Session 6 1848 Onward: Uprisings, Revolution, and Counter-Revolution PDF

Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Readings 6.pdf PDF Document 105,3 MB session 6.pdf PDF Document 1 MB Reims 24-25 - LENC - Session 6 - Lecture to be sent.pdf...

Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Readings 6.pdf PDF Document 105,3 MB session 6.pdf PDF Document 1 MB Reims 24-25 - LENC - Session 6 - Lecture to be sent.pdf PDF Document 2,2 MB History - 1848 onward Flashcards Study with Quizlet and memorize flashcards containing terms like Robert Gildea quote on the 1848 https://quizlet.com/fr/954109087/history-1848-onward-flash-cards/?i=2h1xm7&x=1jqt ‌ ‌ The revolutions of 1848 ignited the countries of Europe in a way that would not be repeated until 1989. Robert Gildea. 1848 revolutions must be put back in a specific European context. Indeed, they emerged from the conjunction of democratic, liberal, national and radical inspirations , which eventually led to strong movements all across Europe. Evolved into revolutions by the mid-century. It is a very complex subject, because the objective is also to evoke the tensions that emerged between the different forces at stake in the revolutions. Liberals, radicals and republicans were often fighting together, but had rather different objectives, making it difficult to achieve stability after the initial revolutionary victories. Those tensions served the counter-revolution movement well, which eventually took over Europe with the help of Tsar Nicholas I’s army. The subject is also complicated because of its large scale : an important part of the European continent was concerned, and revolutions of 1848 affected the European countries in a way never experienced before. Rebellions and consequences, dreams and circulations After revolts in the 1830s, the situation in Europe had calmed down and rulers had regained the control of their territories. However, this did not mean that the aspirations and the claims that had led to rebellions and uprisings had fully disappeared with the restoration of conservative power. The 1840s marked a period of ‘national awakening ’ in Central and Eastern Europe. The idea of the nation was starting to: Speak to the greater number Bridge the gap between different social strata Brought together members of the same nation who were divided in different states – this was especially true for the German Confederation. On behalf of the nation, claims could be made for independence and self-governance. The struggle to achieve statehood for a given nation was the driving force behind 19th century nationalism. Robert Gildea Nationalist problems for Empires In such a context, the Poles and especially the poor Poles were a problem for Russia, Austria and Prussia as the territory they claimed concerned the 3. In addition to those concerns, the Austrian had to face nationalist claims in Northern Italy, Hungary and Bohemia-Moravia. In Italy, the emergence of prominent figures of nationalism and unification such as Garibaldi or Mazzini threatened Austrian power and legitimacy. They kept trying to throw off the rule of Vienna with or without the help of Piedmont Sardinia. In Hungary, Hungarian was introduced as the sole and official language of the Magyars, an important step towards national self-consciousness. Magyars. Nation and ethnic group who speak Hungarian and are primarily associated with Hungary. National claims in Bohemia-Moravia were weaker but still sufficient to create fear amongst Austrian elites. Prussia, on the other hand, had to deal with Polish and Danish nationalism in the Duchies. Nationalist claims were not the only ones to cause unrest in Europe and rebellions in the mid 19th century… Political claims Western Europe In Western Europe, political regimes were constitutional, representative and oligarchical. The main concerns of liberals were: A lessening of restrictions imposed on the press A widening of electoral franchise to displace the oligarchy from office Those were quite moderate political changes. On the other hand, republican and socialist demanded more radical reforms. Their aim was to achieve universal suffrage and deep social reforms. In such a context, the French July Monarchy faced attempts of insurrection (1830s), but at that time it prevailed. The July Monarchy was a liberal constitutional monarchy in France under Louis Philippe I, starting with the July Revolution of 1830 (also known as the Three Glorious Days) and ending with the Revolution of 1848. It began with the overthrow of the conservative government of Charles X and the House of Bourbon. Louis Philippe, a member of the traditionally more liberal Orleans branch of the House of Bourbon, proclaimed himself Roi des Français ("King of the French") rather than "King of France", emphasizing the popular origins of his reign. The king promised to follow the "juste milieu", or the middle-of-the-road, avoiding the extremes of the conservative supporters of Charles X and radicals on the left. The July Monarchy was dominated by wealthy bourgeoisie and numerous former Napoleonic officials. It followed conservative policies, especially under the influence (1840–48) of François Guizot. In Spain and Portugal, succession issues led to civil war. Which eventually led to the drafting of a’ French style constitution ’, first in Portugal in 1842 and then in Spain in 1845. In Switzerland, unrest rose for religious reasons and a new liberal constitution (universal male suffrage) was adopted in 1847 and in 1848 Switzerland became a federal State. Eastern Europe In the East, the political regimes were bureaucratic , arbitrary and aristocratic. As such, liberals focused on asking for: Equality before the law More freedom for the press Freedom of association Trial in public and by a jury Representative institutions with legislative power, based on property and not only on privileges. In the German States, some liberal constitutions were granted in the 1830s. But as usual the radical asked for more. They put forward Republican, sometimes socialist and regularly nationalist claims. Little by little, German liberalism became linked to the goal of german unification. This link between nationalism and liberalism would prove to be both an asset and a weakness: It allowed liberals to settle their social claims on nationalist grounds  BUT as German unification was a threat for most ruling powers of central Europe, they received very little foreign support. In the Habsburg Empire, liberal movements struggled to the surface as they were often covered by radical or nationalist movements. This wa a problem, as the Habsburg might have supported liberal ideas but not nationalism. Yet, it is important to underline that nationalist unrest in Northern Italy was strengthened by liberal reforming initiatives that were taken in the Papal States and in Piedmont and Tuscany. In Prussia, despite constant liberal claims, Frederick William IV – the reigning Monarch since 1840 – refused any move towards liberalism & constitutionalism. In Russia, ‘autocracy, orthodoxy and nationality’ were stronger than ever, and opponents of this motto were sent to jail or in exile. Although up until 1848 unrests remained largely under the control of ruling monarchs, they however provoked important exchanges of ideas and experiences, which reinforced initial claims and legitimacy. This led to some kind of international volunteering phenomena: a liberal on the run would join foreign peers and help them in their struggle before returning home. Elements of crisis had been present for years in Europe in the 1830s and the beginning of the 1840s – as such, revolutions came as no surprise in 1848. Eventually, some bad times triggered by a bad harvest (1840s) finished to prepare the round for bigger unrest. Only a spark was necessary to start a revolutionary process. The February Revolution in France In fact, there were two sparks that put in motion the revolutionary events of 1848 in Europe: Sicily, January 1848: popular uprising France, February 1848: overthrow of the July Monarchy In Sicily, on January 13, 1848 , a popular uprising of citizens spread from Palermo to Naples, forcing King Ferdinand to authorize A liberal ministry The creation of national guards units The drafting of a constitution (January 29) resembling the French constitution of 1830. = basic tradition of revolts = concessions BUT moderate ones NB: The Sicilian revolution of independence of 1848 occurred in a year replete with revolutions and popular revolts. It commenced on 12 January 1848, and therefore was the very first of the numerous revolutions to occur that year. Three revolutions had previously occurred on the island of Sicily starting from 1800 against Bourbon rule: this final one resulted in an independent state surviving for 16 months. The constitution that survived the 16 months was quite advanced for its time in liberal democratic terms, as was the proposal of an Italian confederation of states In France, what happened in February 1848 completely changed the pattern of politics in Europe. Since the late 1830s, the July Monarchy had struggled to affirm its legitimacy , constantly caught between royalists and republicans. On top of this struggle, it had suffered an international humiliation when it supported Egypt against the Ottoman Sultan, when most European countries had taken the side of the Ottoman Empire. In 1841-42, Republicans started a campaign to widen electoral reforms. Some years later, in the midst of the economic crisis that began with disastrous harvest in 1846, another huge campaign was created for electoral reform. For their part, workers were demanding the right to vote and increased state assistance. February 22, 1848 Prime Minister Guizot banned the Banquet Political meetings during the July Monarchy in France which destabilised the King of the French Louis-Philippe. The Banquets were private political meetings held by moderate liberals who wanted an expansion of the franchise, which were a way to turn around the 1835 Act prohibiting public assemblies. The first session was in Paris on 9 July 1847, and progressively spread to all of the French provinces. February 23, 1848 - Protestors marched in the streets of Paris. Louis Philippe dismissed Guizot, but it was too late and some troops fired on the crowds killing French people February 24, 1848 forcing King Louis Philippe to abdicate. February 24, 1848 The Second French Republic proclaimed at the town hall of Paris. The Chamber of Deputies selected a provisional government. It was made up of 9 republicans and 2 socialists Among whom Louis Blanc , who asked for the reorganisation of society along cooperative lines and urged for the establishment of universal suffrage. The new republican government abolished slavery in the French colonies and proclaimed universal male suffrage immediately after its entry into power. But like the July Monarchy, opponents threatened the new regime: Legitimate royalists, Orleanists and Bonapartists and notables in the provinces Republicans were divided between strong ones and moderate ones. The first goal of the newly established government was to reassure foreign rulers that France would not try to export its revolution and support Italian, German or Polish nationalism. This was quickly agreed on, as French leaders had more important and urgent things to do than launch foreign adventures anyways. As the election for a Constituent assembly approached, political life became more intensive Alexcis de Tocqueville, My Candidature guiding all the farmers from the Department of La Manche to vote and experience the male suffrage. The provisional government had to face the consequences of the economic crisis , notably high unemployment. Thus the government took a series of decisions: 1. New taxes were raised. 2. Mobile guard was organised. 3. National workshops were opened thanks to which unemployed workers were set to reparation of roads and work in public sectors; however, only low paid, dead-end jobs were provided, which barely provided enough money to survive. 4. The workday was restricted to 10 hours in Paris and 12 hours in provinces. 5. The government established the Luxembourg commission to study working conditions and consider how to ameliorate them. Yet, all in all, the Republicans did not form a united group. Their opponents were growing stronger. Royalists even managed to send a conservative majority to the Chamber in the elections of April 1848 (only about 100 seats out of 900 for the radical republicans & socialists). Thus, the conservative majority would write the new constitution. Nevertheless and despite its early difficulties, this “social revolution” in France was echoed in a more nationalist way throughout Europe. FOCUS: François Pierre Guillaume Guizot French historian, orator, and statesman. Guizot was a dominant figure in French politics prior to the Revolution of 1848, a conservative liberal who opposed the attempt by King Charles X to usurp legislative power, and worked to sustain a constitutional monarchy following the July Revolution of 1830. He then served the "citizen king" Louis Philippe, as Minister of Education, 1832–37, ambassador to London, Foreign Minister 1840–1847, and finally Prime Minister of France from 19 September 1847 to 23 February 1848. Guizot's influence was critical in expanding public education, which under his ministry saw the creation of primary schools in every French commune. But as a leader of the "Doctrinaires", committed to supporting the policies of Louis Philippe and limitations on further expansion of the political franchise, he earned the hatred of more left-leaning liberals and republicans through his unswerving support for restricting suffrage to propertied men, advising those who wanted the vote to "enrich yourselves" (enrichissez-vous) through hard work and thrift. As Prime Minister, it was Guizot's ban on the political meetings (called the Paris Banquets, which were held by moderate liberals who wanted a larger extension of the franchise) of an increasingly vigorous opposition in January 1848 that catalysed the revolution that toppled Louis Philippe in February and saw the establishment of the French Second Republic. The Revolutionary wave: German States, Habsburg Central Europe, Italy The German States & the Greater Poland Uprising (1848) The revolution in France transformed German politics. Robert Gildea In the German states, following the news of what had happened in France:,  More & more people started to read newspapers and discuss what was written in those papers. Craftsmen formed associations & societies Demonstrations and riots started against tax collectors. But very soon, tactical differences started to appear between German liberal (pro-reform) and radicals (pro-revolution). Many German rulers decided to make concessions to liberals in order to secure their position in power. Those concessions included freedom of press and other liberties, accompanied by the naming of liberals to ministerial positions (notably in the “March governments” of 1848). The big question was to know what would happen in Prussia and Austria, the most 2 powerful German States. In Berlin, the Prussian King made quasi immediate concessions: Promised reforms Replaced his conservative cabinet by a more liberal one BUT shootings in the capital city killing 250 people. Made the situation escalate quickly. Nevertheless, the King did not abdicate: he chose to make further concessions Strengthened both the claims of demonstrators in other states and the will of citizens to fight against Prussian rules. Timeline of Polish nationalist claims: Greater Poland Uprising 1830 The Poles had tried an insurrection against Russian domination but failed. 1836 They tried an insurrection against Austrian domination but failed. 1848, it was the turn of the part of Poland dominated by Prussia to start a rebellion. It started in Silesia. A polish National Committee was formed, but this time – different from Berlin – the Prussian King stood firm and sent the army. Late May 1948, the Polish rebellion was crushed by Prussian troops. Habsburg Empire/Central Europe The situation developed both in liberal and nationalist directions. The liberals – most of whom were Austrians and Czechs – were pushing towards: Constitutional reforms More effective administration Expansion of the electoral franchise Freedom of the press. March 13, 1848 Demonstrations in Vienna. Led the troops to open fire. Ferdinand I made further political concessions in September 1848. Abolition of all feudal & seigniorial obligations. Usual scenario, usual concessions In Hungary, led by Lajos Kossuth , people were first and foremost aiming at the creation of an independent Hungary. Even if there were other nationalist groups in the Hapsburg Empire, uprisings in Hungary were the most serious threat against the rule of Vienna. Some concessions were made on the part of the Hapsburg Empire: The King accepted complete Hungarian autonomy within the Empire. However the new Hungarian government found itself in the traditional difficult situation, having to deal with national minorities : the Serbs, Croats etc. were asking for more freedom. March 1848, Czech nationalists revolted in Prague demanding the same autonomy as the Hungarians and the appropriation of some territories. Less successful than in Hungary. Italian States March 1848 Insurrections against Austrian rule in Lombardy and Venetia and against conservative regimes, notably in the Papal States. Despite the division between liberals, radicals and workers, the rulers quickly made some liberal concessions in Tuscany and in Piedmont Sardinia. In the meantime, an insurrection against Austrian rule rose in Milan, with the establishment of a provisional republican government. After some wavering, Charles of Piedmont Sardinia decided to take action. His troops first defeated the Austrian But then the Italian alliances failed - “shaky alliances” The other Italian States feared facing the same faith as Lombardy. Early August 1848, the Italians were defeated by Count Radetzky at Custoza. Armistice Austria had managed to salvage its position. This marked the end of the 1848 revolutions throughout Europe. France: from Republic to Empire There were four steps in the transformation of France from a Republic to an Empire: 1st step: Around May-June 1848 May 15, 1848, the far left in France tried to dissolve the Assembly and establish a social republic but they failed and their leaders were arrested. Late June, the government announced that the National workshop experience would be ended. Three ‘June Days’. Uprisings in Central and Eastern Paris by Parisian workers. The June Days was an uprising staged by the workers of France from 23rd June to 26th June. It was in response to plans to close the National Workshops, created by the Second Republic in order to provide work and a source of income for the unemployed. /!\ Some bourgeois had supported the revolts, so the lines had been blurred. The National Guard, led by General Louis Eugène Cavaignac was called out to quell the protests. 1500 people were killed, 4 000 deported to Algeria and thousands were sent to prison. All in all 10 000 people were either killed or injured. End of the hopes of a ‘Democratic and Social Republic’ and the victory of the liberals over the radical Republicans. Cavaignac became provisional chief of the executive. The Assembly took some immediate reactionary/conservatives measures including : The limitation of the freedom of the press, The end of the Luxembourg Commission The closure of political clubs. 2nd step: presidential election, November 1848 According to the new constitution of November 1848 (written by royalists), a new presidential election was to take place. It was won by Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, who thus became President of the Second Republic. He defeated both Cavaignac (conservative), Alexandre Ledru-Rollin (socialist who had been Minister of interior) and Alphonse de Lamartine. 3rd step: December 1851 The election of Louis Napoleon did not bring political stability. Indeed, democratic socialist were gaining more and more support in the provinces, notably from peasants who suffered from hardships and bad harvests. As a result, democratic socialists won 1/3rd (1/9 in 1848) in the Assembly in mid May 1849. June 1849, Ledru-Rollin attempted to provoke an insurrection, but he failed. Following this failed insurrection, Louis Napoleon’s government endeavoured to tighten the control of the whole country to reassert his power: Revolutionary symbols were forbidden Freedom of assembly and association was limited National Unit Guards were disbanded The clergy was allowed to open secondary schools. March 1850 Falloux Law was notably passed in order to gain the gratitude of Catholics. May 1850, the Assembly put an end to universal male suffrage. From now on, residency requirements were implemented. Reduced by 1/3rd the number of people eligible due to the nomadism of peasant life. Repression was also widely used by the government to ensure those new rules were obeyed to. December 2, 1851, Louis Napoleon announced the dissolution of the assembly and that a new constitution was going to be drafted. More than 100 000 people protested but the situation was easily controlled by the President thanks to the army; series of trial & more than 10 000 people were sent into exile December 20-21 1851, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, at the time President of the French Second Republic staged a ‘self-coup’. Karge approval via a plebiscite. It ended the successful dissolution of the French National Assembly and the subsequent re-establishment of the French Empire the next year. 4th step: towards the Empire January 14, 1852, a new constitution established a ‘consular democracy’ The president was the only one able to initiate legislation. He was appointed to all civil and military posts and he alone could declare war. He was in a very strong executive position. December 2, 1852, after another successful plebiscite, Louis Napoleon reclaimed his uncle’s throne as Emperor of the French under the reign name Napoleon III. Counter revolution, reaction and repression in Central Europe and Italy German States May 1848, a German Constituent Assembly was created and more than 800 delegates met in Frankfurt. The idea was to shape a new Germany based on democratic ideas , but there were debates about the shape of the to-be unified Germany. ISSUES: The question of sovereignty - who would vote ? The degree of centralization of the to-be State - centralized or confederate ? Issue of nationality - should it include non-German speaker; ? cf Anderson’s Imagined Communities & Fichte’s Addresses to the German Nation 1808. Most notably one central question: would the Hapsburg Empire be included or not? Delegates completely failed to build popular support. Despite this lack of support, they proclaimed in December 1848 the Basic Rights of German People, greatly inspired by the French (DDHC) and American (Declaration of independence) models. It proclaimed: Equality of every German before the law Freedom of speech; assembly and religion The end of senior obligations Rights to private property. The problem was that the ‘Frankfurt Parliament ’ was operating outside of a State structure (meaning it did not appeal to a peculiar State). As a result, Austria and Prussia’s support was necessary in order to forge some degree of legitimacy & to implement reforms. Austria was in complete opposition to the project because German nationalism was antithetical to the very existence of the Hapsburg Empire. And though Habsburg accepted some liberal concessions, it was not THAT liberal. Due to the revolts that took place in Prussia during the Second half of 1848, the Prussian King was not in the mood for any liberal reforms. Thus, Frankfurt’s Parliament had absolutely no support.  April 1849, the Frankfurt Parliament promulgated a possible German Constitution (constitutional institution, bicameral system etc…). Some delegates went to Berlin to offer the crown of this unified Germany to Frederick William IV , but he refused and this marked the end of the Frankfurt Parliament (May 1848-April 1849). August 23, 1851: End of the “March Ministries” (1844) which fell one by one The German Confederation abrogated the liberal constitutions that had been passed following the 1848 revolts. Central Europe Prague In Prague, a Pan-Slav Congress gathered in June 1848, But it was characterized by important divisions. June 12, 1848 there were massive insurrections throughout the country, which were heavily crushed by Austrian Imperial troops. Vienna There were 2 insurrections in Vienna, one in August and one in October , both crushed by bloody repressions. In November, a new head of government was put in charge, Prince Felix zu Schwarzenberg. He forced the Emperor to abdicate and in December 1848, a new emperor – Francis-Joseph – fully reinstates the Habsburg rule through the army, surveillance and a conservative constitution. Hungary Same process. April 14, 1849 Magyar independence proclaimed by the Hungarian regime Francis-Joseph calls for Russian (Nicholas I’s) help. Rebellions are crushed. August 1849: end of the Hungarian resistance. Imperial absolutism restored by the Patent of December 31, 1851. Italy Of course the revival of a very strong Habsburg rule doomed revolutionaries in Italy… A defeated Charles of Piedmont Sardinia abdicated in favour of his son Victor Emanuel II He signed an armistice thanks to which Piedmont Sardinia renounced its claims to Lombardy.  November 1848 In Rome, the Pope was forced to appoint a liberal government February 1849, a radical dominated Assembly proclaimed the Roman Republic (cf Giuseppe Garibaldi), which survived only during the spring 1849. June/July 1849, it was defeated by pro-Papal forces and the French army. August 1849, the Venetian Republic was defeated. April 1850 the Pope was back in Rome That means that Italian unification still was a dream: Italian revolutions were over The old rulers were back in power The only liberal regime in the region was that of Piedmont Sardinia. Lessons from a crushed “springtime” Beyond Spring 1848 The term “Springtime of Peoples” is a more recent concept. The uprisings lasted longer than just the spring of 1848. The label “peoples” can be misleading due to the deep divisions among the actors involved. Middle-class moderate liberals, radicals (including republicans and socialists), and large crowds of workers and peasants. These groups formed coalitions but were too composite and had too many divergent objectives to remain united for long. A critical issue: too many urgent priorities to address simultaneously. Challenges Faced Initial victories often led to division between moderates and radicals. They lacked consistent support from the army and police. Revolutionaries expected external support (like in Rome) but it rarely materialized. France was an exception: Louis-Philippe fully abdicated, but in other countries, rulers regained control within 18 months. National Aspirations and Concessions Nationalist aspirations arose but were quickly suppressed. For example, the Habsburg Empire remained a mosaic of nationalities, and movements like Italian nationalism struggled. Concessions were made by rulers initially, but strong governments eventually pulled back and reasserted control. Long-term Effects Many Europeans, including women, underwent a period of political apprenticeship, learning new ways to engage with political processes, which would influence future movements. Ideas and dreams circulated throughout Europe during this time, shaping future political and social thought. Broader Observations Post-1848 Austria and Prussia The revolutions weakened the Habsburg rule and strengthened Prussia as a rival power. Russian Strength In contrast to Austria, Russia appeared stronger than ever in the aftermath. Great Britain The uprisings had little impact on Great Britain due to reforms introduced since the 1830s. There was, however, a brief revival of Chartism, a working-class movement aiming for greater political rights, and the Irish national movement also saw renewed activity. Additional Key Insights Quentin Deluermoz, Emmanuel Fureix, Clément Thibaud’s book "Les mondes de 1848" provides a broader context for the revolutions. E.P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class (1966) sheds light on the experiences of the working class during this time. Jürgen Osterhammel’s chapter on “Time” in The Transformation of the World delves into themes like breaks, transitions, and turning points in history. Christopher Clark’s Insights Clark argues that the Revolutions of 1848 were the only truly European revolution, with reverberations across the continent. The revolutions still resonate today, particularly regarding the role of assemblies and emotions. While the period signaled a shift from the "age of constitution" to the "age of administration" (as noted by Lorenz von Stein), it also involved radical and conservative actors moving from the fringes to the center, a dynamic opposite to contemporary political trends. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Eric Hobsbawn, Primitive Rebels Hobsbawm introduces the concept of " primitive rebels " as individuals or groups who engage in early, pre-modern forms of social resistance. These forms lack the organised, class-conscious nature of later labor movements and socialist revolutions. He emphasises that these rebellions are "pre-political" because they arise from traditional societies without developed political ideologies or class-consciousness. These movements reflect desires for change but lack the coherent structures of modern political movements. Hobsbawm identifies various forms of primitive rebellion, such as social banditry, millenarianism, and sectarian movements. These forms, though varied, share common characteristics, such as a sense of justice, solidarity among marginalized groups, and often a charismatic leader. He distinguishes between the romanticized versions of these rebels—often celebrated as noble outlaws or heroic figures—and the more complex historical realities , which may include violence and a mix of motivations, from survival to resistance. Hobsbawm stresses the importance of understanding these movements within their specific historical and social contexts. Primitive rebels often emerged in response to economic marginalization , rural poverty, and traditional social structures being threatened by modernization. The introduction positions these primitive forms of rebellion as precursors to more organized revolutionary movements, suggesting that studying them can reveal important insights about the development of political consciousness and social change. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution E.P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class Methodism and the Working Class: Thompson explores the role of Methodism in providing spiritual and emotional support to the working class during the period of industrialization. Methodism spread rapidly among workers, especially in the new industrial towns , as it offered a sense of community and a way to cope with the hardships and uncertainties of working-class life. Methodism preached self-discipline , moral restraint, and personal salvation, which aligned with the needs of workers facing the harsh realities of factory life and urbanization. Religion as a Form of Social Control: Thompson argues that Methodism, while offering comfort, also acted as a form of social control. The religious emphasis on personal responsibility, obedience to authority, and the promise of salvation in the afterlife could pacify workers and encourage them to accept their difficult conditions rather than resist them. Methodist leaders often discouraged political activism and rebelliousness , advocating for peaceful submission to the existing social order. Thompson critiques this as a way for the ruling classes to manage and contain the discontent of the working class through religious means. Industrialization and Social Dislocation: The chapter discusses the profound social dislocation caused by industrialization, particularly the movement of workers from rural areas to urban industrial centers. These changes disrupted traditional communities, family structures, and ways of life, leaving many workers feeling isolated and alienated. Property owners (bourgeois) consider the to be middle-class as “ Satan’s strongholds ”. Conflict between Methodist Piety and Radicalism: While Methodism sought to keep workers politically passive, Thompson notes that there was a tension between Methodist piety and the growing radicalism among parts of the working class. As the industrial economy grew, so did the inequalities and exploitation workers faced, leading some to seek political solutions. Many workers turned to radical political movements , influenced by ideas of social justice and economic equality, which clashed with the individualistic, inward-looking ethos of Methodism. This conflict highlights the struggle between religious conservatism and emerging class consciousness. Moral and Cultural Resistance: Despite the pacifying influence of Methodism, Thompson emphasizes that workers did not passively accept their conditions. He points to the persistence of traditional working-class customs, festivals, and forms of resistance that opposed the new industrial order. Workers created their own cultural spaces and practices , often resisting the strict moral codes imposed by religious movements and the factory system. These forms of resistance helped maintain a sense of collective identity among workers. Emerging Class Consciousness: Thompson suggests that Methodism, despite its conservative tendencies, inadvertently helped to shape the emerging class consciousness of the working class. By creating tight-knit communities and emphasizing literacy and education, Methodism fostered networks of communication and solidarity among workers. Over time, some of these networks became radicalized, as workers began to recognize the structural inequalities of the capitalist system and seek political change. Thompson argues that this was an unintended consequence of the Methodist movement's attempt to manage the social unrest caused by industrialization. Role of Religion in Industrial Capitalism: The chapter ultimately addresses the complex role religion played in the lives of the working class during the rise of industrial capitalism. While it provided solace and social control, it also laid the groundwork for new forms of working-class organization and resistance. Thompson emphasizes the contradictions within Methodism: it both supported the status quo and, in some ways, helped prepare the working class for future struggles by encouraging literacy, self- organization, and a sense of moral community. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France The February Revolution and the Overthrow of the July Monarchy: Marx begins by analyzing the February Revolution of 1848, which led to the overthrow of the July Monarchy (1830–1848) under King Louis-Philippe. The monarchy was replaced by the Second Republic, which initially united various social classes (the bourgeoisie, petty bourgeoisie, and proletariat) against the monarchy. Marx notes that this moment of unity was temporary and concealed deep class antagonisms that would soon emerge. Class Collaboration and the Provisional Government: After the revolution, a provisional government was formed, composed of representatives from different social classes, including bourgeois republicans , petty bourgeois radicals , and socialist workers. However, Marx argues that the workers were soon marginalized. The bourgeoisie sought to use the working class to overthrow the monarchy but had no intention of sharing power with them after achieving this goal. The Role of the National Workshops: One of the key measures of the provisional government was the creation of the National Workshops , designed to address the unemployment crisis by providing public work projects. These workshops became a focal point of working-class agitation, as the workers saw them as a stepping stone toward broader social reform. The bourgeois government, however, viewed the National Workshops as a threat and used them to manage, not empower, the workers. The June Days Uprising: The chapter discusses the June Days Uprising (June 23–26, 1848), where the working class, reacting to the closure of the National Workshops and the growing betrayal by the bourgeoisie, took up arms in Paris. Marx emphasizes that this uprising was not just about the workshops but represented the broader conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. It was a battle for the political control of the state. The uprising was brutally suppressed by the bourgeois republicans, who now aligned with the conservative forces of society, marking the proletariat's first major defeat in the revolutionary struggle. Betrayal of the Bourgeoisie: Marx highlights how the bourgeoisie betrayed the working class after using their revolutionary energy to overthrow the monarchy. Once in power, they quickly sided with conservative and reactionary elements, seeking to crush any radical or socialist demands. The republic established after February 1848 became a bourgeois republic, more interested in defending property rights than promoting democratic or social reforms. Shift Toward Reaction: The defeat of the June Days Uprising marked the beginning of a counter-revolutionary period , where the bourgeoisie consolidated power and moved to roll back the revolutionary gains of February. Marx describes how the government increasingly relied on military force to suppress the working class, thus revealing the inherent contradictions in bourgeois claims to represent democratic and republican ideals. Throughout the chapter, Marx emphasizes that the 1848 revolution and its aftermath were defined by the conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. He illustrates how the bourgeoisie's fear of working-class power shaped the course of the revolution and led to the betrayal of revolutionary ideals. He also underscores the importance of class struggle as the driving force of history, noting that the defeat of 1848 was not the end, but a step in the broader revolutionary process that would continue in the years to come. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Alexcis de Tocqueville, My Candidature Personal Motivation for Candidature Tocqueville decided to run for office in La Manche because of his strong ties to the region, his family roots, and his desire to serve his country through political representation. His candidacy was motivated by a sense of duty to contribute to the political life of France in a turbulent time. Observations of Political and Social Landscape Tocqueville reflects on the state of the country in the post-1848 revolutionary period. He comments on the political instability and general unrest in France. The political climate was marked by mistrust between various social classes, and a growing divide between the peasants, urban workers, and elites. Tocqueville laments the growing power of demagoguery and populist tactics in the elections, which, in his view, undermined the quality of political discourse. Electoral Campaign and Experience His electoral experience highlights the difficulties of campaigning in a rural region like La Manche, where communication and transportation were underdeveloped. Tocqueville notes the importance of personal relationships and local reputation in gaining support from the electorate, more so than broader political platforms or party allegiance. He expresses frustration with the political ignorance and apathy among voters, who were often swayed by promises and emotional appeals rather than informed debate. Political Reflections on France’s Future Tocqueville is concerned about the direction in which France is heading. He worries that democratic principles are being eroded by political corruption and the manipulation of public opinion. He critiques the growing power of the central government and the weakening of local governance, seeing it as a threat to the future of French democracy. His reflections signal a growing disillusionment with the political system, as he believed that France was at risk of falling into authoritarianism due to the instability of the republic. Outcomes of the General Election Despite his efforts, Tocqueville’s political campaign was not successful. He attributes his defeat to local rivalries, the challenges of appealing to a wide and divided electorate, and the overall political mood of the time. His loss becomes a moment of personal reflection on the nature of democratic politics, the flaws of the electoral process, and the importance of political education. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Charles Dickens, Great Expectations (1861)  First as a serial and then a 3 volume book First release it was widely acclaimed Story of an orphan named “Pip” in Kent and then London; early to mid-19th Poverty, emprisonnement, friendship & love, passion & fighting. Triumph of good over evil Counter attack about Britain facing the revolutionary wave: this book depicts another England. Not the one communicated by bourgeois but an England full of jobless people , poor and affected by disease, people still oppressed. Depiction and warning of some of the consequence of the Industrial Revolution ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Giuseppe Verdi, “Va Pensiero” in Nabucco (1842) Va Pensiero - Nabucco (Giuseppe Verdi 1842) English Translation Va Pensiero - Nabucco (Giuseppe Verdi 1842) Sub Ita - Sub Eng. English Translation Magic Sounds 4:03min 9,270 Views 126 Likes Giuseppe Verdi (1813 – 1901) is an Italian opera composer. Extremely influential on the Italian opera scene. Nabucco and “Va, pensiero...” Libretto of the opera was written by Temistocle Solera. This opera follows the plight of the Jews : assaulted, conquered and exiled by the Babylonian King Nabucco. Some historical events are used as romantic background for the plot “Va, pensiero, sull’ali dorate” / "Fly, thought, on golden wings”: part or the third act. Premiere on 9 March 1842 in the Teatro Alla Scala, Milan. Since the very beginning it was a success He invested this money in land. He became more and more prosperous By 1859, he became more and more involved in politics Verdi and Italian politics Early personal commitment to the Risorgimento movement Impossible to assert that the chorus and the opera were Verdi’s contribution to the Risorgimento movement and to Italian nationalist politics. In the 1840s, some leaders of the Italian nationalist movement (notably Mazzini) nevertheless endeavored to rally Verdi and his music to their fights. 1848: Verdi wrote a patriotic song for them ‌ ‌  1859 when he was elected a member of the new provincial council 1861 Elected as a member of parliament in Piedmont-Sardiania and later in parliament Senate. From then on, a a more systematic use of his works in the service of the nationalist movement. “Viva Verdi” = Viva Vittorio Emanuele Re D'Italia (Viva Victor Emmanuel King of Italy). Reinterpretation of Verdi’s operas as Risorgimento works with strong (but hidden) revolutionary messages A very probable ex-post reconstruction. An opera for an enslaved nation? When dealing with an opera, you have to think about who wrote the script (≠from the composer). Va, pensiero is based on the story of the exile of Jewish people to Babylon. It has been interpreted in the 19th century as being a nationalist opera, describing very well the enslavement of the Italian nation under Austrian rule. When you’re given a nationalist object, you shouldn’t pre-judge that the object is in fact nationalist. Historians are constructivist and shouldn’t believe what people tell them. The question they should be asking themselves is why is this considered as a nationalist opera? As we can see, the analogy with the Italian nation in exile , metaphorically as it is in exile on its own territory, is quite strong. The Imperial ambitions of the King lead the Jew to flee, just as the Italians under Austrian rule The opera is fundamentally an anti-clerical art, that can be opposed to Papal rule in Italy. All those indications tell us it is a nationalist opera. Yet, critiques of the opera don’t seem to reveal any nationalist enthusiasm during the first playings of the opera in the Opera Houses. 1848, Mazzini asked for an anthem for the newly independent Italian Nation. Verdi’s opera was chosen, as it appears as a national piece of work. In fact, Va, Pensiero became an anthem only in the 1950s/1960s. There is something material to the fact that Verdi’s operas were appropriated to nationalist ideas. The collective singing of inspiring songs became a tool to nationalist building. 1861, Cavour encouraged Verdi to present himself to the first election of unified Italy. The idea of the opera as a nationalist piece is largely due to its construction as a nationalist event by its own contemporaries. ↑ Session 6 1848 onward: uprisings, revolution and counter-revolution Case Study. Lessons from a crushed ‘springtime of peoples’: Lamartine rejects the Red Flag in Front of Paris City Hall on February 25, 1848 CS6_2024.pdf PDF Document 8,3 MB On the afternoon of February 25, 1848 , a crowd of Parisian workers assembled in front of the city hall to put pressure on the new provisional government. They ask for the Republic to adopt the red flag Inspired the painter Herni-Félix Emmanuel Philippoteaux (1815-84): Romantic painter known for its representations of historical scenes; received Legion d’Honneur 1846 (July Monarchy very demanded). /!\ Far from a realistic representation of this event. Dramatization. In fact, tricolor flags were still waved and the provisional government was present behind the town hall, infusing its decision. He used his revolutionary romanticism to realistically depict the utopian fervor of the February revolts He underlines the revolutionary continuities by merging 1848, 1830 and 1789 together. The barricade links 1848 with the 1830 revolution and repressed insurrections. Unaccomplished past fueled their revolution. Barricade ultimate symbol since 1789, political theater where violence and heresium meet each other. In fact, victims of the barricade are represented. The provisional government first announcement to the French people on February 24 “blood has been spilled like in July, but this time this generous blood shall not be deceived”. The barricade and the republican martyrs ensuing from it motivated ideologies fraternization, cooperation among class barriers, nucleus under republican values. Picture analysis: Marianne became the personification of the French Republic from 1848 and onwards Maurice Aghullon, concretizes the values of 1789: Marianne wears the phrygian cap and red flag “long lived the republic”. Revolutionary symbols. 1789 became a second filiation for 1848 revolutionaries. In fact the republican values born during the 1st revolution found an echo a re-birth during 1848 off-spring Lamartine French. Romantic poet and representative during the July Monarchy; as over time literature and political involvement became intertwined, he believed that the artists should lead humanity towards liberty; 1848, he is the leader of the Provisional Government. Placed in the very center of the painting with a tricolor scarf. He calls for the French to sanctified the latter and dismiss the red one, not representative of the initial republican waves. Reinvents a tradition (bad memory of it under Bonaparte, monarchy etc) to defend the tricolor flag: “the red flag only went around the Champ-de-Mars, dragged into the people's blood [...] while that tricolor has toured around the world with the name, the glory and the liberty of your homeland”. He celebrates the triumph of freedom and its multiple significations: individual liberties and popular sovereignty. Individual liberties are closely associated with the struggles of early Republicans. → picture analysis: flag on which “abolition de la peine de mort” is written (while they were not established yet) Advocating for social rights: socio-economic issues “organisation du travail” is displayed Popular sovereignty is no illusion in February 1848; the painter asserts that the legitimacy of the Republic remains in the people → picture analysis: in this painting, the revolutionary crowd is constructed as an autonomous political subject; middle class embraces the republic (visible with black hats); dignified crowd (rich ornaments are brought back by citizens in the middle of the scene); national guards are part of the revolution (a guard and a revolutionary are holding hands) He commends the red flag and the proponents of a social Republic. For the laboring poor, the red flag means that the social and political spheres are inextricably linked → picture analysis: Riding a white horse, Marianne embodies the radical power of the workers’ revendications, suggesting the purity of their intentions (uncompromising?); The red flag becomes a noble symbol of the Republic. Fraternity is the crux of the painting: French motto “Liberty, equality, fraternity” is again presented; cf “This pleasant abstraction from class antagonisms, this sentimental reconciliation of contradictory class interests, this visionary elevation above the class struggle, this fraternité, was the real catchword of the February Revolution” Karl Marx, The Class Struggles in France, 1848 to 1850 - Part I, 1850 CONCLUSION: paints w romantic sensitivity: colors highlight the majestuosidad and dynamism of the February days; the contrasting light transformed the battle of the red flag into an epic scene BUT without representing any conflict. Direct form of political representation (Lamartine) and participation (Parisian people)