends, like Asmuns Place. One example, Waterloo Court, designed by Baillie Scott, is a closed courtyard made up of houses that are all connected, creating a unified building. This design is influenced more by rural architecture than by a modern approach to city blocks. In his approach to urban planning, Raymond Unwin emphasized the importance of imagining the natural growth of a town. As the designer walks over the land, he would think about the natural flow of traffic, where people would want to live, and where shops or businesses might develop. By visualizing how the area would evolve, the planner can create a design that aligns with the future community's needs and goals. In the planning of Welwyn, the site was seen as a natural framework for future growth. The planners used existing elements like rural paths, such as Handside Lane and Bridge Road, which were initially simple stone roads but later became key routes in the town's development. They also took advantage of existing trees, like a chestnut tree along Guessen Walk, around which the Quadrangle was designed by Louis de Soissons. The layout of the land helped determine where homes and industries would go, and the bend in the railway allowed for a smart, central arrangement of streets and buildings. 4o mini The plan of Welwyn divides the city into different zones with specific purposes. The commercial center is laid out in a dense grid, with the administrative center as a key focal point. The station is a prominent feature, and the residential areas consist of single-family homes organized in \"closes\" designed by Raymond Unwin. These areas are divided into four zones: the center, an industrial zone, and two residential zones. While the layout creates a clear hierarchy, it also leads to a degree of separation between areas, focusing more on functional organization than on creating a unified community. CHAPTER 3 H. P. Berlage suggests that solving the housing problem requires mass production and a return to the concept of housing blocks, but on a much larger scale. In the context of Amsterdam, the aim is twofold: to explore one of the final instances of traditional city planning and to assess the role of architecture in shaping the city\'s development The author argues that traditional city planning shouldn\'t be dismissed in favor of modern town planning, as Siegfried Giedion did. Instead, the development of Amsterdam should be seen as modern and progressive because it focused on mass housing (with South Amsterdam alone having about 12,000 homes). This effort involved public land acquisition and long-term planning. However, these new developments were not made in opposition to the existing city; rather, they still considered the city\'s structure and context in both the overall plans and design details CHAPTER 4 Frankfurt\'s urban development became a model for modern architects, showcasing the success of controlled growth, industrialized construction, and social housing. Unlike Le Corbusier's small project in Pessac with just 30 houses, Frankfurt built 15,000 homes. The city also moved away from traditional urban blocks, experimenting with new forms that we still struggle to adopt today. The close relationship between city planning and architecture in Frankfurt was unique, making it an important example to study. Frankfurt, as a growing industrial city, experienced population growth in the 19th century, leading to the construction of new housing on the outskirts. These areas followed a Haussmann-style layout, featuring upscale bourgeois buildings along wide avenues and small, working-class dwellings in \"Miet-Kazerne\" (tenement buildings). The development was heavily influenced by speculation, attempting to bypass regulations introduced by the Adickes Laws (1902), which allowed municipalities to purchase land and intervene in the housing market. The Nidda Valley project, although only partially implemented, clearly applied May\'s urban principles. Located to the northwest of Frankfurt, the River Nidda creates a shallow, flood-prone valley near the foothills of the Taunus mountains. In 1925, Frankfurt\'s suburbs reached the river only at one point, near the road to Hedderheim, leaving much of the land between the villages and the city undeveloped. May\'s plan for the Nidda Valley aimed to create a clear boundary for a park by surrounding it with small settlements. These settlements, like Römerstadt, Praunheim, and Westhausen, were intended to control the city\'s edges. The plan also included extending the botanical garden and Grüneburg Park. However, much of the plan was not completed. Some areas of the Praunheim and Römerstadt settlements were never built, and the development of Norweststadt contradicted May\'s vision. The central open space became neglected and encroached upon by uncontrolled growth. Only a small section along the right bank of the Nidda River reflects May\'s original design. To fully understand the plan, it\'s important to look at how the Römerstadt and Westhausen settlements were planned and connected. Römerstadt, built between 1927 and 1928 by the Gartenstadt A.G. Society, was part of a larger plan that was never fully realized. Designed by Ernst May with architects H. Böhm, W. Bangert, and C.H. Rudloff, it included 1,220 homes. The layout was simple but thoughtful, situated between the 'In der Römerstadt' route and the Nidda River. A central spine road ran through the area, connecting facilities like commerce and schools. Streets of houses, aligned parallel to the valley, were tiered to follow the landscape. The design included paths leading to esplanades with lime trees, creating scenic belvederes overlooking the market gardens along the riverbanks. May tailored the design to the site, ensuring a variety of districts while following Unwin's picturesque principles. Römerstadt\'s design featured a central spine road, Hadrianstrasse, with two sharp bends, flanked by streets that created a more private, intimate feel. These secondary streets had different layouts: the northwest side was curved, while the southeast side was more rectilinear. The design included row houses and apartment buildings, each with gardens and paths leading to scenic areas. The overall layout was a variation of the block design, with a focus on creating distinct neighborhoods. The Westhausen Siedlung, planned for 1,532 homes, was built between 1929 and 1931 but not fully completed by Ernst May. It was designed by a team of architects and developed by two companies. While the overall plan followed the same principles as the Nidda valley project, the buildings were designed by a different group of architects. The area was damaged during WWII bombings but was rebuilt in 1949. The neighborhood features a regular street grid and demonstrates rationalist design principles, located along a key road, Ludwig Landmannstrasse. 4o mini CHAPTER 5 The Cité Radieuse is considered a myth, representing an idealized urban concept rather than a real place. Like Renaissance cities rejected medieval urban order, the Cité Radieuse rejects the traditional city structure. It is a diagram, an abstract vision, rather than an actual location. The project is significant for its radical reduction of urban space and for its influence on postwar architectural planning. While its ideas influenced large housing estates, where compromises were made due to context, the Cité Radieuse remains a theoretical, idealized concept of city planning. 4o mini The concept behind the Unités d\'Habitation was to create a \"clean slate,\" where only monumental elements of the past were preserved, and the new buildings became the new monuments. The city was reduced to these iconic structures, and space was viewed in broad, absolute terms like sunlight and green spaces, without considering its finer differences. In this vision, the inhabitant, referred to as a \"user,\" was reduced to living in a purely functional way, with life measured by precise, standardized dimensions. This diagram contrasts traditional urban design with Le Corbusier\'s vision: - **Access to dwelling**: In traditional design, homes are accessed from the façade and open air; in Le Corbusier\'s design, access is through the center and is often dark. - **Shopping**: Traditional shops are located on the street level; in Le Corbusier\'s design, shopping is placed on the upper floors in a gallery. - **Facilities**: In traditional designs, facilities are on the street ground floor or at the end of the plot; in Le Corbusier\'s design, they are placed at the top (such as nurseries) or elsewhere. - **Open space**: Traditional open spaces are internal and hidden within courtyards; Le Corbusier's open spaces are external and visible, typically under pilotis (columns supporting the structure). - **The street**: In traditional designs, streets are outside; in Le Corbusier\'s design, the streets are inside the building\'s structure Le Corbusier\'s design reverses traditional spatial organization by placing private areas, previously hidden (like courtyards or gardens), on the building\'s exterior. This shift changes the way space is experienced, requiring evaluation both as a whole (externally) and from inside the dwelling (internally). The design emphasizes the integration of the external environment with the living space. The *Unité d\'Habitation* represents the ultimate transformation of the city block and is seen as the negation of the traditional city. It eliminates continuity and proximity between spaces, creating a functional and isolated environment. The design removes the ability for flexible modifications or interactions beyond individual apartment spaces. The building, disconnected from any context, is compared to a ship---suggesting that its inhabitants must adapt to a completely different way of life. 4o mini