Global Crimes 10

Global Crimes (Border Criminology)

• This presentation examines global crimes through the lens of border criminology.
• The presentation, given by Valeria Ferraris, occurred on Thursdays and Fridays, from 2-4 PM.

Eastern Europe – Adrift Between the North and South

• The presentation argues that the categorization of Eastern Europe as either Global North or Global South is an oversimplification.
• Being a border country of the EU, Eastern European countries exhibit similarities with EU's southern states.
• Polish citizens also migrate to other parts of the EU (the North), highlighting their interconnectedness.

The East as an Analytical Perspective

• The binary division of the world into Global North and Global South originates from colonialism.
• This division is based on political assumptions, relying heavily on perception and imagination.
• Historically, Eastern Europe has been seen as uncivilized and culturally underdeveloped since the Enlightenment.
• During the Cold War, Eastern Europe was perceived as a threat, too rich to be part of the Global South but too poor for the Global North.
• There is no singular Eastern Europe; instead, there are diverse Eastern European countries on their way toward Europeanization.

The East as an Analytical Perspective (EU Belonging)

• Polish citizens living abroad are categorized into three groups: skilled workers and university students (positive), unskilled workers (problematic), and criminals or those with criminal justice system links (negative).
• These categories demonstrate a degree of stratification within Polish communities in the EU.
• Some Poles see themselves as part of a superior Western civilization, contrasting themselves with Belarussians and Ukrainians.
• Poles display a higher degree of otherness toward non-European migrants.

Eastern Europe as an In-Between Region

• Eastern Europe is positioned between the Global North and Global South, undergoing transformation but still in a liminal state.
• Citizens of Eastern EU countries face deportation practices akin to those in the Global South.
• Deportation is disproportionately levied upon post-2004 EU member citizens.
• Migrants are treated as inferior and outsiders, with legal frameworks and public perceptions reflecting prejudiced viewpoints.

Poland in the Realm of Migration

• Poland functions as both an emigration and immigration country.
• Poland has a large number of citizens living abroad (over 2 million).
• Poland hosts around 1.5 million Ukrainian migrants as of January 2022, along with other migrants from various countries.
• Poland also plays a role as a transit country, primarily for non-European asylum seekers.

Returns of Polish Citizens

• Poland remains an emigration country, with around 2.2 million Poles living abroad in 2020 (mostly in Germany, the UK, the Netherlands, Ireland, and Norway).
• Polish citizens return to Poland voluntarily or involuntarily (e.g., deported criminals and prisoners).
• Both voluntary and forced returns reflect the complex interplay of societal perceptions, legal frameworks, and individual circumstances.

Forced Returns of Polish Citizens

• Forced repatriation of Polish citizens occurs widely but often remains hidden.
• The returnees are often viewed negatively, labelled as “lazy” or “unlucky”, and are frequently stigmatized.
• Their experience includes harsher punishments than those for Polish citizens in their home countries.
• They often have limited access to rehabilitation services, and experience isolation and discrimination, worsening feelings of exclusion.

Forced Returns of Polish Citizens – After Return

• Returning Polish citizens often maintain or develop strong connections away from Poland and resist deportation.
• Many plan to leave Poland again to reside in another EU country due to better living conditions and avoiding the negative experiences faced in Poland.
• Reasons for staying include family ties, legal impediments, and a lack of desire for a new start.

Forced Returns of Polish Citizens – Consequences

• Forced returns negatively impact both the returnees and broader Polish society.
• Negative experiences in Western countries contribute to the feeling of exclusion and second-class citizenship, causing them to have unfavorable views of the EU and Western cultures.
• Reinforced feelings of victimhood and anti-immigration sentiments are also exacerbated.

Deporting Borders

• Polish immigration laws are completely dependent on EU policies, centering on security and control.
• Stricter migration laws since 2005 arose from EU demand, not social pressure.
• Poland possesses comprehensive tools for detention, deportation, and return policies with an often-unwelcoming asylum policy.
• Eurostat data reveals the effectiveness of Polish deportation mechanisms, but also significant voluntary return of Ukrainians (particularly during 2015-2021).

Deporting Borders (continued)

• Despite high claimed effectiveness of deportation mechanisms, forced returns of Ukrainians due to overstaying are a significant part.
• There has been a major reduction in asylum applications.
• The number of denied asylum applications fluctuated from 12,300 applications in 2015/2016 to 4,096 applications in 2019 and 2,803 in 2020.

Deporting Borders (continued)

• Militarization of the border between Belarus and Poland has generated tension, resulting in acts of violence.
• This was particularly prominent after the summer of 2020 and the February 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.