Self-Development in Adolescence and Early Adulthood PDF

Chapter 6. Self-Development in Adolescence and Early Adulthood Learning Objectives: Self Development 1. Describe the development of self-awareness. 2. Relate levels of self-awareness to mental health. 3. Describe agency (self-directiveness). 4. Describe self-direction and discuss the importance of flow. 5. Define self-awareness and discuss factors that impact it. 6. Define self-esteem and link it to mental health. 7. Define and discuss conscience. 8. Explain how conscience can inhibit or fail to inhibit antisocial behavior. 9. Discuss the processes of internalization and moral disengagement. 10. Define values and how they are acquired. 11. Discuss the development of identity. The I-Self and the Me-Self In 1890 psychologist William James introduced the difference between the I-self and the Me-self. The I-self looks in the mirror to see the Me-self. Self- reflection is the act of looking in the mirror. Psychologists still define these two selves as the (1) self as subject (as in the subject of the sentence, I did that; the I-self) and the (2) self as object (as in the sentence, They like me; the Me- self) (Harter, 2006). The I-self is also called the Ego. The I-self is in charge of the “self-system” (Leimgruber-Lopez, 2012) or group of functions that enable people to behave effectively. The self-system performs behaviors and so has a) self-agency, authorship of thoughts, emotions, and actions; b) self-regulation, processes that enable goal pursuit; c) self-efficacy, evaluations of effectiveness, d) self-esteem, self-liking or disliking. The I-self knows the Me-Self through e) self-concepts and f) narrative identity. Knowing the “me-self” requires g) self-awareness, perception of inner state, needs, behaviors, thoughts, and emotions. Knowing the Me-self leads to h) self-continuity, the feeling of being the same person over time; and i) self-coherence, a perception of the self as a unified whole (one as opposed to many selves) (Bandura, 2018; Harter, 2006; Leimgruber-Lopez, 2012). Personal goals, values, and conscience are also essential to effective behavior and so are part of the self-system. 92 Agency (Self as Doer) Agency is everything the I-Self does and the strength of the I-self. Agency AKA self- directiveness plays an important role in health and mental health. DSM 5 includes criteria for assessment of aspects of healthy self-functioning. Criteria for healthy agency or self-direction are in Section II, the Alternative Model for Personality Disorders (Table 6-1). Both too little and too much self-directiveness cause problems with functioning. A person with too much self-directiveness does not consider others enough. A person with too little self-directiveness cannot accomplish any goals or is too dependent on others to accomplish goals. Teens and young adults need agency or self-directiveness to build “a life worth living.” Adolescence is a critical period for the development of agency and adolescents typically experience reduced agency compared to children and young adults (Aytemur & Levita, 2021). Level of Health Self-Directiveness and Goal Achievement Capacities High Sets and aspires to reasonable goals based on a realistic assessment of personal capacities. Good Is excessively goal-directed, somewhat goal-inhibited, or conflicted about goals. Impaired Goals are more often a means of gaining external approval than self-generated, and thus may lack coherence and/or stability. Very Impaired Has difficulty establishing and/or achieving personal goals. Table 6-1. Levels of Self-Directiveness as specified in DSM 5, Section III AMPD, Criterion A. Agency is about directing oneself to achieve ones goals. Desire for certain rewards causes people to set goals and motivates them to achieve their goals. There are two kinds of reward for doing things and two kinds of goals. Primary reward is experienced when people enjoy something, like eating a favorite food, or doing a favorite hobby. Intrinsic motivation is the drive that goes along with doing things that are fun or inherently rewarding. People set their own goals to do the things they like doing or to get the things they want. People are more willing to work hard and persist in a task when the task yields a primary reward. When goals are set by others, motivation is extrinsic or outside the self. Secondary rewards such as praise, escape from punishment, recognition, and money govern behavior that is extrinsically motivated. These rewards are not effective in maintaining behavior over time because people recognize that extrinsic goals come from outside the self. If you read this book because you want to earn a good grade, that is extrinsic motivation and secondary reward. If you read this book because you find this information interesting, that is intrinsic motivation and primary reward. Activities can bring both intrinsic and extrinsic rewards (R. M. Ryan & Deci, 2001). To set goals based on intrinsic rewards adolescents must figure out what they like. That is what identity development is all about. It can take years for some teens to sort out what they like versus what other people have influenced them to do. Psychotherapy with adolescents and young adults often involves helping them discover intrinsic goals and develop their intrinsic motivation. For more information about intrinsic and extrinsic motivation see the Center for Self-Determination Theory Website. 93 As teens sort out what they like to do they also wrestle with competing primary rewards. The primary rewards of power/dominance and love/intimacy motivate teen social behavior (Table 6-4). As discussed in Chapter 5 Dominance and Status goals are highly correlated and reflect the function of a single system. Intimacy is negatively correlated with both Dominance and Status. During early adolescence, social rewards may be more attractive than the curiosity reward that is at the heart of academic motivation. Importantly in early adolescence/middle school Intimacy is positively correlated with academic motivation and grades whereas Dominance and Status goals are negatively correlated with academic motivation and grades (A. M. Ryan & Shim, 2006). Goal Category Item: When I’m with people my own age I like it when… Dominance They worry that I’ll hurt them Dominance They are afraid of me Dominance They know I’m tougher than them Dominance I make them do what I want Status I’m the most popular Status I’m the coolest Status They like me better than anyone else Status (57%) Intimacy (37%) Everyone wants me for a friend Intimacy Someone understands how I feel Intimacy I really know feelings Intimacy I can make them happy Intimacy I go out of my way to help them Table 6-2. Adolescent Social Goals Scale (A. M. Ryan & Shim, 2006) notice that ”friend” has two meanings. Adolescents must learn to balance social and academic goals. This task becomes more difficult for some over the teen years because substance abuse is correlated with Dominance/Status goals and further impairs academic motivation and grades (Johnson et al., 2012). Development of competency and positive identity depends on resolving these goal/reward conflicts in favor of intimacy and achievement. To set academic and life goals, teens require executive function skills (self-regulation). Executive function shows up in every stage of goal directed behavior. The first step in goal behavior is thinking ahead or forethought. Using forethought people create action plans, set goals, and visualize possible outcomes (Bandura, 2018). Carrying out plans over time requires self-reflection and self-regulation (self-monitoring, persistence, and inhibition of behaviors not important to the goal) (Bandura, 2018). When people achieve their goals, they feel good, especially when goals are meaningful (R. M. Ryan & Deci, 2001). Agency and emotion regulation correlate with reduced experience of anxiety and depression (Nunes et al., 2022). Self-Directiveness correlates with positive emotions when teens also feel connected to others (Schütz et al., 2013). 94 Intrinsic Motivation and Flow: The I-self Has Fun Flow State Scale (FSS) 1. I was challenged, but I believed my skills would allow me to meet the challenge. 5. My attention was focused entirely on what I was doing. 7. I was not concerned with what others may have been thinking of me. 9. I really enjoyed the experience. 13. I was aware of how well I was performing. 26. It felt like time stopped while I was forming performing. 27. The experience left me feeling great. Table 6-3. Representative items from the 36-item Flow State Scale (FSS). Have you ever enjoyed doing something so much you were completely absorbed in it and focused? If so, you have experienced flow― a state that comes from intrinsic motivation, focused attention, and challenging activities (Csikszentmihalyi et al., 2005) (Table 6-5). Experiences of flow are important to wellbeing and to people feeling like they have a high quality of life. Children as young as 7 years old experience flow during play (Inal & Cagiltay, 2007). States of flow vary within and between people of all ages (Hektner & Csikszentmihalyi, 1996). The amount of flow adolescents experience directly relates to their academic growth (Whalen, 1998). Self-regulation determines whether people experience flow. Together, flow and self-regulation enable teens to select active leisure activities that contribute to their physical and cognitive growth (as opposed to passive activities like watching TV). Teens can be supported in their self-directiveness toward growth activities by families and schools that are encouraging and that challenge them (Hektner & Csikszentmihalyi, 1996). Positive identity achievement means enabling adolescents and young adults to achieve flow states in their academic and other work (Whalen, 1998). Self-Efficacy: The I-Self’s belief in the Me-Self Flow happens during activities that are challenging but not too difficult. To achieve flow, a person must feel capable of doing the task. Self-efficacy is an individual's belief in their ability to do a task (Bandura, 1982). “Unless people believe they can produce desired effects by their actions they have little incentive to act or to persevere in the face of difficulties” (Bandura, 2018, p. 133). People engage in activities in which they feel competent and avoid activities where they feel incompetent. Self-efficacy is specific to the goals people set and they can have high self-efficacy beliefs in one area and low self-efficacy in another area. Self-efficacy beliefs predict behavior and whether or not people learn skills or accomplish goals (Bandura, 1982). A teen who believes studying will enable them to learn, is likely to study more and will do better academically. However, these self-beliefs must also align with an individual’s skills and actual abilities because beliefs alone do not determine success. Academic self- efficacy links to academic goals, career trajectories and academic achievement (Honicke & Broadbent, 2016). In teens, self-efficacy beliefs in the domains of academic function, social function, and peer assertion, link to prosocial behavior and peer 95 acceptance, and reduced risk for internalizing and externalizing problems. Self-efficacy beliefs predict higher life satisfaction at the end of high school (Vecchio et al., 2007). Given the impact of self-efficacy to teen development it is important to understand what factors reduce or promote self-efficacy. School transitions such as the transitions to middle and high school tend to reduce self-efficacy. Peer role models who successfully complete tasks tend to increase self-efficacy. Classrooms that are highly competitive and have strict performance goals reduce self-efficacy. Learning environments that emphasize effort, growth in skills and collaboration with other students increase self- efficacy (Schunk & Meece, 2006). Self-Awareness: Can the I-Self See the Me-Self? We are interested in your thoughts and feelings. How much do you... a. Think about yourself? b. Pay attention to your feelings? c. Try to figure yourself out? d. Pay attention to your own thoughts? e. Think about what you are like as a person? f. Think about why your life is the way it is? g. Wonder about the real reason you behave the way you do? h. Think about yourself when you are alone? i. Picture in your mind what your life is like? j. Think about how you feel? k. Think about why you do the things you do? l. Think about who you are? Table 6-4. Items of Self-Consciousness Scale (Chen et al., 1998); (very little, a little, some, much, very much). Self-awareness grows over the teen years and enables identity development. Behavioral self-awareness correlates strongly with executive function (Zlotnik & Toglia, 2018). Individuals who are self-aware monitor their own performance and do better over time. Teens’ brains develop at different rates, and this causes individual differences in self-awareness. Those working with teens should keep in mind that individual differences in self-awareness can be large. Level of Health Reflection Capacities High Can reflect on, and make constructive meaning of, internal experience. Good Is able to reflect on internal experiences, but may overemphasize a single (e.g., intellectual, emotional) type of self-knowledge. Impaired Has impaired capacity to reflect on internal experience. Very Impaired Has significantly compromised ability to reflect on and understand own mental processes. Table 6-5. Levels of Self-Awareness as specified in DSM 5, Section II AMPD, Criterion A. Self-awareness is a stable trait of a person relative to others, but like other abilities it grows over time. In teens, self-awareness increases following puberty, and with challenging circumstances like problems getting along with parents and friends (Chen et al., 1998). Teens who endorse high levels of self-consciousness (Table 6-1), also ruminate and are prone to depression (Chen et al., 1998). Trauma results in 96 dissociation and impaired self-awareness (Correia-Santos et al., 2022). Guidelines for assessing Reflection Capacities are provided in DSM 5, Section II AMPD (Table 6-5). Healthy self-awareness allows a person to maintain boundaries with others because the person can tell the difference between their own thoughts and feelings and the opinions of others. Individuals whose perceptions of themselves are overly dependent on others have impaired self-function. However, teens and adults who do not consider others’ views or accept others’ feedback show signs of impairment as well. Mature self-functioning means considering both sources of information about the self. Self-Esteem: Does the I-Self Like the Me-Self? Self-esteem is an individual’s attitude regarding their worth as a person and their value to others. Thoughts like “I’m good enough” and positive feelings go along with self- esteem. Self-acceptance and self-respect relate to adequate levels of self-esteem (Birkeland et al., 2012). Knowledge that one is a valued, worthwhile person is important to health, wellbeing, and a high quality of life (Supervía et al., 2023). Self-esteem in adolescents as measured by the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (Table 6-6) is strongly facilitated by environments that satisfy their need to belong and their basic psychological needs of relatedness, competency and autonomy (Demirtas et al., 2017). Over the course of the teen years, changes in self-esteem define three or four groups of adolescents. Most adolescents (48%-87%) have stable and healthy high self-esteem. A small group of adolescents (6%) have stable low self-esteem (Birkeland et al., 2012). Stable self-esteem is 30-50% heritable (Kamakura et al., 2007). Self-esteem changes in some adolescents due to the events of their lives. Self-esteem in individuals with unstable self-esteem dips around age 18 related to life changes at that time (Birkeland et al., 2012). Self-esteem is generally higher in boys and most of the teens in the stable low self-esteem group are girls (Birkeland et al., 2012; Sánchez-Queija et al., 2017). Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale 1. On the whole, I am satisfied with myself. 2. At times I think I am no good at all. R 3. I feel that I have a number of good qualities. 4. I am able to do things as well as most other people. 5. I feel I do not have much to be proud of. R 6. I certainly feel useless at times. R 7. I feel that I'm a person of worth, at least on an equal plane with others. 8. I wish I could have more respect for myself. R 9. All in all, I am inclined to feel that I am a failure. R 10. I take a positive attitude toward myself. Table 6-6. Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale. R=Reverse Scored. Self-esteem is an aspect of the self-system that impacts risk for mental health difficulties. Self-esteem in teens is tied to body image (Birkeland et al., 2012) and also 97 risk for eating disorders (Frieiro et al., 2022). The cognitive model of depression says that negative beliefs about the self can lead to depression. Longitudinal studies show that low self-esteem and drops in self-esteem during adolescence predict episodes of depression (as opposed to depression producing low self-esteem) (Orth et al., 2008). Low self-esteem reduces the self-directiveness needed to set and accomplish goals (Daniel et al., 2023). When people don’t accomplish their goals, they become depressed. Low self-esteem also produces rumination and reduces coping with stress. Stable self-esteem is part of healthy personality function as defined in the DSM 5, Section II AMPD (Table 6-7). Individuals with healthy self-function can weather life crises without experiencing a drop in self-esteem. They also have a compassionate attitude toward themselves. Level of Health Self-Esteem Capacities High Has consistent and self-regulated positive self-esteem, with accurate self- appraisal. Good Self-esteem diminished at times, with overly critical or somewhat distorted self- appraisal. Impaired Has vulnerable self-esteem controlled by exaggerated concern about external evaluation, with a wish for approval. Has sense of incompleteness or inferiority, with compensatory inflated, or deflated, self-appraisal. Very Impaired Fragile self-esteem is easily influenced by events, and self-image lacks coherence. Self-appraisal is un-nuanced: self-loathing, self-aggrandizing, or an illogical, unrealistic combination. Table 6-7. Levels of Self-Directiveness as specified in DSM 5, Section III, AMPD Criterion A. But what is the mirror? The I-self has two sources of information about the Me-self. Beginning at birth, others are an important source of information. Until puberty, a sensitive, responsive caregiver knows the child’s Me-self better than the child’s own I-self. Over the teen years, brain development allows adolescents to make gains in self-awareness of behavior, inner states (needs), thoughts and emotions (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). The mirror then is others, and it is also encoded in the structure of the brain. In the early childhood chapter, we discussed the insula as the site of interoceptive awareness. Another part of the brain, the medial posterior parietal cortex (mPPC) is the likely site of autonoetic consciousness – the sense of self over episodes of time. These and other “midline” regions of the cortex develop further over adolescence and early adulthood to create the mature self-system (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). 98 Conscience and Values (What is important to Me?) Level of Health Conscience and Values High Utilizes appropriate standards of behavior, attaining fulfillment in multiple realms. Good May have an unrealistic or socially inappropriate set of personal standards, limiting some aspects of fulfillment. Impaired Personal standards may be unreasonably high (e.g., a need to be special or please others) or low (e.g., not consonant with prevailing social values). Fulfillment is compromised by a sense of lack of authenticity. Very Impaired Internal standards for behavior are unclear or contradictory. Life is experienced as meaningless or dangerous. Table 6-8. Levels of Conscience as specified in DSM 5, Section III, AMPD Criterion A. Adolescence is an important period of life for the development of conscience and values because teens are preparing for independent life as adults. Due to increases in dominance motivation with puberty and lack of self-regulation, criminal behavior peaks at this time. Individuals who fail to adopt moral standards and values to guide themselves are at risk for long term personality disorders (Table 6-8). On the other hand, teens who develop perfectionistic standards and who lack self-compassion are also at risk for personality and internalizing disorders (Table 6-8). Furthermore, conscience and values are needed for individuals to create “a life worth living.” Those working with teens and young adults should understand the important role conscience and values play in life success. What is a Conscience? In Part 1, Chapter 7 (early childhood) we defined conscience as an individual’s emotional and cognitive sense of right and wrong. In Part 1, Chapter 10 (middle childhood) we discussed moral emotions, moral reasoning, and moral self-concepts. By puberty, most children have some moral self-concepts that they feel motivated to live up to (e.g., “I’m a nice person”). Here we extend the definition of conscience and explain that it is a system of the mind that enables moral behavior in relevant situations. Like other systems of the mind, conscience depends on specific networks in the brain (Han, 2017). In most situations where conscience is important, powerful motivators are present. For example, a person is striving for status in the group and has an impulse to humiliate a friend by putting them down in front of others. To be effective, the emotion generated by the conscience must be stronger than the desire for status. This example shows us that the conscience consists of emotionally charged thoughts, e.g., “I wouldn’t want someone to humiliate me.” In this situation, the moral thought together with the emotion sympathy would only prevent aggression if the felt sympathy was stronger than the desire for status. The conscience can also turn itself off. In this example, if the person remembered that the friend did the same thing to them, the thought, “what’s fair is fair” might come right before they humiliated their friend in front of everyone. In our example we see two processes― one that turns on the conscience (internalization) and the other that turns off the conscience (moral disengagement). 99 Internalization In the above example we see that the conscience consists of thoughts that link to potentially strong emotions. Internalization is the process through which thoughts connect to strong emotions. This connection occurs through classical conditioning in situations where individuals feel fear or sympathy. Classical conditioning connects an unconditioned stimulus to a conditioned stimulus and an unconditioned response to a conditioned response. Moral classical conditioning of thoughts occurs in situations where the unconditioned stimulus (someone else’s distress) is paired with the conditioned stimulus (the moral thought) AND the unconditioned response (sympathy) is transferred to the conditioned stimulus (the moral thought). This moral classical conditioning occurs in early and middle childhood when caregivers use inductive discipline. In this technique parents and teachers activate sympathy or fear and pair it with the moral lesson (Hoffman, 1994). Teen girl 1: When you said my shorts are ugly in front of Charlie, I was really upset, and it made me not want to be your friend. Teen girl 2: I’m really sorry, I just got carried away in the moment. Please don’t stop being my friend. (Teen girl 2 experiences peer induction and internalization.) source Table 6-9. Scenario illustrating peer induction. Linking of thoughts to emotions through classical conditioning occurs throughout life, but there are two periods where internalization happens most, early childhood and then adolescence. Adolescents experience internalization through their interactions with peers who may tell them about hurtful behavior and its consequences (Table 6-9). Some adolescents are more amenable to peer induction than others, just like some children are more amenable to parental induction. The scenario in Table 6-9 shows us that the strength of the friendship bond as well as the teen’s desire for status influence the felt emotion and conditioning. A teen who really values their friend will feel worse and a teen who over-values status will be unaffected. Internalization of standards and values is a graded process. In our example we identified two emotions that could link to the moral rule, “don’t put another person down in front of others.” The first is emotion is fear linked to the possible loss of the relationship or to retaliation on the part of the friend. Induction with fear produces guilt and a lower level of moral development. Induction with sympathy produces prosocial 100 behavior that is intrinsic to the person and represents a higher level of moral development. A person with a prosocial orientation, might not even consider criticizing their friend and is internally motivated to be “good” as opposed to externally motivated by concern for punishment. Moral Values Internalization Scale How important is each of the following reasons for why you might decide not to cheat on a test in school? Level of Internalization Criteria External 1. Because if I get caught‚ I could get an F on my test. Introjected 2. Because I would not want my teacher to think I am a cheater. Identified 3. Because I believe cheating is dishonest. Internalized 4. Because I am not a dishonest person. How important is each of the following reasons for why you might decide to tell the truth when given an opportunity to lie? Level of Internalization Criteria External 5. Because I wouldn’t want to get in trouble for lying. Introjected 6. Because I would not want people to think of me as a liar. Identified 7. Because I think telling the truth is the right thing to do. Internalized 8. Because I consider myself an honest person. How important is each of the following reasons for why you might do something nice for someone else? Level of Internalization Criteria External 9. Because I want others to be nice to me. Introjected 10. Because I want other people to think I am a nice person. Identified 11. Because I think it is good to do nice things for others. Internalized 12. Because I am a nice person. How important is each of the following reasons for why you might decide not to make fun of another person for making a mistake? Level of Internalization Criteria External 13. Because then someone might make fun of me. Introjected 14. Because I would not want others to think I am mean. Identified 15. Because it is wrong to make fun of others. Internalized 16. Because I do not think of myself as a mean person. How important is each of the following reasons for why you might not take something that doesn’t belong to you? Level of Internalization Criteria External 21. Because I might want to borrow from them again sometime. Introjected 22. Because I would want other people to think I am fair. Identified 23. Because I think paying someone back is the fair thing to do. Internalized 24. Because I consider myself to be a fair person. Table 6-10. Moral Values Internalization Scale illustrating the levels of internalization. Self-Determination Theory (SDT) identifies four levels of internalization based on reasons given for behavior: 1) External reasons reference external authority or fear of punishment; 2) Introjected reasons involve internal pressures to act, such as avoidance of guilt and shame or concerns about approval; 3) Identified reasons involve acting from one's own moral values or goals; and 4) Internalized reasons reflect the need to preserve a moral self-concept (Table 6-10) (R. M. Ryan & Connell, 1989). The four levels of internalization correspond to the levels of moral development 101 identified by Kohlberg (Part 1, Chapter 10). In SDT and Kohlberg’s theory, moral development starts with justification external to the person (avoidance of punishment) and advances when moral values become internal to the person and link to self- concepts (Gibbs, 1991). Table 6-10 will help you know what to listen for when people talk about their reasons for moral action. Although internalized reasons reflect a higher level of moral development, adolescents and adults do not always operate at their own highest possible level (Laible et al., 2008). Moral Disengagement Moral disengagement is the process whereby the conscience turns itself off. Some people are rigidly moral, and they cannot turn their conscience off. Their rigid exacting standards correlate with tendencies toward low self-compassion and depression (Table 6-8). Moral disengagement allows people to break the rules when rule-breaking is adaptive and to go easy on themselves when they make mistakes. However, moral disengagement also links to juvenile delinquency and can be maladaptive when it happens too much. Both internalization and moral disengagement are traits people have levels of AND are expressed (or not expressed) in situations. The cognitive model says behavior results from people’s tendencies and their appraisal of situations. A person’s tendency to internalize or morally disengage, combines with their interpretation of a given situation to produce behavior. There are eight routes to (or excuses for) moral disengagement (Table 6-11). Visit Albert Bandura’s Website to watch a video and learn more about Moral Disengagement. Mechanisms Representative Mechanisms― Moral Disengagement Scale Items Reframing the behavior Moral Justification 1. It is alright to fight to protect your friends. Euphemistic Labeling 2. Slapping and shoving someone is just a way of joking. Advantageous Comparison 27. Compared to the illegal things people do, taking some things from a store without paying for them is not very serious. Reframing responsibility for the behavior Displacement of 5. If kids are living under bad conditions they cannot be blamed for Responsibility behaving aggressively. Diffusion of Responsibility 12. A kid who only suggests breaking rules should not be blamed if other kids go ahead and do it. Reframing the effect of the behavior Distortion of Consequences 6. It is okay to tell small lies because they don't really do any harm. Reframing the Victim Dehumanization 23. Someone who is obnoxious does not deserve to be treated like a human being. Attribution of Blame 16. If people are careless where they leave their things it is their own fault if they get stolen. Table 6-11. Assessment of Moral Disengagement Mechanisms (Bandura et al., 1996). The mechanisms of moral disengagement described by Bandura and other social psychologists, closely resemble “mollification” a feature of Criminal Thinking Styles (Walters, 1990). Mollification includes justification and victim blaming. These are the two 102 mechanisms that correlate most strongly with aggression and delinquent behavior (Bandura et al., 1996). We can hypothesize that the thought patterns of moral disengagement become conditioned in people and that proneness to this conditioning is a human universal. Just as internalization happens more easily for some children and teens, moral disengagement strategies are more readily learned by others. Adolescents who have prosocial orientation and/or are more guilt prone are less likely to experience moral disengagement. On the other hand, adolescents rated as delinquent and anger prone are more likely to experience moral disengagement. In the late adolescence age group, self-rated dominance is a more powerful positive predictor of moral disengagement than is self-rated prosocial orientation a negative predictor. Dominance has twice the influence on moral disengagement and moral disengagement is more common in boys (Paciello et al., 2013). Model of the Processes of Conscience Figure 6-1. Processes of the Conscience. UCS=Unconditioned stimulus; CS=Conditioned stimulus; UCR=Unconditioned response; CCR=Conditioned response; SR=Self-regulation; ASB=Antisocial behavior. The output of the conscience is a decision to self-regulate in response to a situation with moral relevance. Through internalization classical conditioning causes moral principles to have emotional significance. Internalization functions to activate self- regulation and also strengthens moral development through reinforcing the conditioned responses. Using self-regulation strategies, individuals attempt to inhibit their antisocial behavior (ASB) but these strategies may not be successful. Moral disengagement can inhibit internalization responses. Repeated moral disengagement can lead to extinction of conditioned moral emotional responses. This model accounts for why children with fearful temperaments more easily develop moral emotions, and why repeated antisocial behavior can increase moral disengagement over time. 103 Identity: Who is this person in the mirror? Identity is an individual’s sense of self defined by (a) a set of physical, psychological, and interpersonal characteristics that is not wholly shared with any other person and (b) a range of affiliations (e.g., ethnicity) and social roles. Identity involves a perception of continuity, or the feeling that one is the same person today that one was yesterday or last year (despite physical or other changes). This feeling comes from one’s body sensations; one’s body image; and the feeling that one’s memories, goals, values, expectations, and beliefs belong to the self (APA Dictionary of Psychology, n.d.). Not included in the APA Dictionary definition of identity is the finding that a person’s life story (narrative) provides meaning to identity along with the feeling that one is the same person despite growth and change. Identity develops during adolescence and early adulthood but continues to evolve throughout life. The self-concepts that are the set of characteristics that the I-self accesses about the Me-self begin to develop in early and middle childhood and become clear by early adulthood. To make sense self-concepts in the context of life events, people construct a narrative identity― that is a set of stories that explain the me-self and how life experiences relate to the me-self (this is what happened to me) (McAdams, 2008). Self-reflection and interoceptive awareness, validation from others, and autobiographical reasoning are three processes that enable identity formation. Researchers and clinicians observe identity status― or the degree to which a person has developed identity. The self and identity are systems of the mind that can be challenging for students to understand. Recent advances in neuroscience have enabled these systems of the mind to be defined and measured as related to the function of specific areas of the brain. Knowledge of neuroscience makes self-systems easier to understand. Neuroscience of Identity If when you read this book, you are focused on learning the about human development, your self-awareness may temporarily fall away. If you then remember you are going out tonight, your concentration may decrease as you imagine your night. The point is that when we concentrate on something or immerse ourselves in an activity, we temporarily stop experiencing the self. This fact can be very useful in helping people deal with painful emotions through mindful distraction. But how is brain activity linked to the loss of self-experience? The discovery of the default mode network (DMN) was perhaps the most important advance in developmental neuroscience this century (Table 6-13). This network enables the I-self to reflect on and experience the me-self (Fan et al., 2021). Researchers investigating the areas of the brain active during sensory tasks accidentally discovered the DMN when they noticed that some areas of the brain shut down during focused attention. When people pay close attention to something, this network in the brain turns itself off at the same time as other networks turn on to pay attention (Raichle, 2015), 104 The DMN activates when people focus on themselves, remember their lives, imagine the future and take the perspective of others. This network is present during childhood but becomes progressively more connected and efficient after puberty (Fan et al., 2021). The development of the DMN enables adolescents to explore and commit to an identity (Kaufman & Meddaoui, 2021). Developmental differences in the DMN, insula, and anterior cingulate cortex likely underlie the disturbances in identity that occur with mental illness (Buckner et al., 2008; Kaufman & Meddaoui, 2021). Brain Region Role in the Self and Identity Systems Orbital Frontal Cortex (OFC) Activated when people think about themselves, their life, their (Ventromedial Prefrontal Cortex;VmPFC) traits, experiences, preferences, abilities, and goals. (D’Argembeau, 2013). Participates in DMN Dorsal Medial Prefrontal Cortex (DmPFC) Cognitive, emotional, and motivational aspects of self- understanding focused on past present and future (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). Participates in DMN Medial posterior parietal cortex (mPPC) Autonoetic consciousness – the sense of self over episodes of time (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). Participates in DMN Tempo–parietal junction (TPJ) and Social identity; Perspective taking aspect of empathy (Pfeifer Posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS) & Peake, 2012). Participates in DMN Anterior Cingulate Cortex (ACC) Coordinates the autonomic, visceromotor and endocrine system activity that accompany emotion; judgements regarding threats and rewards to self; distressing aspects of physical and social pain (Sturm et al., 2013). Posterior Cingulate Cortex (PCC) Self-Related Processing, Self-concepts (Brewer et al., 2013). Participates in DMN. Insula Cortex Interoceptive awareness, subjective feelings associated with internal states (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). Hippocampus Episodic memory (Pfeifer & Peake, 2012). Participates in DMN. Table 6-12. Areas of the brain involved in self-functioning and identity. Self-Concepts in Adolescence and Early Adulthood Semantic and episodic memory (Part 1, pp.229-230) store the two kinds of knowledge about the self, self-concepts, and narrative identity. Facts are stored in semantic memory, whereas episodic memory stores life events. Self-concepts are part of semantic memory and contain basic self-knowledge. A person can discuss a self- concept “I am athletic” without necessarily relating the concept to specific life events― just like people can say that Abraham Lincoln was the 16th president without remembering where they were when they first learned that fact. Self-knowledge is different from other forms of semantic knowledge in that it is more closely tied to episodic memory and self-knowledge has more motivational and emotional significance (Peters & Gawronski, 2011). Once a person commits to a self-concept, they try to behave in ways that are consistent with the concept. 105 Self-concepts are specific to the various parts of a person and include physical, gender, sexual orientation, personality traits, social skills, racial/ethnic, moral, and academic self-concepts. Self-concepts form when individuals pay attention to their own behavior and the reactions of others to their behavior. By attending to their behavior individuals see patterns over time. Behavior patterns include experiences of success and failure and emotions of joy and sadness. Self-concepts become emotionally conditioned through repeated experience. For example, a person may enjoy creating sculpture and their sculptures may be admired by others. They then develop a self-concept “I can sculpt” that is connected to emotions of joy and thoughts of self-efficacy. Similarly, a student can work hard to study for a math test only to achieve a low grade. Even if the student initially found math enjoyable, the negative evaluation may extinguish future enjoyment and their “math self- concept” may become “I’m no good at math.” With these two examples you can see why self-concepts predict future behavior. You can also appreciate why self-concepts predict wellbeing and life satisfaction (because these depend on people pursuing and achieving challenging and healthy goals) (Putnick et al., 2020). In early childhood, children have more global as opposed to specific self-concepts and positive overestimation of the self is the norm. Due to life experiences, self-concepts become more realistic and specific in middle childhood. At age 10 a child can assess themselves as competent in some domains and less competent in others. Erikson named middle childhood, Industry vs. Inferiority to draw attention to the importance of self-concepts of competence during this time. Achievement of identity means that self-concepts, are self-endorsed, not dependent on others, stable over time, realistic and somewhat positive (Table 6-7 and 6-14). The most studied self-concepts are physical appearance, sports competence, behavioral conduct, social acceptance, and academic competence. From grades 3 to 11, sports competence concept is the most stable,.91-.98% year to year. This stability is likely due to children being able to observe their own performance. Physical appearance self-concept is the least stable,.76 -.93% year to year. In all domains other than sports competence, self-concepts are the least stable at the transition to middle school (Putnick et al., 2020). High physical self-concept, which includes appearance and sports competence increases when teens participate in exercise programs (Garn et al., 2020). For American teens math self-concept declines during high school and at the same time, math anxiety increases and the perceived value of math to life goals decreases (Putnick et al., 2020; Wang et al., 2021). Decline in math self-concept reduces the number of students attempting STEM careers and is linked to consistently poor math performance, unpleasant interactions with math teachers, and parents who transmit their own negative math self-concepts to their teens (Wang et al., 2021). Personal Values as Self-Concepts Values reflect what individuals think is important (note the link between thought and 106 emotion). Values are a special class of moral self-concepts that people are consciously aware of and that guide behavior in situations. Like other moral thoughts, values are emotionally charged and are internalized (Oyserman, 2002). Through classical conditioning, during development, sayings and scripts representing values link to moral emotions (guilt, shame, pride, and embarrassment) and also joy, fear, sadness, anger and disgust. Internalized sayings and scripts then become guides for action and determine what is sought after or avoided (Oyserman, 2002). An individual’s values are organized into a hierarchy according to importance. Thus, individuals have value systems that reflect how important each value is relative to the other values. Although the value system or hierarchy is influenced by culture, values are human universals (Schwartz, 1992). An individual’s values align with their other self-concepts, for example, individuals who value achievement might have strong academic and career self-concepts. Value Motivational System Items Freedom, creativity, independent, choosing own goals, Self-Direction BAS, Agency curiosity (intelligent, self-respect, privacy) Stimulation BAS Exciting life, varied life, daring Hedonism BAS Pleasure, enjoying life, self-indulgent Ambitious, capable, influential, successful (intelligent, self- Achievement BAS, Exploration respect, social recognition) Social power, wealth, authority (social recognition, Power Power/Dominance preserving public image) Social order, national security, family security, reciprocation Security BIS, Fear of favors, clean, healthy (sense of belonging, moderate) Respect for tradition, modest, humble, accepting one’s Tradition BIS, Deference portion in life, devout (moderate, spiritual life) Politeness, self-discipline, respect for parents and elders, Conformity BIS, Deference obedient (loyal, responsible) Helpful, honest, responsible, loyal, forgiving, true friendship, Benevolence Caregiving mature love (sense of belonging, meaningful, spiritual life) Equality, unity with nature, wisdom, world of peace, world of Universalism Caregiving beauty, social justice, broad-minded, protecting the environment, spiritual life, inner harmony Table 6-13. Universal Human Values (Schwartz, 1992) framed according to behavioral system theory (Leedom, 2014). Values are human universals because they reflect the human social behavioral and exploration (curiosity) systems that embody primary rewards. Because universal human needs also arise from these systems, values reflect universal human needs for relatedness, autonomy and competency (R. M. Ryan & Deci, 2001). Life in society means relatedness (we-ness) and competition (me-ness) therefore values reflect this tension between self and other focus. Schwartz developed a measure for values, the Schwartz Value Survey and from cross- cultural results developed a Theory of Basic Human Values (TBHV) (Table 6-12, Figure 6-2). TBHV organizes values into a circle because as predicted, within individuals some values are negatively correlated. At the fist level, values are organized according to 107 growth vs. self-protection. At the second level values are organized according to personal focus vs. social focus. At the third level values are organized according to openness to change vs. conservatism and self-enhancement vs. self-transcendence (Figure 6-2). The theory has been expanded by some to include the value of Face that reflects appearance concerns, and Humility which reflects acknowledgement of one’s insignificance in the grand scheme of things (Giménez & Tamajón, 2019). The hierarchy of values has been supported by factor analysis of responses to values surveys (Giménez & Tamajón, 2019). We note though that sexuality is conspicuously absent from the values hierarchy (unless it is implicit in “hedonism”). Figure 6-2.. Values Circumplex Development of Values The ten values are present in children (ages 7-11) and cluster into four factors, Self- Transcendence vs Self-Enhancement, and Openness to Change vs. Conservatism (Döring et al., 2015). From childhood through adulthood across cultures people rate self-transcendence values higher (being caring is valued). Females rate these higher than do males. Benevolence, self-direction, and universalism are rated highest by both men and women in keeping with SDT predictions. During adolescence, values contribute to the development of identity so it makes sense values are present in middle childhood prior to attainment of full identity (Meeus, 2011). Values become more differentiated but are more changeable during adolescence as compared to adulthood (Daniel & Benish-Weisman, 2019). During adolescence gonadal steroids increase the desire for status and increase agency. Adolescents appear to be aware of the changes in their own motives because 108 they endorse self-direction and power values at a high rate. Simultaneously, endorsement of self-transcendence values decreases (remember these are on opposite sides of the circle, Figure 6-2) (Daniel & Benish-Weisman, 2019). Similarly, openness to change values increase and conservation values decrease to enable identity exploration during adolescence (see below). Values align with self-concepts and are a person’s conscious understanding of who they are. Motives influence behavior outside of individuals’ awareness (Schultheiss & Wirth, 2008). Longitudinal studies show the complex interplay between motives and value self- concepts in the prediction of behavior. For example, teens’ self-endorsed power values predict aggression and increases in aggression (Benish-Weisman, 2015). However, power motives are more predictive of aggression than are self-endorsed power values. (People are not always good at estimating their own motivation relative to that of others.) Values help channel the expression of motives. The highest aggression is seen in individuals who endorse of power values and are also high in power motivation. Individuals high in power motivation who do not endorse power values express aggression indirectly because the value system restrains agression (Frost et al., 2007). Self-reported values predict health-related behavior. Subjective well-being is enhanced by benevolence and hedonism. Power values are associated with low subjective well- being. Valuing stimulation, pleasure, and relations with others is correlated with health. Depression is predicted by valuing security and devaluing pleasure (Leite et al., 2021). Processes of Identity Formation Erikson observed that adolescence is the time in life when identity develops, and he named the crisis of this period of life “identity vs. role confusion.” He maintained that the development of identity leads to fidelity― commitment to a set of values and to the social group. In Erikson’s writing regarding identity and fidelity, we see that clinicians have long observed a connection between identity and moral development. Brittian and Lerner (2013) developed a 6-item measure of fidelity based on Erikson’s description of the construct (Table 6-13). The scale items show the connection between fidelity and moral development. Fidelity Scale Items 1. Speaking up for equality (everyone should have the same rights and opportunities). 2. Doing what I believe is right even if my friends make fun of me. 3. Standing up for what I believe is right, even when it’s unpopular to do. 4. Telling the truth, even when it’s not easy. 5. Accepting responsibility for my actions when I make a mistake or get in trouble. 6. Doing my best even when I have a job I don’t like. Table 6-14. Fidelity scale (Brittian & Lerner, 2013). The AMPD, DSM 5 Section III also links identity development with adoption of a set of personal standards for behavior (Table 6-8). Empirical studies reveal that identity development and fidelity are correlated in adolescents and that these predict low 109 delinquency. Fidelity is also strongly related to competence, the virtue that arises from successful navigation of the middle childhood crisis of Industry vs. Inferiority (Brittian & Lerner, 2013). Erikson also observed that adolescence “can be viewed as a psychosocial moratorium during which the individual, through free role experimentation, may find a niche (their place) in some section of his society” (Erikson, 1959, pp. 111, emphasis added). A moratorium is a period of delay; in this context the delay refers to freedom from the adult responsibilities of earning a living and raising children. This freedom gives adolescents an opportunity to explore who they are. Life history theory identifies adolescence as an extended period of self-investment, or a moratorium on progressing to investing in the next generation. Ericson observed that following exploration individuals commit to aspects of their identity, “(individuals make) choices and decisions which will, with increasing immediacy, lead to commitments ‘for life’” (Erikson, 1968, p. 155). To test Erikson’s ideas, Marcia developed an interview to 1) assess exploration and 2) assess commitment; and 3) to relate these to aspects of identity (Table 6-14) (Marcia, 1966). Domain or Status Interview Question or Typical Responses Domain, How willing do you think you'd be to give up going into Occupation _______ if something better came along? Identity Well, I might, but I doubt it. I can't see what "something better" achievement would be for me. Moratorium I guess if I knew for sure I could answer that better. It would have to be something in the general area—something related. Foreclosure Not very willing. It's what I've always wanted to do. The folks are happy with it and so am I. Identity diffusion Oh sure. If something better came along, I'd change just like that. Domain, Religion Have you ever had any doubts about your religious beliefs? Identity Yeah, I even started wondering whether or not there was a god. achievement I've pretty much resolved that now, though. The way it seems to me is … Moratorium Yes, I guess I'm going through that now. I just don't see how there can be a god and yet so much evil in the world or … Foreclosure No, not really, our family is pretty much in agreement on these things. Identity diffusion Oh, I don't know. I guess so. Everyone goes through some sort of stage like that. But it really doesn't bother me much. I figure one's about as good as the other! Table 6-15. Marcia’s semi-structured interview questions and typical responses for each identity status (Marcia, 1966). Marcia observed that young adults could be classified according to four identity status 110 categories: Identity achievement, Moratorium, Foreclosure, and Identity diffusion. Individuals in the Identity achievement category had committed to an identity after a period of exploration. Individuals in the Moratorium category were still exploring. Individuals in the foreclosure category had committed without exploring. Individuals in the diffusion category had neither explored nor committed to an identity (Table 6-14). The two variables of Exploration and Commitment rated present or absent, therefore yield four identity status categories (Table 6-15). Exploration of Possibilities Present Absent Present Identity Foreclosure Commitment Achievement to Identity Absent Moratorium Diffusion Table 6-16. Identity status categories. Subsequent research extended Marcia’s model by showing that exploration has breadth and depth, and that commitment can also include reconsideration and has variable strength. A fifth identity status, Searching Moratorium, was found to be a combination of high commitment, high in-depth exploration, and very high reconsideration (Meeus, 2011). Individuals have different identity statuses in the different areas of their lives and they may remain in a given status for years (Branje et al., 2021; Meeus, 2011). By early adulthood more individuals have identity achievement in the most important life domains. Identity achievement may not be permanent because life events may cause individuals to reconsider their values and self-concepts (Branje et al., 2021). Diffusion decreases in prevalence between age 12 and 20 from 7.9% to 5.5%; moratorium decreases from 17.2% to 13.3%, and searching moratorium decreases from 7.6% to 0%. Some degree of Identity achievement is observed in 81% of 20-year-olds (Branje et al., 2021). The two classes of moratorium have the least stability because individuals find identity exploration stressful. To tie this together for you, identity forms through a process of continuous interplay between commitment, reconsideration, and in-depth exploration. Knowing the process of identity development is useful for clinicians who help people decide what they want for themselves. Narrative Identity The stories we construct to make sense of our lives are about our struggle to reconcile who we imagine we were, are, and might be with who we were, are, and might be in the social contexts of family, community, the workplace, ethnicity, religion, gender, social class, and culture.- Dan P. McAdams, (2008, p. 243) The feeling that one’s memories, goals, values, expectations, and beliefs belong to the self is an important part of identity. Through narratives or stories people make sense of how their self-concepts and values developed and then changed over time. 111 These stories enable the perception of continuity in the self. (I can change and still be me if I know the story of how and why I changed.) Whereas self-concepts and episodic memory are present during middle childhood, autobiographical reasoning does not mature until well after puberty (Habermas, 2011). Autobiographical reasoning is the activity of creating connections between different parts of one's past, present, and future life and one's personality and development. Through autobiographical reasoning people relate their personal memories to a culturally, temporally, causally, and thematically coherent life story (Habermas, 2011). Those working with children and teens benefit from understanding that the ability to generate a coherent life story is an advanced cognitive skill that is correlated with fluid intelligence (Habermas et al., 2009). The life story is composed of two kinds of memories, life story memories and self- defining memories. Life-story memories are linked to long-term goals and strong emotions, and they are more detailed than other less significant autobiographical memories. These memories make up a part of a chapter in the book of our lives. Self- defining memories are vivid, emotionally intense, and are often thought of. They build on life-story memories by connecting to other significant memories across lifetime periods, illustrate common themes, and are causally connected to self- concepts (Table 6-17) (Singer et al., 2013). For example, our sculptor might say, “I’ll never forget the first time I sold one of my statues. I still remember what the person looked like and feeling that I couldn’t believe someone actually wanted to buy what I had made.” (See Reflecting on the Lifespan, Chapter 2 for an exercise in finding your own self-defining memories.) Properties of a Self-defining Memory (1) it is at least 1 year old, (2) it is a memory of an event that you remember very clearly and that is still important for you today, (3) it is a memory that helps you to understand who you are and that you would tell another person to help this person know you better as individual, (4) it is a memory of an important or enduring concern in your life and is related to similar memories sharing the same theme or referring to the same salient concern or unresolved conflict in your life, (5) it can be a positive or/and negative memory as long as it leads to strong emotions, (6) it is a memory which you often think about and that has become familiar to you as a picture or a song that you have learned by heart Table 6-17. (Gandolphe et al., 2019, p. 639) Summary: Working with Teens and Young Adults to Support Healthy Identity Teens and young adults that struggle with agency and identity have often experienced invalidating trauma or invalidating family and peer environments and so they do not know what they like and do not know what they want (Blaustein & Kinniburgh, 2018; Linehan, 1993). Substance use may have decreased motivation for, and development of, cognitive skills needed to produce a coherent life story. Teens and young adults with mental illness and substance use may be in a state of identity diffusion, not searching and not committing. They may also be in a state of moratorium and anxious about the fact that searching is not bringing them answers. 112 Validation from others helps individuals recognize what is inside themselves. Invalidating environments undermine the development of emotional awareness, self- concepts and identity (Blaustein & Kinniburgh, 2018; Linehan, 1993). Affected teens often lack goals related to employment and may lack hope for the future. Therapies that are most effective help teens explore their own competencies and the activities they enjoy (Blaustein & Kinniburgh, 2018). Dialectical behavioral therapy has a handout (Emotion Regulation Handout 18) that lists the values identified by Schwartz and asks teens to rank these values according to felt importance. Teens and adults can then select a value to set a goal around (Emotion Regulation Handout 17). Therapists scaffold executive function skills by helping clients think of small steps to take to achieve goals based on their own values. Values work with goal setting is also part of Motivational Interviewing (Miller & Rollnick, 2012). Narrative therapists assist individuals in developing their identity through the sharing of stories and self-defining memories (McAdams & Janis, 2004; Singer et al., 2013). References APA Dictionary of Psychology. (n.d.). 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