Poland in Between PDF

Global crimes (border criminology) VALERIA FERRARIS THURSDAY AND FRIDAY 2-4 PM  Where is Poland ? Global North and South: An Oversimplified Binary Eastern Europe – à Eastern Europe’s Role is often...

Global crimes (border criminology) VALERIA FERRARIS THURSDAY AND FRIDAY 2-4 PM  Where is Poland ? Global North and South: An Oversimplified Binary Eastern Europe – à Eastern Europe’s Role is often overlooked in Adrift between this binary categorization. the North ad the Eastern Europe’s Liminal Identity: South Being a border country of the EU, there are similarities with EU’s southern states Polish are also migrants in the North  The East as analytical perspective The binary division of the world into Global North (GN) and Global South (GS) stems from colonialism (Müller, 2020). The division is based on political assumptions with specific objectives and tt relies heavily on imagination: how the GN perceives, labels, and stereotypes the GS and its societies. Since the Enlightenment, Eastern Europe (and its citizens) has been orientalised as savage, uncivilised, not cultural enough or a cultural curiosity; was not a part of the ‘West’ (Wolff 1994) à Orientalization was also a starting point for the East’s creation, as “orientalism is bound to the East, which can be ‘far’, ‘middle’, ‘near’, and last but not least, ‘European’”. Further „otherisation” during the Cold War - a new notion: a threat to the ‘civilised’ world à The East is too rich to be a proper part of the South, but too poor to be a part of the North. It is too powerful to be periphery, but too weak to be the centre. There is no one Eastern Europe – there are Eastern Europes (Kuus 2004) – on their way to Europeanisation of their countries/societies  The East as analytical perspective Being part of the EU stratified the belonging Poles abroad: The good – high-skilled workers, students of top universities The bad – low-skilled workers – not particularly welcome, but necessary The ugly – criminals, ex-convicts or other people somehow connected with criminal justice system: More Eastern people in Poland Poles’ perception of themselves as part of the “western”, more civilised world compared to Belarussians or Ukrainians, that nevertheless are white Higher degree of otherness towards non Europeans migrants  Eastern Europe as an In-Between Region Positioned between the Global North (GN) and Global South (GS), undergoing transformation but still stuck in a How do these liminal state. considerations about the 1. Citizens of Eastern EU countries face processes akin to East help us to those in the GS: Deportation practices conceptualize disproportionately target citizens of post-2004 EU migration? member; 2. Behaving Like the Global North: Migrants are viewed and treated as inferior or as outsiders and Legal frameworks and public perceptions reflect that.  Poland In the realm of migration it is in between and it’s a bit of everything: emigration country (more than million of Poles live abroad – mostly in other EU countries), In-Between region immigration country (1.5 million of Ukrainians only in January 2022; now about 1M of refugees from Ukraine + residents from other countries), transit country (mostly for non-white asylum seekers who are not particularly welcome in Poland) Returns of Polish citizens Poland remains a country of emigration. In 2020 2,2 millions of Poles lived abroad (Germany more than 700,000, UK more than 500,000, then Netherlands (135,000), Ireland (114,000) and Norway (about 100,000). Returned Poles: Voluntary and semi-voluntarly: From UK mainly Forced: deportation of EU nationals but also criminals and prisoners returned Forced returns of Polish citizens Romanians and Poles represent half of the EU forced returns. Forced returns of Polish citizens are a widespread but largely hidden phenomenon, absent from public debate in both Poland and the EU. These returns are stigmatized, as returning is often viewed as a personal failure, tied to societal perceptions of deportees as "lazy" or "unlucky." Deportation frequently follows prison sentences, where foreign nationals face harsher punishments than citizens, exclusion from rehabilitation programs, and neglect. Deportees are often treated as outsiders, compounding their sense of being second-class citizens and intensifying feelings of exclusion. Forced returns of Polish citizens – after return Many Poles resist deportation, as they no longer view Poland as home after years abroad, citing weakened ties to their homeland and stronger connections to their host countries. Upon deportation, a significant number plan to leave Poland again, either returning to their previous host country or moving elsewhere in the EU. This choice is motivated by better living conditions abroad, cultural integration, and a desire to escape the stigma or difficult circumstances they face in Poland. Others, however, remain in Poland due to family connections, changed perceptions of their homeland, legal barriers like probation, or an unwillingness to start over in a new country, particularly among older individuals. Forced returns of Polish citizens - Consequences Forced returns influence not just returnees but also the broader Polish society. Negative experiences in Western countries foster feelings of exclusion and being treated as second-class citizens, affecting views of the EU and Western societies. 1) Reinforcement of Victimhood: Strong sense of victimhood in Polish society leads to: De- Europeanization: feeling unwanted in the EU. Fear of diversity and losing “Polishness”. Transformation of victimhood into a moral superiority narrative emphasizing conservative values (e.g., family, Christianity) 2) Pathological integration and exportation of racism: Polish migrants often seek to align with host societies by distancing themselves from other migrant groups, especially those of different races. This leads to a “racism as integration” strategy, using local prejudices to demonstrate belonging. Polish migrants bring back or share racist attitudes learned abroad, reinforcing anti- immigration sentiments in Poland. Deporting borders Polish migration law (and policy) is built entirely on EU policies – i.e. securitisation, suspicion and control (Vermeersch 2005) Migration law was toughened for the request of the EU not the society All control instruments are in place: detention (and its alternatives), deportation/return policy, strict and unwelcoming asylum policy Deporting borders Eurostat data shows a highly effective deportation machiine But 1) 90% of the expulsion are voluntary return of Ukrainians (2015-2021): overstayers on the way backto the home country 2) Forced push backs at Polish Belarussians border & significant reduction of asylum applications from approx. 12,300 (in 2015 and 2016) to 4,096 in 2019 and 2,803 in 2020 Deporting borders Militarization of the border Ping-pong between Belarusian and Polish officials Violence Green border directed by Agniezska Holland Racialised Practices creates a divide between the approach toward Belarussian leaving Lukashenko regime after summer 2020 and Ukrainian fleeing Russian aggression after February 2022