Textbook Notes: Chapters 9 and 10 PDF

Textbook Notes: Chapters 9 and 10 Mexico Chapter 9: pages 193-205 Chapter 11: pages 243-252 Chapter 12: pages 313-338 Chapter 20: pages 514-520 Reese Chapter 21: pages 540-543 Cuba Chapter 10: pages 231-335 Chapter 15: pages 376-399 Chapter 21: pages 552-558 Mexico Decolonization and the Search for National Identities (1821–1870) The Aftermath of Independence Latin America did not achieve the promised order and prosperity post-independence. Civil strife dominated the newly liberated states, reflecting the disillusionment of leaders like Simón Bolívar, who expressed severe pessimism regarding the situation in 1829. The contrast in development between Latin America and the United States fueled pessimism among Latin American leaders. The Fruits of Independence Early hopes of economic and social change were unmet after independence. Colonial Structures Persisted: The colonial economic system remained largely intact, with haciendas dominating agriculture. ○ No significant emergence of small farmers to challenge the power of landowners. Strengthening of the Landed Aristocracy: Independence wars removed colonial authorities, enhancing the power of landowners while diminishing the power of other elites (e.g., merchants and the church). - they had no one to answer to Military Influence: The militarization of states led to military people becoming involved in politics, often siding with conservative landowner interests. Economic Stagnation Leaders expected increased foreign trade post-independence; expectations were generally unmet. Economic recovery varied among countries: ○ Successful recovery in Brazil (coffee, sugar) and Argentina (hides). ○ Stagnation in Mexico, Bolivia, and Peru due to loss of mining production. Lack of Redistribution: No substantial land or income redistribution hindered internal market growth. Foreign capital investment was low due to political instability and competing priorities in Europe and the U.S (they had to finance their own industrial revolutions). Dependency on Exports: A flood of cheap European imports hurt local craft industries and depleted precious metals from Latin American economies. Regionalism emerged, leading to regional caudillo dominance (military leaders). Reliance of members of elite on political+military activity as a career and on customhouse as a source of government revenue = two bad results: rise of bloated military that took all the resources, and stress on foreign trade that intensified how they depended on others Political Systems: Conservatives vs. Liberals Republican Government Formation: All new states (except Brazil) claimed to adopt republican forms, but in reality, they were often oligarchical or dictatorial (caudillo ruled everything). Elections were rigged (master told the mixed/Indigenous slaves to vote for who he wanted) Conservative Interests: Supported by the landed aristocracy and the church, focused on maintaining traditional power structures, salvage colonial order. ○ conservatism reflected the interests of the traditional holders of power and privilege, men who had a stake in maintaining the existing order Liberal Movements: Emerged from groups lacking power in colonial times; aimed for modernization, federalism, and individual rights. (provincial land owners, artisans…) ○ Key liberal demands included land redistribution, secular education, and the end of special privileges for the clergy. ○ didn’t like radical land reform ○ Liberals, impatient with the supposed backwardness of indigenous peoples, regarded their communalism as an impediment to the development of a capitalist spirit of enterprise and initiated legislation providing for the division of communal lands—a policy that favored land grabbing at the expense of indigenous villages Mexico Struggle for Independence: Leaders like Hidalgo and Morelos initiated the revolutionary movement, culminating with Agustín de Iturbide, who represented conservative interests. The economic situation post-independence remained grim, with enduring hacienda dominance, debt servitude among peasants, and significant social inequality. lots of foreign ships came to Mexico after the end of the Spanish commerical monopoly, Of this amount the Mexicans received only a little more than 11 million pesos, as the bankers went bankrupt before all the money due to Mexico from the loan proceeds was paid, mounting debt founding of the Banco de Avío tried to modernize Mexico, didn’t work, bank had to close so many economic problems, had to take loans from other countries (England) The Mexican Constitution of 1824 represented a compromise between liberal and conservative factions, establishing a complex federal system but ultimately re-establishing clerical privilege. ○ creation of local civil bureaucracies so lower class people could get involved but Catholicism still official religion Guadalupe Victoria was elected first president under the new constitution Rise of the Liberals: The liberal policy was revived with leaders like Benito Juárez advocating for reforms, such as the Ley Juárez and the Ley Lerdo, aimed at dismantling clerical power and redistributing land. ○ The Liberal Party represented a creole and mestizo middle class, but were divided: the moderados wanted to proceed slowly and sometimes joined the conservatives, whereas the puros advocated sweeping antifeudal, anticlerical reforms. Antonio López de Santa Anna put himself at head of conservative rebellion, sent liberals Gómez Farías and Mora into exile, became president ○ him and conservatives ruled for 2 decades conservative neglect and abuse of outlying or border areas like northern Mexico and Yucatán contributed to the loss of Texas Santa Anna’s destruction of provincial autonomy enabled American colonists in Texas, led by Sam Houston, to pose as patriotic federalists in a revolt against Santa Anna’s tyranny Mexican War: Polk wanted California and New Mexico (and got them), because conservatives, dreading the mobilization of peasant armies in a prolonged guerrilla war against the U.S. invasion, concluded a hasty surrender then Mexico was forced to sign humiliating treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848), Mexico gave up half the country, ceding Texas, California, and New Mexico to the United States; in return, Mexico received $15 million and the cancellation of certain claims against it. ○ Rejon was like that’s it Mexico is done for the US is taking us over completely Ocampo and Juárez were two leaders of a renovated liberalism that ushered in the movement called La Reforma ○ , the Reforma sought to destroy feudal vestiges and implant capitalism in Mexico ○ but more spirited than the aristocratic, intellectual liberalism of Mora then Santa Anna was like I’m back, Juan Alvarez, and the moderado general Ignacio Comonfort issued a call for revolt: the Plan of Ayutla, which demanded the end of the dictatorship and the election of a convention to draft a new constitution, Santa Anna was like lol nvm I’m leaving again Benito Juárez as minister of justice: One of Juárez’s first official acts was to issue a decree, the Ley Juárez, proclaiming the state’s right to limit clerical and military fueros to matters of internal discipline. The Ley Lerdo (Lerdo Law) of 1856 barred the church from holding land not used for religious purposes and compelled the sale of all such property to tenants. It also auctioned unrented real estate to the highest bidder, with payment of a large sales tax to the government ○ church took a hit The law aimed to create a rural middle class, but because it made no provision for division of the church estates, the bulk of the land passed into the hands of great landowners, merchants, and capitalists, both Mexican and foreign. Worse, the law barred indigenous villages from owning land and ordered the sale of such land in the same manner as church property, land owners grabbed it and auctioned it off for super high prices French Intervention: The conservative backlash led to foreign intervention, and the imposition of Maximilian I as emperor, which fueled further resistance and ultimately led to a liberal victory under Juárez. Socioeconomic Impact of Reforms Juárez and the Aftermath: Post-war, Juárez's government remained committed to liberal reforms, but societal inequities persisted, leading to continued revolts over land distribution. Juárez's presidency saw educational reforms and attempts to stabilize Mexico but also marked the beginning of strained relations with the upper classes who resented his policies. Juarez died of a heart attack, Díaz seized power in the name of the ideals of the Reforma but actually was tyrannical Summary of the Period (1870–1914): Industrial Revolution’s Impact on Latin America Economic Transformation and Integration: Stimulus from Industrial Revolution: The Industrial Revolution in Europe increased global demand for raw materials and foodstuffs, encouraging Latin American countries to expand production of these commodities. ○ Used money to make railroads, docks, processing plants, factory stuff Integration into Global Economy: Latin America became part of a global economic system, exporting raw materials in exchange for European and North American manufactured goods. The adoption of free-trade policies hastened this integration but discouraged native industrialization (basically gave up making their own manufactured stuff for themselves) Neocolonial Order: Dependency on Foreign Powers: Great Britain and the U.S. replaced Spain and Portugal as dominant economic forces, establishing a neocolonial system marked by dependency. ○ disrupted the markets for Latin America’s exports and made it difficult to import the manufactured goods that Latin America required, WWI=beginning of this crisis Monoculture and Vulnerability: Countries relied on one or few primary exports (e.g., wheat and meat in Argentina, coffee in Brazil), making them susceptible to global market fluctuations. Export Enclaves: Export-oriented sectors became isolated enclaves, draining resources from other economic areas and perpetuating regional underdevelopment. ○ Ex: railway systems, not designed to span the entire country but just the areas were exports were done Land and Labor Dynamics: Expansion of the Hacienda System: Rising land values led to the elites jumping all indigenous and communal lands. Liberal reforms facilitated this process, intensifying socioeconomic inequality (like the Reforma). Exploited Labor Systems: Debt peonage and forms of coerced labor prevailed, while modernization of agricultural labor occurred mainly in regions with European immigrants (e.g., Argentina and Brazil). ○ Bondage and slavery were also still around Foreign Control and Political Changes: Foreign Investments: By 1914, foreign corporate ownership extended to industries like mining and agriculture. British and U.S. investments dominated the region, accompanied by political and military interventions, particularly by the U.S. - basically Latin America did nothing for themselves lol New Political Dynamics: The export-driven economy unified traditional landed elites and liberal capitalists, diminishing ideological divides (both wanted wealth and were just focused on that). However, new middle-class and reformist movements began to challenge the status quo. ○ dissatisfied urban middle-class, immigrant, and entrepreneurial groups in some countries combined to form parties, called Radical or Democratic, that challenged the traditional domination of politics by the creole landed aristocracy. They demanded political, social, and educational reforms that would give more weight to the new middle sectors (artisans, all that), basically went nowhere Resistance to Dependency: Attempts at Autonomy: Paraguay's agrarian and industrial reforms under Dr. Francia and the Lópezes, and Chilean efforts at radical reform, offered alternative paths but were ultimately defeated by internal and external pressures. Challenges to the Liberal State: Emerging socialist, nationalist, and syndicalist movements in the late 19th century questioned the neocolonial model, laying groundwork for future resistance. (typically they depended on this model for their livelihood so didn’t really do much they were like yeah this is bad but it’s helping me a bit so whatever) Key Features of Neocolonialism: Dominance of export sectors at the expense of internal markets. Concentration of wealth and land among elites. Exploitation of indigenous peoples and labor systems. Foreign economic and political interventions shaping national policies. Land Concentration and Expropriation: Rural Dominance: At the turn of the 20th century, Mexico remained largely agrarian, with 77% of its 15 million people living in rural areas. Diaz seized power in 1876, support from caudillos and military personnel, some liberals, and some Indigenous thinking he would protect them Reforma and Díaz Policies: Land laws from the Reforma era promoted land concentration, a trend that accelerated under Díaz due to railway expansion, boosting land values and export opportunities. ○ He helped the landowners in exchange for money and support since he had basically none ○ Economic growth required political stability; accordingly, Díaz promoted a policy of conciliation, described by the formula pan o palo (bread or the club). This consisted of offering an olive branch and a share of spoils to all influential opponents, no matter what their political past or persuasion. - lots of bribes ○ But he disregarded Reforma anticlerical stuff so the church would support him, same with military Cientificos: a group of intellectuals,professional men, and businessmen who made up a closely knit clique of Díaz’s advisers Land Legislation: ○ The 1883 Ley de Deslindes allowed real estate companies to survey public lands, keeping one-third and selling the rest cheaply, often to Díaz’s allies. ○ The 1894 Ley de Terrenos Baldíos classified untitled lands as vacant, enabling the seizure of indigenous and smallholder lands. Resistance led to violent suppression, with some groups, like the Yaquis, sold into forced labor. ○ Indigenous villages were manipulated into selling lands or faced coercion through water cutoffs and violence. By 1910, over 90% of communal lands were lost in central Mexico. Impact on Agriculture and Economy: Land Mismanagement: Much of the seized land remained idle, awaiting speculative value increases. Haciendas used outdated techniques, causing stagnation in food production. ○ By keeping land out of production, they helped keep the price of maize and other staples artificially high Food Shortages: By the late 19th century, per capita production of staples like maize and beans declined, worsened by droughts from 1907 to 1910. Rising imports and inflation exacerbated rural hardships. - more imports from US Export-Oriented Economy: While domestic food production faltered, exports of industrial raw materials and cash crops, such as henequen and sugar, flourished, largely benefiting foreign companies. (alcoholism rose too) Social and Labor Unrest: Labor Exploitation: Conditions for agricultural workers were harsh, including forced labor and debt peonage. Factory workers faced long hours, low wages, and exploitative practices like company store vouchers. Strikes and Repression: Labor strikes, such as in the Orizaba textile mills (1909) and the Cananea mines (1906), were violently suppressed. Despite this, trade union movements and socialist ideas began to grow. Growing Dissent: Teachers, journalists, and middle-class professionals faced limited opportunities under Díaz’s regime. Wealthy landowners and capitalists also criticized Díaz for favoring foreign companies established in Mexico, fearing the potential for mass uprisings. Political and Economic Decline: Economic Crises: A recession in 1906-1907 and rising food prices due to crop failures further deepened public discontent. Inflation outpaced wages, leaving both rural and urban populations impoverished. Fall of Díaz: By 1910, widespread dissatisfaction—fueled by labor unrest, agrarian conflicts, and elite discontent—signaled the disintegration of Díaz’s dictatorship. Despite superficial stability, the regime was fragile and on the brink of collapse. Prelude to the Revolution The Mexican Revolution was the first popular, social revolution in 20th century Latin America. Díaz's Dictatorship: Díaz established a unified state with defined borders and uniform laws that regulated land, labor, and commodities but relied on repression, benefiting only a wealthy elite. ○ domestic peace depended on the fear of armed force, so a lasting social stability rooted in national hegemony (widespread popular identification with, and voluntary deference to, the authority of a powerful national state—was impossible) Signs of Unrest: By 1910, worker strikes, peasant uprisings, and revolutionary activities led by figures like Ricardo Flores Magón (Mexican Liberal Party) and women activists such as Juana Gutiérrez de Mendoza gained momentum. This dude called Bernardo Reyes wanted to become president. The Election of 1910 and Madero's Opposition Francisco Madero's Emergence: A member of the elite, Madero advocated for democracy (but because he wanted a safeguard against potential uprisings). By democracy, he meant control by an elite. His reforms aimed for modest concessions rather than drastic changes. ○ So he saw democracy as an instrument to social control essentially Election Fraud and Repression: Madero's candidacy and growing popularity led Díaz to arrest him and announce a fraudulent election victory lol (said he was planning an armed insurrection. After the election, Diaz released Madero on bail. Madero fled to Texas, issuing the Plan of San Luis Potosí, which called for armed insurrection and land reforms. ○ He assumed the title of provisional president of Mexico but promised to hold free elections as soon as conditions permitted The fact that he was able to do on this on American soil without them caring shows how much the US hated Diaz The Great Revolution, 1910–1920 Revolutionary Movements Peasant Revolts: Leaders like Pancho Villa (Robin hood kind of bandit) in Chihuahua and Emiliano Zapata in Morelos spearheaded uprisings, demanding land reforms and fighting against entrenched landowners. ○ Both were loyal to Madero Urban Revolts: Activists in Mexico City, including Dolores Jiménez, pushed for broader social reforms, such as labor rights and indigenous protections. ○ In March 1911, former PLM leaders Camilo Arriaga and Dolores Jiménez, now maderistas (Madero supporters), organized Mexico City’s Complot de Tacubaya, an urban revolt against Díaz The Fall of Díaz Military and Political Pressure: Rebel victories and the threat of Zapata’s armies (Madero’s ally) led Díaz to sign the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez in May 1911, stepping down and leaving Mexico for Europe. However, this treaty preserved the existing power structures, disappointing revolutionary factions. ○ Diaz supporters saw this as a temporary setback, delusional and thought they would be in power again Leon de la Barra became president in the meantime once Diaz left, lots of conflicts with the Zapatistas October 1911: Madero was elected president. Madero's Presidency (1911–1913) Became obvious Madero would not be the saviour, limited vision of democracy Limited Reforms: Madero implemented modest labor concessions but resisted significant land reforms, alienating his former allies like Zapata, who issued the Plan of Ayala advocating land redistribution. ○ The Plan of Ayala proclaimed that “the lands, woods, and waters usurped by the hacendados, Científicos, or caciques through tyranny and venal justice” would be returned to their owners, and Zapata began to put the plan into effect. The Zapatista movement soon spread to other states in central and southern Mexico Peasant armies (including women) ○ Madero tried to stop him but failed Counterrevolutionary Forces: The old elite and military leaders like General Victoriano Huerta undermined Madero’s authority, while U.S. Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson turned against him due to his lack of favoritism toward U.S. capitalists. End of Madero's Rule Coups and Betrayal: Madero faced increasing rebellion, culminating in a coup d'état in February 1913, with U.S. complicity. Madero’s inability to satisfy revolutionary demands or maintain elite support led to his downfall. ○ U.S. Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson was like protect US lives and property or we send in troops and Madero was like no I would rather die Victoriano Huerta’s Rule Huerta obtained the “voluntary” resignations of Madero and Pino Suárez in return for them leaving the country, became provisional president, then murdered them. Huerta wanted to restore the Diaz dictatorship. He continued Madero’s policies for a bit but then people started to rally against him and he was like nvm and closed the Casa del Obrero Mundial (Madero’s regime) Revolutionaries like Zapatista and Pancho Villa were even more against Herta then they were against Madero. Background and U.S. Involvement By early 1914, the Constitutionalist revolt against Victoriano Huerta’s regime in Mexico gained momentum, making Huerta’s fall seem inevitable. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson, inaugurated in 1913, refused to recognize Huerta's government, citing its illegal rise to power and instability for U.S. investments. Wilson suspected Huerta had aligned with British and German investors, marginalizing U.S. interests. His administration embargoed arms to revolutionaries but allowed arms sales to Huerta initially. Shift in International Dynamics In late 1913, Wilson assured Britain that his administration aimed for a stable Mexican government to protect all business interests. With the growing threat of World War I, Britain and Germany courted U.S. favor and distanced themselves from Huerta. Britain ended its support for Huerta in early 1914, crippling his financial position. ○ By yielding to a British request for uniform rates on all goods shipped through the nearly completed Panama Canal, Wilson obtained an end of British support for Huerta in early 1914 - really bad for Mexico financially. Facing pressure, Huerta suspended national debt payments, causing foreign creditors to demand interventions. By February 1914, Wilson lifted the arms embargo to aid Constitutionalist leader Venustiano Carranza. U.S. Intervention In April 1914, a minor incident in Tampico involving U.S. sailors provided Wilson with a pretext to act. Huerta's refusal to meet U.S. demands for an apology escalated tensions. ○ party of U.S. sailors from the cruiser Dolphin landed in a restricted area of Tampico and were arrested. They were almost immediately released with an apology, but the commander of the Dolphin, under orders from Washington, demanded a formal disavowal of the action, severe punishment for the responsible Mexican officer, and a twenty-one-gun salute to the U.S. flag. For Huerta to grant these demands might have meant political suicide, and he refused U.S. forces seized Veracruz to block a German arms shipment, sparking anti-American sentiment in Mexico and Latin America. Despite hoping to control Carranza, Wilson faced resistance as Carranza denounced the U.S. occupation. Huerta fled Mexico in July 1914, and U.S. troops withdrew from Veracruz in November, pressured by Carranza’s demands. Post-Huerta Power Struggles After Huerta’s fall, internal divisions emerged among the Constitutionalists: ○ Carranza, jealous of Pancho Villa, resisted radical reforms on land redistribution and worker rights. ○ Villa, supported by Emiliano Zapata, pushed for reforms benefiting the poor and agrarian workers. In October 1914, a convention at Aguascalientes sought to resolve conflicts. The delegates endorsed Zapata's Plan of Ayala, called for Carranza's resignation, and named Eulalio Gutiérrez provisional president. Carranza’s Consolidation Carranza rejected the convention’s authority. When he failed to resign by the deadline, Zapata’s armies marched, so he retreated to Veracruz and consolidated forces under Álvaro Obregón. By December 1914, Carranza issued reformist decrees to try and gain support from peasants, workers, and women, including promises of land redistribution and labor rights. However, he secretly assured landowners of returning confiscated properties, what a liar. Defeating Rivals In early 1915, Obregón’s forces defeated Villa and Zapata in battles like Celaya. Carranza’s regime gained U.S. support, receiving recognition and an arms embargo on his opponents by October 1915. After Obregón’s troops reoccupied Mexico City in January 1915, an alliance formed between the Carranza government and the Casa del Obrero Mundial, which reorganized after Huerta’s fall. Tensions with the U.S. In 1916, tensions escalated as Villa attacked Columbus, New Mexico, believing Carranza had compromised Mexican sovereignty to secure U.S. backing. Wilson dispatched General Pershing to pursue Villa, but the campaign failed. Carranza opposed the U.S. incursion, framing it as a threat to Mexican sovereignty. Wilson, wary of war with Mexico, withdrew U.S. forces by January 1917. Outcome U.S. efforts to influence Mexico failed, and Mexican nationalism prevailed. Carranza’s regime maintained sovereignty, resisting both domestic revolutionary factions and foreign intervention. The Constitution of 1917 The Constitution of 1917 was a landmark document framed during a convention in Querétaro, beginning December 1, 1916. Called by Venustiano Carranza, it aimed to establish a foundation for his presidency and address the aftermath of the Mexican Revolution. The drafting process excluded women and individuals who had not pledged loyalty to Carranza’s 1913 Plan of Guadalupe. The initial draft proposed limited reforms, particularly in labor rights and agrarian issues, which led to dissatisfaction among the radical deputies. ○ The draft did not contemplate a radical agrarian reform; for labor, it limited itself to proclaiming the “right to work” and the right of workers to form organizations for “lawful purposes” and to hold “peaceful” assemblies. These delegates, led by General Francisco J. Múgica, revised the draft to include transformative provisions: Labor Rights (Article 123): ○ Introduced a comprehensive labor code that: Established an eight-hour workday. Secured maternity benefits, including paid leaves and childcare provisions. Abolished the oppressive tienda de raya system (company stores). Guaranteed the right to unionize, bargain collectively, and strike. ○ Made Mexico’s labor laws the most progressive globally at the time. Land and Property Rights (Article 27): ○ Declared the nation the original owner of land, water, and subsoil. ○ Enabled the state to expropriate property with compensation, with special provisions for communal lands (ejidos). ○ Nullified measures from 1856 that had privatized communal lands. ○ Required foreign investors to forgo their home government’s protection for concessions in Mexico. Education and Religion (Article 3): ○ Prohibited religious institutions and clergy from running schools, aiming to secularize education. ○ Dealt a significant blow to the Catholic Church's influence. Gender and Citizenship (Articles 34 and 35): ○ Despite appeals by revolutionary women like Hermila Galindo, suffrage and political rights were denied to women due to fears that conservative Catholic influences would undermine the revolution's anticlerical and anticapitalist goals. ○ However, working women gained protections under labor rights. Carranza’s Presidency As president, Carranza did not intend to implement many of the Constitution’s reforms: Land Reform: Minimal land redistribution occurred; much of the confiscated property was returned to former owners or gifted to loyal generals. Labor Rights: The Casa del Obrero Mundial, the prominent labor organization, was shut down. Education: The promise of free education under the Constitution was largely ignored. Foreign Policy: Carranza upheld revolutionary nationalism by resisting U.S. pressure on Article 27, maintaining neutrality during World War I, and advocating for Mexican sovereignty. Carranza's efforts to appeal to middle- and upper-class women led to the enactment of the 1917 Law of Family Relations, which granted women rights in property management, child custody, and civil matters. However, entrenched cultural norms perpetuated gender inequities (ex: cultural stigma of divorce made women not divorce even though they could). ○ legalized civil divorce, established alimony rights, and authorized women to own and manage property ○ On April 9, 1917, he signed the Law of Family Relations, which guaranteed women equal rights to exercise guardianship and child custody, file lawsuits, and sign contracts. Carranza's presidency faced opposition from the enduring Zapatista movement in the south and Pancho Villa in the north. Emiliano Zapata ended up being killed in 1919, marked a turning point but did not quell peasant resistance. ○ Invited to confer with a Carrancista officer who claimed to have gone over to his side, Zapata was ambushed and slain Ultimately, Carranza’s failure to consolidate his rule led to his overthrow by his former ally Álvaro Obregón in 1920. 1917 constitution left Obregon with a starting point, but still lots of problems ○ Obregón summed up the problem when he said that the days of revolutionary banditry had ended because he had brought all the bandits with him to the capital to keep them out of trouble lol Reconstructing the State under Obregón Obregon was from lower/middle class, so he actually wanted to lay the economic, political, and ideological foundations of a Mexican national capitalism. Obregón's presidency began the arduous task of economic and social reconstruction: Let the exiled people come back, basically made everyone friends again Power was held by a ruling class of wealthy generals, capitalists, and landlords. Labor and the peasantry were the government’s obedient clienteles Agrarian Reform: Land distribution was slow and insufficient, hindered by opposition from landowners and the Catholic Church. The lack of resources for rural development rendered many land reforms ineffective. ○ Still managed to distribute some lands to the pueblos ○ Even after a village received land, its prospect for success was poor, for the government failed to provide the peasants with seeds, implements, and adequate facilities Labor Policy: Obregón supported unionization, establishing the Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM). However, its leader, Luis Morones, prioritized personal gain over significant labor advancements. Education and Culture: Aimed at unifying the nation and fostering national identity: ○ José Vasconcelos spearheaded educational reforms, promoting literacy and cultural integration through rural missions and teacher training programs, also offered walls of schools for murals Brought education to Indigenous villages too ○ Indigenous heritage was celebrated in the arts, with muralists like Diego Rivera and David Alfaro Siqueiros glorifying pre-Columbian culture. ○ Secular education initiatives faced resistance from the Catholic Church, leading to violent confrontations. But Obregon let the priests continue teaching cuz like better that than no education Economic Policies and Relations with the U.S. Obregón sought to balance revolutionary rhetoric with capitalist pragmatism: Resolved foreign debt issues and indemnity claims. Returned national railways to private ownership. Negotiated with the U.S. over Article 27 to ensure foreign investments were protected without undermining national sovereignty. Later the US helped him crush an uprising against him in return. Calles’s Regime (1924-1934) Political Dominance and Economic Policies: Calles dominated Mexican politics as president and de facto dictator. Focused on developing national capitalism with pragmatic policies: ○ Established the Bank of Mexico, centralizing monetary control (this was the only bank able to distribute money). ○ Created infrastructure like a national road commission and an electricity code to support industrial growth. These measures stimulated the growth of construction and consumer goods industries ○ Encouraged domestic and foreign industries with tariffs, subsidies, and concessions. ○ Negotiated the establishment of a Ford Motor assembly plant in Mexico in 1925. Land Reform: Accelerated land distribution compared to his predecessor Obregón (distributed twice as much) but with significant flaws: ○ Most distributed land was non-arable (pastures, forests, barren land). ○ Neglected to provide irrigation, seeds, or tools, crucial for productive agriculture. ○ Established a government bank to support ejidos (communal landholdings), but most loans favored wealthy hacendados. Fourth fifths of the bank’s resources were loaned not to ejidos but to hacendados who had much superior credit ratings, and many of the bank’s agents took advantage of their position to enrich themselves at the expense of the peasants - still corrupt ○ By 1930, grain production declined, and Calles abandoned land distribution saying it was economically not good, favoring modern techniques on private estates (owned by large landowners, just let them use fancy machinery and techniques on their own). Labor and Women’s Rights: Used unions to stabilize labor-capital relations but maintained subsistence-level wages, leading to union disillusionment. ○ By the end of the Callista decade, Mexican labor, disillusioned with a corrupt leadership that kept wages at or below the subsistence level, had begun to break away from CROM and form independent unions, they were like this isn’t working bye Advocated for women’s rights rhetorically but took limited action, spurring women activists like Elvia Carrillo Puerto and María “Cuca” García to push for broader reforms. Foreign Relations and Oil Disputes: Asserted Mexico’s right to regulate foreign exploitation of natural resources: ○ Passed laws clarifying oil lease durations, providing security but provoking U.S. oil companies. required owners of oil leases to exchange their titles for fifty-year concessions dating from the time of acquisition, to be followed, if necessary, by a thirty-year renewal, with the possibility of yet another extension if needed - foreign companies (from US) hated this and were like no we’re not listening to you ○ Avoided war with the U.S. through diplomatic efforts by ambassador Dwight Morrow, leading to revised laws favoring national ownership of subsoil. Morrow managed to persuade Calles that portions of the oil law had the potential for injuring foreign property rights, with the result that the Mexican Supreme Court found unconstitutional that portion of the law setting a time period on concessions. But as rewritten, the law still provided for confirmatory concessions and reaffirmed national ownership of the subsoil. Church Conflict and Cristero War: Enforced anti-clerical laws from the 1917 Constitution, sparking Catholic resistance (like a civil war): ○ Priests were required to register, and religious schools were closed. The church struck back by suspending church services throughout Mexico, a powerful weapon in a country so overwhelmingly Catholic ○ Catholic militias, called Cristeros, waged guerrilla warfare against the government. Banished teachers or tortured them ○ The rebellion subsided by 1927 but left lingering tensions. PNR and Political Legacy: After Obregón’s assassination in 1928 (he was just the president-elect I guess), Calles organized the National Revolutionary Party (PNR) to consolidate revolutionary leadership. The PNR ruled Mexican politics (didn’t lose an election) until 2000. ○ Protests caused by Great Depression, fights for women’s rights… ○ General Lázaro Cárdenas was the acknowledged leader, spent a lot of money on education Cárdenas’s Populist Interlude (1934-1940) Progressive Reforms and Leadership: General Lázaro Cárdenas, supported by the PNR’s progressive faction, brought back the Mexican Revolution. Championed education, doubling school numbers in Michoacán during his governorship. Demonstrated integrity, reducing his salary and engaging directly with citizens. Land Reform: Distributed 45 million acres to nearly 12,000 villages: ○ Focused on ejidos (communal landholdings) that couldn’t be mortgaged or sold. ○ Cárdenas also distributed land in the form of the rancho, the individual small holding widely prevalent in the northern Mexican states ○ Introduced collective ejidos for large-scale farming in commercially viable regions (organized on a profit-sharing basis, lots of people used that land and shared the profits). ○ Provided seeds, machinery, and credit through the Banco de Crédito Ejidal. ○ Improved rural living standards with schools, medical facilities, and roads. ○ Production jumped because of these reforms. Structural Challenges: Distributed lands often lacked economic viability due to poor quality (couldn’t grow things) or were too small (landowners kept best parts for themselves) and insufficient government support (seeds, technical assistance). Peasants became increasingly dependent on state agencies (land was distributed by these agencies), which both empowered and controlled them. ○ Under Cárdenas, officials of these agencies worked to develop peasant collective initiative and democracy, but they also sought to enmesh the peasantry and its organizations in a bureaucratic network that manipulated them to satisfy the State’s own interests By 1940, government focus shifted to large private properties, leading to the decline of the ejido system. ○ *remember that ejido system is an area of communal land used for agriculture where community members have rights to use and benefit from the land without owning it - the big landowners/hacendados owned it Economic and Social Impact: Boosted agricultural productivity and industrial growth by expanding the internal market. Modernized rural society, albeit with persistent inequalities and dependency on the state. Labor Reforms: Under Cárdenas, the labor movement gained momentum, leading to numerous strikes for better wages and conditions. ○ He supported them! ○ Labor, the peasantry, and the army became the three main pillars of the official party, reorganized in 1938 and renamed the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM). The Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos (CTM) was founded to replace the older labor federation, aligning labor interests with Cárdenas's government. Structural flaws in labor reforms eventually led to corruption and diminished union independence - I didn’t really understand what they were but unimportant Economic Reforms: Cárdenas balanced labor interests with private enterprise, supporting industrial capitalism/big companies through government loans and protective tariffs. In 1934 his government established the Nacional Financiera, a government bank and investment corporation that used funds supplied by the federal government and domestic investors to make industrial loans, finance public welfare projects, and issue its own securities. The nationalization of the oil industry in 1938 was a landmark event, Cardenas announced that the properties of the oil companies had been expropriated in the public interest (what this means is that Mexican government seized control of oil resources and infrastructure that had previously been owned and operated by foreign companies) ○ March 18 1938 is when Mexicans view that they declared their economic independence Women's Rights: A women's movement during Cárdenas's presidency pushed for suffrage, civil equality, and protective labor laws. Despite progress, enabling legislation for women’s suffrage was delayed until 1953. ○ PNR-dominated Congress, split by fractious party infighting and fearful of a resurgent Catholic conservatism that might have benefited politically from women’s enfranchisement, neglected to pass the necessary enabling legislation to allow women’s suffrage Last Years of His Rule: He created a Departamento de Asuntos Indígenas to serve and protect their interests and encouraged the study of their culture, past and present, by founding the Instituto Nacional de Antropología de México. But eventually he started slowing down the pace or abandoning his reforms. Cultural and Political Shifts Post-1940: Successive administrations favored private enterprise and foreign investment, leading to economic growth but widening inequality. Corruption and the concentration of agricultural and industrial wealth emerged. Popular resistance to modernization grew, highlighted by labor strikes, student unrest, and cultural shifts influenced by rock-and-roll music. The Big Bourgeoisie in Power, 1940–1976: Erosion of Reform After 1940 the new rulers of Mexico favored a development strategy that sharply restricted trade union activity, slowed the tempo of agrarian reform, and reduced the relative share of total income of the bottom two-thirds of the Mexican population. Land distribution was also reduced. In 1946 the official party changed its name to the PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional), and the lawyer Miguel Alemán (1946–1952) succeeded Ávila Camacho as president. Some new irrigations, some new modernization projects, some new presidents during this time. Cultural Resistance and Student Movements: Resistance to authoritarian modernization was expressed in labor strikes, symbolic figures like Pedro Infante (this celebrity that died saying he hated life), and opposition to changing industrial conditions. Discontent among workers mounted as their real income shrank as a result of chronic inflation, a virtual freeze on wages, and official control of trade union organizations, known as charrismo. Revolted against the GM plant in Mexico. Student movements, influenced by rock-and-roll and broader cultural imports, reflected growing dissatisfaction with traditional values and authoritarianism. ○ Denounced police brutality Avándaro and the Rise of Rock as Political Protest The 1971 Avándaro rock festival in Mexico exposed the political potential of the rock subculture, particularly as a form of anti-authoritarian protest. The festival attracted a diverse audience, including privileged elites, middle-class youth, and working-class youth from lower-income neighborhoods of Mexico City. Following the event, the Mexican government (PRI) attempted to shut down rock music, recognizing its potential as a political threat. Economic Strategy and Foreign Debt under the Díaz Ordaz Administration The economic policy of the Díaz Ordaz administration focused on attracting both domestic and foreign private investment. However, this strategy resulted in a massive increase in foreign debt, with the volume of foreign loans quadrupling compared to the previous administration. This influx of loans exacerbated the dependency of Mexico’s economy on foreign capital, setting the stage for future economic instability. Luis Echeverría's Presidency: Political Shifts and Economic Crisis Luis Echeverría took office in 1970 amidst deepening political, social, and economic turmoil. Initially, he signaled a shift in policy by releasing imprisoned students and intellectuals from the 1968 disturbances and condemning colonialism, corruption, and the unjust distribution of wealth in Mexico. However, archival evidence later revealed Echeverría’s involvement in the Tlatelolco massacre and the subsequent "dirty war" waged against leftist opposition. Echeverría's Populism and the Rise of Foreign Capital Under intense pressure from the right, Echeverría reversed many of his populist measures during his final years in office. He publicly denounced multinational corporations and colonialism, yet his government worked hard to attract foreign investment, especially from the United States But Mexico kept being more and more reliant on foreign investment and getting more and more in debt, making Mexico one of the most indebted countries in the Third World. The Economic Crisis: Devaluation and Inflation By 1976, Mexico faced a growing trade deficit, forcing the government to devalue the peso by 60%. This devaluation led to a sharp increase in inflation, significantly impacting the population's living standards. PRI's Political Monopoly and Co-optation Strategies The PRI's hold on power rested on a system of coercion and electoral fraud, but it also co-opted dissidents by offering them access to state resources, including medical services, education, and housing. Mexico (1977–1994): Neoliberalism and Authoritarianism Economic Expansion and Oil Dependency: ○ President José López Portillo capitalized on rising oil prices post-1975 oil embargo, boosting the economy but creating dependency on volatile oil revenues. ○ Industrial expansion emphasized capital-intensive industries and agribusiness, neglecting job creation and food security. Debt Crisis and IMF Intervention: ○ Mexico’s foreign debt soared due to reliance on loans for oil production, exacerbated by a global oil price collapse in the early 1980s. ○ To stabilize the economy, López Portillo nationalized private banks and introduced exchange controls, but IMF loans required austerity measures (reduced subsidies, wage controls). Neoliberal Reforms Under Miguel de la Madrid: ○ De la Madrid (this economist) embraced austerity, increasing fuel prices and devaluing the peso, deepening poverty and inequality. ○ Mexico’s debt climbed to over $100 billion by 1986, signaling the collapse of the import-substitution development model. Privatization and Free Trade: ○ Carlos Salinas de Gortari privatized 770 state-owned enterprises post-1988, including major industries, often favoring elites and foreign investors. ○ Mexico joined GATT in 1986 and later embraced NAFTA, shifting to an export-driven economy. The Maquiladora System: Exploitation and Inequality Growth of Maquiladoras: ○ U.S. companies established factories on the Mexican border, benefiting from low wages and tax advantages. ○ By 1998, over 2,000 maquiladoras employed 600,000+ workers, mostly women. Labor Exploitation: ○ Workers faced poor conditions, sexual harassment, and violations of labor laws, including forced birth control and dismissal of pregnant women. ○ The system fostered inequality and undermined labor solidarity through tactics like "Señorita Maquiladora" beauty contests. The Rise of the Maquiladora System and Exploitation of Women Workers From 1970 to 1993, the maquiladora system in Mexico nearly doubled women’s waged employment from 17.6% to 33% of the total workforce. Women were targeted because they were perceived as docile and willing to accept lower wages. Despite this increase, the conditions were exploitative: 40% earned less than the minimum wage. 60% received no benefits. 44% worked part-time (less than 35 hours per week). Many women worked in insecure, self-employed roles or street-based jobs. NAFTA and the Decline of the Ejido System The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), approved in 1993, removed tariffs between Canada, the U.S., and Mexico, promoting foreign investment in Mexico’s low-wage labor market. While lucrative for investors, it had devastating effects on Mexican agriculture: Small-scale maize farmers, especially ejidatarios (communal farmers), could not compete with U.S. agribusiness. U.S. corn, subsidized and cheaper, undermined Mexican maize production, forcing many farmers to abandon their land. Reforms to Article 27 of the constitution allowed ejido land to be sold, rented, or privatized, leading many impoverished farmers to lose their land through sales or foreclosures. Migration and the Low-Wage Workforce Displaced farmers sought livelihoods in overcrowded cities, border maquiladoras, or the U.S.: Many became undocumented workers in U.S. industries like agriculture, domestic service, and food production. This vulnerable workforce, subject to deportation, boosted employer profits and weakened organized labor in both countries. The Zapatista Rebellion: Opposition to Neoliberalism and the PRI On January 1, 1994, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) launched a revolt in Chiapas, protesting NAFTA and the erosion of indigenous rights. They demanded: Repeal of Article 27 reforms. Self-rule for indigenous communities. Fraud-free elections and broader political reforms. The government’s response was severe, deploying 14,000 troops and conducting airstrikes, executions, and torture. Despite the repression, the Zapatistas retreated to the Lacandon rainforest and continued their movement. Political Fallout and the PRI’s Crisis of Legitimacy The rebellion, coupled with widespread dissatisfaction, highlighted cracks in the PRI’s authoritarian grip. The 1994 presidential election was marred by: Fraudulent practices, including inflated voter counts and erased voter rolls. Opposition leader Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas exposed significant irregularities. The Zapatistas convened a National Democratic Convention, seeking to unite civil society against the PRI. They established “zones of rebellion” in Chiapas, refusing to pay taxes and ejecting PRI officials. The Military Crackdown and Public Backlash In 1995, under investor pressure to demonstrate control, President Ernesto Zedillo launched a military operation against the Zapatistas. Thousands of troops targeted rebel-held territories, forcing Zapatistas and supporters to flee. Public outrage culminated in mass protests, including a march of 100,000 people in Mexico City, halting the operation. Toward Democratic Openings The decade of neoliberal policies and authoritarian practices had mobilized a popular insurrection that delegitimized the PRI. This forced the ruling elite to consider: Reducing reliance on authoritarian measures. Developing democratic strategies to maintain power amidst rising social unrest. Chapter 21: pages 540-543 Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) and neoliberalism: PRI's rise to power in the 1980s led to a loss of popular support. Local industries like shoes threatened by industrialisation in the US and Canada PRI leaders relied on electoral fraud to secure power. Ernsto Zedillo's presidency in 1994 exposed Mexico's weak one-party state, political pressure finally destroyed it Guerrilla Groups and Resistance to Neoliberalism in Mexico (1994–2008) Economic collapse threatened by NAFTA’s failure to help economy Overvalued peso led to a trade deficit, a decline in peso against dollar, and a foreign capital flight. Foreign governments and international lending agencies provided a $50 billion bailout package, but the deal was viewed as a sellout. Economic problems and the regime's vacillation led to a crisis of state legitimacy and widespread popular discontent. In 1996, the government signed the San Andrés Accords, halting troop movements in Chiapas and recognizing indigenous rights. The IMF and Bank for International Settlements provided $27.5 billion to Mexico, requiring cuts in social spending, wage restraints, and privatization of the country's petrochemical industry. People did not like this, thought they were selling out The Chiapas revolt continued to spread, with the powerful oil workers' union successfully lobbying the PRI leadership to condemn Zedillo's privatization plans. The Popular Revolutionary Army (EPR) emerged in Guerrero, leading an armed campaign in six southern states. People protested in revolt to Zedillo’s plans to privatize PEMEX (oil company). El Barzón, a debtors’ group, led lawsuits to block mortgage foreclosures, organized mass protests, and staged sit-ins to demand debt relief. They were trying to resist neoliberalism Vicente Fox Quesada's Presidency Vicente Fox Quesada, a wealthy former Coca-Cola business executive, was elected president in 1997 and 2000. Fox promised to support indigenous rights, peacefully resolve the Chiapas crisis, dismantle political authoritarianism, promote economic growth, protect PEMEX from privatization, reduce poverty and inequality, and double state funding of education. Fox's administration sought to cut subsidies to small farmers, privatize Mexico’s energy and telecommunications industry, eliminate legal protections for workers, and facilitate debt collection. He secured passage of a regressive 15%, value-added tax on food and medicine, which was criticized for disproportionately impacting 40 million poor people. Fox's popularity declined to 50% by December 2001, and only 37% said they would vote for him again. Despite economic growth, poverty rates increased due to neoliberal policies and steady economic growth. Economic and Social Inequalities In 2001, Julio Bolvitnik reported that 70 million Mexicans were poor, with 27 million earning less than necessary for basic nutritional needs. The Fox government's 2% reduction in financial support for Procampo, the state's rural antipoverty program, exacerbated poverty. The World Bank reported that income inequality in Mexico was greater than ever in 1998 Industry and Labor Despite the resurgence of the economy, Mexico remained heavily dependent on foreign export and investment-capital markets. The country's external debt declined from $104 billion to $117 billion in 2006, but still relied on the United States for 80% of its export sales. The U.S. market contracted between 2000 and 2005. Lead to a decline in export prices, export income, economic output, and urban unemployment. Political and Social Challenges The 2006 presidential election saw Felipe Calderón win over Andrés Manuel López Obrador, a progressive critic of the nation’s neoliberalism. Despite widespread opposition, Calderón's government faced challenges, including a 2007 budget that increased public expenditures on social services, a National First Job program, and a Tortilla Price Stabilization Pact. Debt Problem and Dependent Capitalism The debt problem and the system of dependent capitalism that produced it are at the heart of Mexico’s ongoing economic, political, and social crisis. CUBA: Chapter 10: pages 231-235 19th century ○ Because of its distinctive colonial past, Cuba’s nineteenth-century development differed markedly from that of most other Latin American countries. ○ For three centuries after Christopher Columbus landed in 1492, the island served primarily as a strategic stopover for the Spanish treasure fleet. ○ No precious metals to exploit there, no Indigenous population there either ○ Mostly just did small scare farming and domestic consumption Not very many slaves at end of 17th century, just 40,000 Changed a lot in late 18th century though ○ Monoculture, economic livelihood relied on a single crop ○ Commerical awakening in Cuba because of British occupation of Havana and US booms in US markets after their independence ○ Most important, Cuba developed into a major sugar producer and slave importer in the aftermath of the Haitian Revolution of the 1790s, which ruined that island as a sugar producer (until then, it had been the world’s leader) ○ During the next half-century, sugar production in Cuba skyrocketed, and nearly 600,000 enslaved Africans arrived on its shores. From 1774 to 1861, the island’s population leaped from 171,620 to 1,396,530, 30 percent of whom were of African descent. ○ Initially, the transfer to sugar did not stimulate the creation of the latifundio ○ Moreover, many farmers did not change over to sugar, preferring instead to produce coffee and tobacco, which then enjoyed high prices resulting from the abolition of the royal monopoly on these commoditie ○ Many farmers were leaders of Cuban society in 1800s ○ Economic boom from sugar reduced because Cuba lost the monopoly, other Carribean countries expanded and focused on making sugar too ○ two new challenges to the Cuban economy arose: the introduction of beet sugar in Europe and the British campaign to end the slave trade. ○ By 1820, starting using steam-powered stuff rather than manual mills ○ No railways, so industrial expansion was gradual, harder to move and build stuff Ran out of wood for the mills, struggled to transport it So they overworked slaves, which killed a lot of them (sixteen hours per day, a lot died after 8 years) During the first few decades of the nineteenth century, a reinvigorated African slave trade increased the slave population from 18,000 in 1788 to 125,000 in 1810; Spanish slave traders sold 161,000 Africans into slavery between 1811 and 1820, and thereafter some 200,000 new slaves worked the Cuban sugar plantations Cuba stayed loyal to Spain during the Spanish American wars of independence, for its creole leaders feared slave rebellions and saw no reason to tamper with their newfound prosperity African men and women periodically punctuated their protests against enslavement with major slave revolts like the Aponte Rebellion in 1812 and La Escalera in 1844 Very much influenced by the Haitian Revolution and other slave insurrections throughout the Caribbean world, these rebellions united enslaved Africans, Cuban-born black slaves, free blacks, and free people of color to seek the destruction of slavery and plantation agriculture Cuba was the last and richest colony of the new world by late 19th century Creole landowners in the east, less dependent on slave labor, feared slave rebellions less than they feared Spanish domination. As a result, on October 10, 1868, in the small town of Yara in Oriente Province, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, a creole landowner, voluntarily freed his own slaves and launched Cuba’s first movement for independence from Spanish colonialism. Ten Years’ War. Free black and mixed-race leaders like Antonio Maceo predominated. Even as the Spanish sought to divide the rebels by manipulating creole planters’ racial fears, the movement’s increasingly black military leadership celebrated the idea of nation over race. Black cubans wrote a constitution in 1869, but others wrote Reglamento de Libertos which attempted to restrict the freedom of Black-cubans However, cubanidad—Cuban national identity—transcended race; to be Cuban meant equality and freedom from oppression, whether from Spain, the creole slave master, or self-described white men 10 year war: The Pact of Zanjón ended hostilities, but some rebel leaders, like the black revolutionary Antonio Maceo, the “Bronze Titan,” rejected the settlement because it only recognized the freedom of slaves who had fought in the rebel army, did not secure independence or abolish slavery Afro-Cuban resistance ultimately resulted in a new conflict, the 1879 Guerra Chiquita (Little War), that distinguished itself by the absence of creole participation and the prominence both of black military and political leadership that demanded abolition and equal rights Abolished slavery in 1880, made a patronato system where freed slaves still had to be an appretices for 8 years before being free War decimated creole landing class War created more respect for Black-Cubans, seen as “notional heroes” War created more latifundios and latifundias This racial apartheid created two Cubas—one steeped in Spanish cultural traditions and ritual practices like Catholicism and Freemasonry, and the other centered in African santería, a syncretic popular religion, and ñáñigos, secret mutual aid societies. Chapter 15: pages 376-399 Cuba's Social Revolution Cuba, ruled by a deeply entrenched dictatorship, experienced the most successful social revolution in Latin America in 1959. The revolutionary government made significant progress towards eliminating issues like illiteracy, mass unemployment, and unequal income distribution. The collapse of the Soviet Union and the United States' intensified efforts to bring about its downfall led to the most serious crisis in socialist Cuba’s history. José Martí founded El Partido Revolucionario Cubano in 1892, proposing the absolute independence of Cuba and Puerto Rico. Despite Martí's death, the revolution spread and the National Liberation Army achieved major successes. Afro-Cubans played a prominent role in the armed struggle, forming a majority of the soldiers. Women also shaped the independence struggle, leading to a political demand for women’s suffrage, public employment, and educational opportunity. General Valeriano Weyler initiated counterinsurgency measures in 1896, resulting in hardships and losses to the peasantry. U.S. Involvement in Cuba's Rebellion White supremacists feared the “race war” could transform Cuba into Haiti and inflict the African community in the U.S. The struggle for Cuban independence resonated with some Americans, particularly among the working class The USS Maine explosion in Havana Harbor in February 1898 spurred U.S. President McKinley to demand an end to the concentration camp policy, (an armistice) and the acceptance of the U.S. as the final arbitrator. Despite this, Cubans opposed U.S. entry into the war, fearing it would result in U.S. political and economic control of Cuba. The U.S. occupied Cuba from January 1899 to May 1902, with the aim of making Cuba a self-governing colony. The U.S. military pacified the island without serious conflict with the Cuban army, which was still intact and in control of much of rural Cuba. U.S. authorities purchased Cuba's army, offered well-paid positions to key rebel leaders, and manipulated race to divide and conquer Cuba Libre. The occupation government established a Rural Guard to eradicate banditry and protect foreign property. General Leonard Wood, appointed governor general in 1899, launched ca program of public works and sanitation, leading to the conquest of yellow fever. The Wood administration created a Cuban national education system, superior to Spain but designed to instill U.S. principles. The Platt Amendment, adopted under U.S. pressure, limited Cuba's ability to conduct foreign policy and borrow money abroad, and authorized the U.S. to maintain a naval base at Guantánamo Bay. The U.S. absorbed Cuba into the U.S.’ economic sphere of influence, leading to capital investment in sugar and railroad construction. The end of Spanish rule and U.S. occupation transformed Cuban society by removing the final obstacle to the development of the latifundio in Cuba. The concentration of land and mills and the proletarianization of sugar workers led to the impoverishment of the rural masses of the island. Cuban Labor Crisis, Industrialization, and Race Displaced farmers faced a labor shortage during the harvest period, with only four months of the year available. Small independent growers had to work seasonal for sugar mills or emigrate to cities. The ruin of small mills and farmers and low wages limited the domestic market for manufactured goods and commercial services. Sugar companies monopolized the railroads, operating them solely for their own benefit, often without regard to the public interest. By 1913, U.S. companies had invested $200 million in Cuban sugar, accounting for nearly one-fifth the total U.S. investment in Latin America. Cuba's political life was affected by its status as a U.S. “protectorate” and suffered from interventions. Tomás Estrada Palma implemented U.S.-sponsored policies and curryed favor among local elites through patronage, graft, fraud, corruption, and intimidation. These tactics alienated property elites excluded from the public dole, while lower-class Cubans saw the government's neglect of independence, equality, and social justice. A series of revolts in 1906, 1912, 1917, and 1920 led to weak Cuban governments inviting U.S. military intervention. Charles Magoon, a judge from Minnesota, was appointed to preside over a U.S. provisional government, dividing patronage more equitable among contending Cuban groups. Magoon's provisional government also reformed the Cuban Army and reinvigorated the racist immigration policy of “whitening,” reducing the proportion of Afro-Cubans to less than 30% of the total population. Cuban Independence and the Rise of the Independent Party of Colour Afro-Cuban workers, regardless of race and gender, organized trade unions and advocated for social justice. Afro-Cuban mambises, like José Isabel Herrera, complained about U.S. investors, Spanish immigrants, and loyalist elites taking over businesses and public jobs. Quintín Banderas, an Afro-Cuban who fought against Spanish colonialism, died penniless and propertyless. In 1908, Afro-Cubans organized the Independent Party of Color (PIC) to defend black Cubans, promote integration, and protest against racial discrimination Despite attempts to disrupt PIC, it continued to expand until 1912, when U.S. Marines joined the Cuban Army, leading to a “racist massacre.” World War I and the Sugar Boom World War I led to Cuba's greatest sugar boom and bust. The war caused large price increases, leading to the Allies becoming completely dependent on Cuban sugar production. The expansion of sugar production led to a severe labor shortage, leading to the importation of laborers from other Caribbean islands. The war accelerated the concentration of the industry in U.S. hands, with U.S. companies owning approximately half of the island’s mills and producing more than half the total sugar. The postwar years of 1918 to 1920 brought unprecedented prosperity to Cuba as sugar prices soared. The “Dance of the Millions” began in 1920, with sugar prices collapsing due to a worldwide depression and Europe’s agricultural recovery. The sudden collapse of sugar prices caused chaos in the Cuban economy, with banks closing and the U.S. raising its tariff on sugar. Machado's Nationalistic Vision Machado won the 1924 presidential election, despite his nationalistic declarations. Despite his nationalistic claims, Machado had close links to U.S. economic interests. He visited the U.S. to assure President Calvin Coolidge of his government's intentions. Machado initiated an ambitious program of public works and attempted to control sugar production. His efforts gained him immense popularity and faced virtually no opposition for two years. The sugar industry entered a period of stagnation and decline, leading to a loss of much of Cuba's U.S. market. The 1926 Cuban harvest reached nearly 5 million tons, but it brought an average of only 2.2¢ per pound. This economic instability led to mounting opposition from a broad coalition including university students, women, Communists, labor unions, Afro-Cuban “negristas” like Nicolás Guillén, and many old-line politicians. Machado resigned and fled into exile on August 12, 1933. The Revolution of 1933 A provisional government headed by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes strove to end the escalating violence. In August, two hundred thousand sugar workers seized a sugar mill in Camaguey province, sparking similar actions throughout Cuba. A group of army sergeants led by Fulgencio Batista overthrew the government, leading to the formation of a revolutionary junta. The new government turned over the reins of government to Dr. Ramón Grau San Martín, who introduced more social legislation than in all the previous history of independent Cuba. The revolutionary coalition soon disintegrated, leaving the Grau government caught in the classic bind of the reformer. Welles's behavior throughout the Grau interregnum was similar to the conduct of U.S. Ambassador Henry Lane Wilson in Mexico during the Madero administration. Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar's Rule Batista, son of a sugar worker, dominated Cuban politics from 1934 to 1940. He endorsed a populist reform program, backed by land redistribution and distanced himself from the U.S. Batista allowed a constituent assembly to draft the 1940 constitution, which protected labor, guaranteed women equal rights, and limited private property rights. World War II and Economic Boom World War II brought an economic boom, with sugar production reaching its highest level since the Depression. Despite the prosperity, Cuba's sugar industry continued to be heavily reliant on foreign companies, with Cubans owning only 20% of the production. Grau's Presidency Grau, elected president in 1944, offered hope to Cuban workers, peasants, women, and emerging industrialists. Despite his promises, he presided over an unprecedented reign of corruption. Postwar Economic Depression and Coups Chibás launched a new campaign against government oppression and corruption in 1947. ○ Chibás posed a serious threat to the Auténticos, whose 1948 presidential candidate, Carlos Prío Socorrás, won easily due to his control of the election machinery. Postwar contraction of overseas sugar markets and collapse of international sugar prices spread economic depression throughout Cuba. This led to growing unrest among the lower class and opposition among foreign and Cuban businesses. Chibás, a leading candidate for the presidency in 1952, anticipated a military coup or fraud to prevent his election, leading to his suicide. Batista, with tacit U.S. support, overthrew the Prío government, outlawed the Cuban Communist Party, suppressed labor strikes, abolished recalcitrant unions, and eliminated most earlier populist restrictions on business freedom. ○ Batista's new minister of labor, Dr. Carlos Saladriaga, announced the coup's goal to change labor-employer relations and remove investment obstacles. ○ The U.S. government officially recognized the Batista regime, and corporate leaders praised his policies. Batista's Second Rule: ○ Batista's policies were praised by business elites and corporate leaders, but remained unpopular with most Cubans. ○ Batista realized that ruling a second time would be more difficult than the first. ○ A new generation of revolutionaries rose to replace the discredited leaders of 1933. ○ Several groups opposed Batista, including the Federation of University Students (FEU) and the Auténticos. Castro and Cuba Castro's greatest vulnerability was the structural weakness of the economy, produced by reliance on a single crop: sugar. Cuba's sugar industry had stagnated, leading to structural unemployment and underemployment. Born in 1927, Castro attended the Jesuit school of Belén in Havana and became involved in the violent politics of the university In 1953, Castro led a small band of lower-middle-class and working-class rebels that attacked the Moncada army barracks near Santiago de Cuba. Despite the assault failing, Castro was captured, but his defense speech at his trial made him a national hero. During his prison time, the 26th of July Movement formed, led by women compatriots like Haydée Santamaría and Melba Hernández The revolution spawned a network of urban and rural women who served the revolution as lawyers, interpreters, medical aides, grassroots organizers, educators, spies, messengers, and armed combatants. Castro and his band departed from Mexico in 1956, aiming to coordinate an uprising in Santiago. Despite logistical and scheduling issues, the landing was betrayed, leaving a small group of survivors in the Sierra Maestra. Castro's interview with Herbert Matthews in February 1957 enhanced his credibility and gave notice to the Cuban people that he was alive. The guerrillas continued to conduct raids, gaining increased sympathy and support from the peasants of Oriente. Urban underground led by Santamaría, Espín, Sánchez, Frank País, and Armando Hart was largely responsible for tactical planning. By mid-1957, violence, especially in Havana, had become endemic, with various groups attacking the regime and facing retaliation. Life in Santiago and Oriente Province was disrupted by terrorism and strikes. Batista used military equipment to crush the revolt, alienating some of his U.S. support. The U.S. suspended arms shipments to the Cuban government in March 1958, and the middle class abandoned the dictator. Batista launched a major effort to dislodge the guerrilla army from its base in the Sierra Maestra, but the resulting defeat doomed his regime. As Batista's plight grew desperate, negotiations involving the U.S. embassy began to stave off a revolutionary victory. By the end of December 1958, the barbudos were on the outskirts of Havana, and on January 1, 1959, Batista and his closest aides fled to Miami. Castro's Decisions and Economic Goals ○ The revolutionaries decided that presidential democracy was inappropriate for Cuba, leading to the concentration of legislative power in the executive. ○ The regime suppressed the right of free press and the autonomy of the University of Havana. ○ The revolutionaries pursued economic goals such as land reform, income redistribution, agricultural diversification, and economic independence from the United States. Crisis in Cuban Relations with the United States ○ Cuban relations with the United States reached a crisis in May 1960 when the Cuban government requested the processing of Soviet crude oil. ○ The U.S. retaliated by abolishing the Cuban sugar quota and expropriating numerous U.S.-owned properties. ○ The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) funded exile groups for arms and set up a training camp in Guatemala to prepare an invasion force. The Bay of Pigs Incident ○ The Bay of Pigs incident increased Castro's prestige and gave new impetus for radical reconstruction of the Cuban economy and society. ○ The revolution evolved into a Marxist revolution, with the Soviet Union stepping up its arms to Cuba. ○ The U.S. claimed the missiles were offensive weapons, ordering a naval quarantine of Cuba and demanding the dismantling of the missile sites. ○ After several days, the two superpowers reached a compromise, with the Soviet Union agreeing to remove its missiles from Cuba in return for a pledge from the U.S. not to invade Cuba and to remove its own missiles from Turkey. Effects of revolution Benefits of the Cuban Revolution ○ Short guerrilla war and well-developed communication and transportation systems. ○ Rural population and sugar industry proletarianization made socialist land reform easier. ○ Unused land and industrial capacity available for quick use. ○ Existence of developed socialist states offering substantial assistance. Challenges Faced by the Revolution ○ Revolutionaries made mistakes due to socialist reorientation and U.S. embargo. ○ Many Cuba’s ablest technicians joined the first wave of refugees to the U.S. ○ Revolutionary leaders initially prioritized moral incentives over material incentives. Redistribution of Income to the Working Class ○ The first Law of Agrarian Reform in May 1959 facilitated redistribution of land. ○ Land redistribution took place in Oriente Province, where peasants provided early support for the 26th of July Movement. ○ The government experimented with various types of agrarian holdings, eventually becoming granjas del pueblo (state farms). Long-Range Problems ○ Rising demand for food led to overkilling of cattle, damaging the government's ability to supply meat. ○ Government rationing began in March 1962. ○ Poor planning wasted scarce resources. Agricultural Diversification and Industrialization The government sought to become more self-sufficient by transferring cane land and idle fields to the production of cotton, vegetable oils, rice, soybeans, and peanuts. Industrial reforms began slowly, leading to the expropriation of U.S.-owned factories, factories, utilities, and sugar mills. The program was officially put off in 1963. Agricultural Problems after 1961 ○ The government's inability to organize, plan, and administer the economy led to serious problems in agriculture. ○ The National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP) was established to coordinate small farm production with national goals. The Return to Sugar, 1963–1970: The Ten-Million-Ton Hazard ○ Cuba lacked resources and administrative or technical expertise to industrialize rapidly. ○ In 1963, Cuba reemphasized agriculture and returned to intensive sugar production. ○ The sugar harvest of 1962 was the worst since 1955, and subsequent harvests continued to be disappointing. ○ Cuba's Agrarian Crisis and the Failure of the 1970 Sugar Harvest The Cuban cane industry was severely damaged from 1962 to 1969 due to poor administration, equipment, and machinery. The government implemented the second Law of Agrarian Reform in 1963, expropriating medium-sized farms and establishing state farms as the dominant form of agriculture. The government also forced small farmers to sell their crops at low cost. The government invested a significant portion of its gross national product into investment, but this was largely wasted due to poor administration and poor planning. The Socialization Campaign and the Failure of the 1970 Sugar Harvest The revolution launched a new campaign of socialization that centralized the administration of the economy. The ten-million-ton sugar harvest of 1970 was a significant symbol of this policy change, aiming to model a socialist developmental strategy and produce the largest sugar harvest in Cuba’s history. The failure of the harvest led to the displacement of resources and labor from other sectors, causing disruption and turmoil. The Failure of the 1970 Sugar Harvest and the Emergence of an Anti-Authoritarian Cultural Movement ○ The regime's disregard for civil liberties and authoritarian manner separated the revolutionary leadership from its base of popular support. ○ A new popular anti-authoritarian cultural movement emerged around the canción de protesta (protest song), which attracted youth who believed in the revolution’s goal of social justice but increasingly opposed the hierarchical nature of state decision making. ○ The protest songs marked a distinctive development in Cuban music and culture, but they criticized the regime’s authoritarianism and restraint of artistic freedom. The failure of the 1970 sugar harvest prompted a search for self-criticism and a dramatic rethinking of revolutionary policies and process. Castro admitted his personal responsibility for the failure and vowed to make changes that would advance the revolution. Changes in revolutionary state policy, not the surrender of young artists’ independence, facilitated this rapid rapprochement. New Music and Cultural Support Cuban government encouraged the creation of the National Movement of the Ballad (MNT) to support musical careers and fund creative arts. MNT expanded resources for young musicians, introduced new instruments and technologies, and increased access to studio time. Institutionalization of the Revolution A new executive committee of the Council of Ministers was created, with President Osvaldo Dorticós and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez taking charge of Cuba’s economic development. The government reorganized, separating the armed forces, bureaucracy, and the Communist Party. The judicial system was revamped, and the labor movement was revitalized. Economic The government introduced computerized planning techniques and a system of material incentives for workers and managers. A work quota system was implemented between 1971 and 1973, resulting in a 20% increase in productivity in just one year (1972). The government differentiated between jobs for pay purposes, paying according to the productivity and complexity of their job. The first Communist Party congress in December 1975 completed the formal institutionalization of the revolution. The congress adopted Cuba’s first socialist constitution, providing for a pyramid of elected bodies. Castro remained entrenched at the top as first secretary of the Communist Party, head of government, and president of the Council of State. In 1980, persistent economic problems and political disaffection led to a massive emigration of Cubans, primarily to the United States. Between 1981 and 1985, Cuba seriously addressed its chronic economic problems, with an average annual growth rate of 7.6%. Despite economic problems, economists concluded that Cuba’s economic growth between 1960 and 1985 was the second highest in Latin America. Cuba's Revolution and Achievements Cuba's revolution led to significant improvements in employment, income distribution, public health, and education. Until 1990, Cuba had the lowest rate of joblessness in Latin America, but workers who were laid off received 60% of their wages. Inequalities in living standards were dramatically reduced, with government policies controlling rents and rationed food prices. Eighty percent of Cubans owned their homes, and agricultural workers on state farms and cooperatives received furnished houses. Education and healthcare were free and equally accessible to all. The Cuban Women’s Federation (FMC) played a crucial role in the development of revolutionary social services, including literacy crusades, a national child-care system, and vocational education programs. The FMC secured the passage of the 1975 Family Code, recognizing the equal right of both spouses to education and career, and established divorce as a legal remedy for any spouse whose mate refused to comply. Women gained enormously from the revolution, with illiteracy eradicated and equal access to a free education established. By 1990, women represented 57% of a university population that was ten times larger. Women represented 38.6% of Cuba’s workers, constituted 58% of technical, 85% of administrative, and 63% of service workers. Children were special objects of the government’s solicitude, receiving daily milk distribution and the best medical care in Latin America. Cuban Revolution and Racial Equality The Cuban Revolution aimed to end racial discrimination, with Castro calling for it to end at the workplace and cultural centers. The revolution led to a demographic shift of blacks and mulattos from 26.9% to over 60% of the population, and improvements in literacy, employment, fertility, interracial marriage, and mortality rates. Afro-Cubans, who benefited from the revolution, remained underrepresented in higher education, professional employment, and leadership positions. A 1994 poll showed 69% of Cubans identified themselves as revolutionaries, socialists, or communists, and 58% believed the revolution had produced more achievements than failures. The revolution's success was derived from self-criticism, attention to its mass political base, and enduring socialist pragmatism. The revolution's successes and failures influenced other regional reform movements in Latin America, setting the standard for other social change movements. Chapter 21: pages 552-558 Hugo Chávez, Evo Morales, and Rafael Correa were inspired of Cuba’s systems, especially its ability to provide healthcare and education despite political struggles Cuba diversified its trade links, doubling its trade with China and increasing its trade with Latin America by 20 percent. the Soviet collapse dealt a devastating blow to the Cuban economy, resulting in a national income decline of approximately 45 percent between 1989 and 1992 Got a lot less oil from USSR. Effected transportation and nickel industry, created an economic crisis, so they really only ate red beans, white rice, and little else ○ Tried to make their own oil, helped them save money not having to import in anymore too Cuba contracted with Chinese, Indian, and Brazilian state oil companies to collaborate with its own Cubapetróleo (Cupet) to produce almost 4 million metric tons of oil in 2006, an increase of 400 percent during the decade US also trying to get rid of socialism in Cuba ○ Panned entries to ports and restricted Cuban trade ○ Torricelli Act ○ Ended after 1993 after UN got mad at the US Cuba actually increased its investment in social services from an average 17 percent of GDP during the 1980s to 24 percent in 1993, the depth of the national crisis Socialism made foreign firms eager to engage in joint ventures in fields ranging from a new overseas telephone system to tourism ○ As a result, foreign firms were eager to engage in joint ventures in fields ranging from a new overseas telephone system to tourism Biotechnology and medical exports are another important part of Cuban economy Formation of Basic Units of Cooperative Production (UBPC) in farming also really helped the economy and helped increase agricultural growth production Converted to large scale organic farming to save money, called “alternative model” Also authorising self-employment Cuba had pretty high debt because of foreign loans and limited imports and exports Cuban rap music help oppose discrimination based on race, gender, class Country had decent economy in 2008 recession Had good ratio to doctors to people Ranked 5th best latam country Good literacy rates Largest number of scientists per capita in any latam country Very egalitarian despite certain pervasive discrimination (like race, class, gender again) Socialism kinda good there ○ In Cuba, unlike in Eastern Europe, socialism did not arrive in the wake of a victorious Red Army. It was created by an indigenous popular revolution that linked the ideals of socialism and independence, and it still enjoys considerable popular support. Despite many economic problems, the Cuban Revolution had a record of social achievement without parallel in Latin American history and presented a vivid contrast to the economic and social crises gripping most of the capitalist societies of Latin America. US hated socialism in Cuba. Made 1978 Cuban Adjustment act to allow Cubans legal status as immigrants, but only approve less than three thousand legal immigration applications per year. Seemed to just want to dismantle/destabilise Cuban system Embargo between US and Cuba, maybe want it lifted to help make profit through trade

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