Popular Music in East Asia (Postwar Period & Internet Age) - Part 1, Mainland China PDF

HUMA 2109, East Asian Popular Music Dr. Mercedes DUJUNCO Popular Music in East Asia in the Postwar Period & the Internet Age, Pt. 1: Mainland China “Hills of Yellow Earth” 《黄土高坡》perf. by Li Na/李娜 Just like the countering of Li Jinhui’s shidaiqu and “yellow music” with leftist m...

HUMA 2109, East Asian Popular Music Dr. Mercedes DUJUNCO Popular Music in East Asia in the Postwar Period & the Internet Age, Pt. 1: Mainland China “Hills of Yellow Earth” 《黄土高坡》perf. by Li Na/李娜 Just like the countering of Li Jinhui’s shidaiqu and “yellow music” with leftist mass songs during the 1920s and 1930s in Shanghai, Cui Jian’s singing of xibeifeng songs with his gruff voice was countered by the mainland Chinese authorities with recordings of the same songs performed with a smooth Gangtai-style vocal quality devoid of any northwest Chinese musical flavor. In his book, Like a Knife: Ideology and Genre in Contemporary Chinese Popular Music (1992), Andrew Jones wrote about the emergence by 1984 of a term – tongsu yinyue ( 通俗音樂) – a euphemism for government-sanctioned, “politically correct” mass- mediated music to distinguish it from liuxing yinyue (popular music) and yaogun yinyue (rock music) in the mainland Chinese context. The rendition of xibeifeng songs in a Gangtai style by government-sponsored singers whom one would often hear perform in the nationally televised Chinese New Year’s Eve TV program is considered tongsu yinyue as in this example.  With the victory of the CCP over the Nationalists (KMT) in 1949, the musical life of the Chinese mainland was radically reorganized. The production, performance, and distribution of all forms of music were nationalized. In accordance with the widely influential cultural policies first articulated by Mao Zedong at the Yan’an Conference on Art and Literature, post-1949 Chinese music was unabashedly charged with the task of propagating Maoist ideals of class struggle and revolutionary fervor in the face of the demands, ideals and authority of the CCP. Musical production was restricted to the task of propagating CCP ideology, of serving he needs of the workers, peasants and solders, insofar as those needs were perceived and mandated by the CCP itself. Shidaqu – which by that time was condemned and labeled as “Yellow Music”, was an early casualty of this kind of cultural policy. By the time of the Anti-Rightist Movement of 1957, the prewar tradition of romantic popular song that it represented had effectively been eliminated. In its place, the kind of revolutionary songs and mass music that had been pioneered by figures such as Nie Er and Xian Xinghai in the 1940s were enshrined by the CCP as the sole legitimate form of popular musical expression. The CCP’s imposition of tight control over every aspect of musical production in mainland China effectively left no room for argument, for the ideological contention that had characterized the popular music of the 1930s and 1950s. Music as a Tool of Government The political function of music was not something that emerged in China only in the twentieth-century. Since the Zhou dynasty (1122-221 B.C.), music was considered a complement of government and ritual. The true value of music as seen by the early Chinese officials (and recorded in the classic texts) was in its ability to promote the high ideals of Confucian thought. Music was valued more in terms of ethics than aesthetics. “…when the early rulers formed the Li [rituals] and Yue [music], their purpose was not to satisfy the mouth, stomach, ear, and eye, but rather to teach the people to moderate their likes and hates, and bring them back to correct direction of life.” (Yueji, Chap. 1) So, music in China has always had political functions: As a propaganda tool. Various rulers of China and their governments have utilized music (mostly the vocal genres) to disseminate their particular political ideologies. As a barometer of popular sentiments toward the ruler. Throughout history, rulers of dynasties had sent officials into the far reaches of the kingdom to collect songs from among the people, the lyrics of which eventually would indirectly reveal the popular moods and sentiments (e.g. The Book of Odes or Shijing, 诗经, is the product of such massive song collection projects dating from the 11th to 7th centuries BCE). Popular music in mainland China often focus on questions of politics and cultural identity – questions which are on the minds of those who produce, consume, and/or condemn popular music. They typically involved struggles over the meaning, function and even existence of popular in mainland China. This music, therefore, serves as a means for the articulation of their arguments as well as a vehicle for their effective involvements. 《红太阳一定要照亮台湾》 (“The Red Sun Must Illuminate Taiwan”) Nanniwan (南泥湾) Nanniwan is a gorge about 90 km southeast of Yan'an, Shaanxi province. In response to economic blockades by the Imperial Japanese Army and Kuomintang in 1941, the Communists set up crops production committee with Ren Bishi as its head and began experimenting with small scale agricultural development as well as poppy production in a bid to become self-sufficient. The 359th brigade of the Eighth Route Army was deployed to Nanniwan to improve productivity. In 1943 Nanniwan was heralded a success, and a propagandist song was commissioned. The lyrics, written by He Jingzhi, were set to a traditional folk melody of northern Shaanxi. “Blood-stained Glory” 《血染的风采》(1986)  One of the first tangible benefits of the “open-door policy” was the widened availability of modern electrical appliances: radios, cassette players and television sets. New kinds of popular music followed rapidly on the heels of the importation of these technologies. From 1978-1980, China was flooded with imported cassettes and TV programs. The popularity of Taiwanese singer, Deng Lijun (Teresa Teng), was representative of this early influx of popular music, and her impact on the development of popular music throughout the next decade cannot be underestimated. Audiences in Mainland China were often overwhelmed with the novelty and expressive force of Deng Lijun’s poetic, breathy ballads in the largely pentatonic tradition of “yellow music” set to electrified instruments, drums and swelling strings as well as the modern production techniques of her recordings. By 1984, Chinese popular music had moved decisively in the direction of commodification and even greater reliance on mass media. Imports of Hong Kong and Taiwanese cassettes and television series (from which many of the popular songs were derived) grew steadily, while mainland China began producing its own singers, songwriters, and cassettes, often following the Taiwanese and Hong Kong models in terms of style.  As a result of the “Open Door Policy” of 1978, mainland Chinese were able, for the first time in over 10 years, to listen 港台音乐 to “foreign” popular music. The first popular music to be widely disseminated on the mainland was from Hong Kong and Taiwan. This music was initially promulgated “half openly. The term Gangtai used among mainland Chinese to describe an action or process whose political acceptability was not yet known at that time; in this case, it meant that the government had not taken a stand pro or con the active dissemination of the “new “ popular music style. Its importation and spread, therefore, at first advanced slowly and cautiously. Its method of dissemination was usually hand- to-hand, involving the borrowing and copying of cassettes brought into the mainland by foreigners, Chinese travellers returning home, and visiting overseas Chinese; it was not via state-controlled radio or television. It was only later when it was seen that money could be made did the government get involved in it. 鄧麗君 Teresa Teng, “The Moon Represents My Heart” 《月亮代表我的心》sung by Teresa Deng/鄧麗君 《月亮代表我的心》 Characteristics of Gangtai yinyue: - Smooth, flowing melodies, which usually have no direct or obvious relationship with traditional Chinese melodic construction; - A type of vocal production which was described as “the middle way” between Western full, ringing vocal style and Chinese folksong style; -Lyrics emphasizing feelings of love between young men and young women; - a relatively high level of technical sophistication from the standpoint of studio production; - an easy, dance beat background. 梅艷芳 Anita Mui ， 《夕陽之歌》  The Gangtai style from Hong Kong and Taiwan has remained, since the late 1970s, the favorite and dominant style of youth popular music in the PRC. Characteristics: - smooth, flowing melodies, which usually have no direct or obvious relationship with traditional Chinese melodic construction - a type of vocal production which was described as “the middle way” between Western full, ringing vocal style and Chinese folk song style - lyrics emphasizing feelings of love between young men and young women - a relatively high level of technical sophistication from the standpoint of studio production - an easy, dance beat background provided by the instruments commonly used in Western pop music. Americans might commonly associate it with “light” disco-inspired dance music, or with the popular music style commonly k nown as “easy listening”. As the dominant style, the Gangtai style has become the standard by which popular music itself is defined. Stylistic parameters have become, not one possible style among many, but constitutive of the notion of popular music itself. This notion carries with it internationalistic elements. It is certainly felt that the Gangtai style owes much to international styles of popular music, especially those of the West. This Western music conspires with the Gangtai style with which it shares stylistic features, to reproduce a conception of what popular music “ought” to sound like. Thus, it becomes a powerful creative force and, at the same time, a limiting factor with regard to values and decisions concerning definitions of and uses for this music.  A number of alternative popular music styles emerged in the mid-1980s. One of them was rock music (yaogun yinyue). It was seen as a much more direct challenge to the dominant musical parameters of the government-sanctioned Gangtai style of popular music over all the alternative popular music styles. From the mid-1980s to the late 1990s, rock music was often almost exclusively associated with the name of one performer, Cui Jian, who lives in Beijing. Characteristics: - a pinched, rough vocal style that decidedly contrasts with the smooth, open vocal sound typical of the Gangtai style - a foregrounding of rhythmic elements, both in the accompaniment and in the melody - a melodic construction which is taken to be closely related to northern folk song melodic construction - the occasional use of Chinese instruments, such as the suona double reed aerophone. - Rock music audience is composed chiefly of intellectuals and young, male workers. These genre characteristics serve distinct political and ideological ends. In spite of its origins in the west, Chinese rock music is viewed as an essentially indigenous style, one which was developed locally, and therefore a reaction to a dominant style imported from the capitalist centers of Hong Kong and Taiwan. Genre distinctions are aligned in order to differentiate one marginal style, rock music, from styles seen as representing popular entertainment music.  I've asked tirelessly, when will you go with me? But you just always laugh at my having nothing. I've given you my dreams, given you my freedom But you always just laugh at my having nothing Oh! When will you go with me? Oh! When will you go with me? The earth under my feet is on the move; The water by my side is flowing on, But you always just laugh at my having nothing Why haven't you laughed your fill? Why will I always search? Could it be that before you I will always have nothing? Oh! When will you go with me? Oh!·When will you go with me? (suona solo) The earth under my feet is on the move The water by my side is flowing on I HAVE NOTHING I'm telling you I've waited a long tinme (Yiwu Suoyou) I'm telling you my very last demand by Cui Jian I need to grab both your hands Only then will you go with me That's when your hands will tremble Click on the album pic to play the That's when your tears will flow music] Can it be that you're telling me you love my having nothing? Oh! When will you go with me? Oh! When will you go with me? (guitar solo) The earth under my feet is on the move The water by my side is flowing on Oh! When will you go with me? Oh! When will you go with me? “Rock and Roll in the New Long March” 《新长征路上的摇滚》by Cui Jian/崔健 - In his songs and in terms of the optics he uses, Cui Jian is fond of employing symbols of the CCP and, in the process, subverts them by giving them new meanings.  No quiet days No quiet nights People's expressions appear tense In their hands they tightly hold a gun Their chests heave up and down Their eyes have a hopeless gaze. No happy faces and peaceful appearances Wars have pushed men towards death and destruction Everything is_a shattered slumber, a broken hope, Men seem to have gone mad. Don't destroy their homes Don't shoot those innocent babies Tears running down, unable to utter a word Who can come up with an answer? No safe place to sleep All around they are hiding How could there be a good person? In the old days one's hometown Stop the Destruction 《别去糟蹋 》 Was a peaceful haven By Black Panter (黑豹) Nowadays it's desolate and lonely. Put down the gun in your hands Open your eyes and look In front of you is the surviving hometown of mankind. Put down the gun in your hands And think If it was you, how would you say this? ALTERNATIVE ROCK  西北风 (Xibeifeng, “Northwest Wind”) At the same time that gangtai yinyue (pop music from Hong Kong and Taiwan were trending during the 1980s and Chinese rock and roll was emerging, there emerged a trend of adapting folk song melodies, or imitations of folk song melodies to the dominant style of accompaniment as defined by the music from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Several of these styles, each based on the folk song style of a different region of the country, sprang up almost simultaneously. The one that achieved the most widespread popularity was known as xibeifeng (西北风, “Northwest Wind”) based on the folk song style of Shaanxi and Shanxi provinces in China’s northwest. Stylistically, xibeifeng still referred strongly to Gangtai music in its own stylistic constitution through: 1) the instrumental accompaniment; 2) the quality of studio production; and (3) the professional quality of the voice.  However, there is within this style a re-emergence of a residual musical element which had been selected as inappropriate – in other words, rejected – by the forces guiding the development of popular music in mainland China, namely, a rough vocal delivery received as imitative of the folk song style of the northwest area of China (the provinces of Shanxi, Shaanxi and Gansu). The combination of Gangtai stylistic characteristics and rough vocal delivery characteristic of northwest folk songs was seen as a possible solution to the internationalist/nationalist dilemma. Xibeifeng was seen as indigenous music which enacted and reproduced, though with an obvious “Chinese” stamp, the dominant international parameters seen as constitutive of popular music style. The rise of this indigenous style thus represented a significant break with the importation of popular music styles. The genre of folk songs from the mountains of Northwest China's Shaanxi Province called Xintianyou (信天游) was the basis of Xibeifeng. These songs require a clear and sincere voice, showing the simplicity and mellowness of traditional Chinese culture. This video shows the heartfelt singing of xintianyou by a man in Shaanxi. Perhaps the most well-known exponent of xibeifeng is the singer who’s a native of Shanxi known as A Bao (阿宝). 阿宝《山丹丹花开红艳艳》  Xibeifeng was the first homegrown popular song style which emerged on the Chinese mainland. It became so popular nationwide that soon it was co-opted by singers from the different sides of the political fence. Cui Jian, for instance, recorded the song, Huangtu gaopo (“Hills of Yellow Earth”), whose lyrics alluded to the loess soil of China’s Huangtu gaopo (黄土高坡) performed by Cui Jian northwest, where farmers struggle to eke out a living by farming the dry, sandy soil [Click on the speaker icon on the top right]. Incidentally, he also sang and recorded Nanniwan in 1987. However, his version of the song was distinctly different. He had Nanniwan (南泥湾) removed the final stanza that hails the achievements of the 359th performed by Cui Jian Brigade, changing the tone of the song to sound more like a lament. The commander of the 359th Brigade at that time, Wang Zhen, took offense and Cui Jian was banned from performing in public from then on and was forced to perform underground [Click on the speaker icon on the bottom right]. “Hills of Yellow Earth” 《黄土高坡》perf. by Li Na/李娜 Just like the countering of Li Jinhui’s shidaiqu and “yellow music” with leftist mass songs during the 1920s and 1930s in Shanghai, Cui Jian’s singing of xibeifeng songs with his gruff voice was countered by the mainland Chinese authorities with recordings of the same songs performed with a smooth Gangtai-style vocal quality devoid of any northwest Chinese musical flavor. In his book, Like a Knife: Ideology and Genre in Contemporary Chinese Popular Music (1992), Andrew Jones wrote about the emergence by 1984 of a term – tongsu yinyue ( 通俗音樂) – a euphemism for government-sanctioned, “politically correct” mass- mediated music to distinguish it from liuxing yinyue (popular music) and yaogun yinyue (rock music) in the mainland Chinese context. The rendition of xibeifeng songs in a Gangtai style by government-sponsored singers whom one would often hear perform in the nationally televised Chinese New Year’s Eve TV program is considered tongsu yinyue as in this example.  杭天琪’s version of Xintianyou (信天游) Even Xintianyou, the genre of folk songs found in the Chinese northwest provinces of Shaanxi and Shanxi on which style of Xibeifeng was based on, have been made into a song with that title and sung in a Gangtai- style, with the sound of the suona double reed imitated using a synthesizer. THE “MAO CRAZE” In 1992, a cassette featuring odes to Chairman Mao set to a pop music beat The Red Sun《红太阳》- A limited edition medley of became a hit and set off a “Mao Craze”. Odes to Chairman Mao sung to a pop rhythmic beat Many similar collections, imitations and sequels to the original The Red Sun tape were produced as karaoke versions of the songs with titles such as Sweet, Sweet Red Sun. Karaoke adaptations produced on video and laser disc utilized documentary footage of Chairman Mao as well as MTV-like montages of young people who, among other tings, wander around wistfully thinking of the late Chairman [see next slide for translation of the lyrics of some of the songs].  The Golden Sun in Beijing The Bright Red Sun in the Sky [in the style of a Tibetan folk song] The Sun in the sky is red, burning burnished bright, From that Golden Mountain in Beijing The sun in our hearts is Mao Zedong. The sun’s rays shoot out to illuminate in the four directions. He led us to achieve Liberation, And Chairman Mao is that Golden Sun. The people stood up and became the masters. How warm, how beatific, Yiya-yi-zi-you-wei-ya-ya-zi-you-a Bringing light to the hearts of the liberated serfs [of Tibet]. The people stood up and became the masters. We are now walking on the great socialist highway of good fortune! Eternal Life to Chairman Mao The Sunshine is the Warmest, Chariman Mao is the Dearest Dearest Chairman Mao, You are the Sun in our hearts. The sunshine is he warmest, Chairman Mao is the dearest, There are so many private thoughts that we would like to tell Your glorious Thought will forever shine in my heart. you. The sun is the reddest, Chairman Mao is the diarest, There are so many songs of praise that we would like to sing Your glorious Thought will forever navigate my course. to you. Millions of red hearts think only of Beijing. Millions of smiling faces welcome the Red Sun. We respectfully wish you, Chairman Mao, eternal life! From Geremie Barmé, Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader (Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, 1996), pp. 192-94.  LOCAL LANGUAGE RAP In 2001, Xue Cun’s Flash- accompanied hit song, “Northeasterners are All Living Lei Fengs” 《东北人都是活雷 鋒》which has a strong Northeast flavor, initiated a trend of Internet songs rendered in local languages/dialects. Besides reworking popular songs whose lyrics were originally in the dominant standard Mandarin, Internet- savvy youth began to write rap songs in the various Chinese regional languages. 歌词： “Beijing Evening Newspaper” 《北京晚报》 by In3 /阴三儿 当夜幕降临在我的城市 (Beijing language rap) 有另外一种人的生活即将开始 他们白天睡懒觉 也不用去上班 所以晚上睡不着在家太无聊 不喜欢看电视 也不爱上网 因为都是看得见摸不着的假象 到底哪儿才有真的 我想要找个尖的 闲着也是闲着就别耽误时间了 出了门儿 约哥们儿商量去哪儿透透气儿 单身的自由属于成年的光棍儿 都露着大腿 踩着高跟儿 飘着香味儿 漂亮的大妞儿 一个比一个够劲儿 知道你一人儿想要跟你聊会儿 跟你逗个闷儿你也根本琢磨不过味儿 一会儿咱们换个地儿 找个old dirty饭馆儿告诉你点事儿 北京晚报，有人征婚有人打广告，其实就是吹牛 逼和想操 北京晚报，太多的人在家里犯傻逼都睡不着，我 根本不要 北京晚报，有人喝酒有人吃嗨药，喜欢散德行还 不爱带套儿 北京晚报，老家儿都叫我夜猫子因为只有天黑了 才出来造 等等  歌词： “A Turbulent Day in School”《学生风云》by MC Watching MC Watching MC Cola rock rock you wanna tell you Featuring MC Cola (Suzhounese Rap) 现在个学生仔，读书吃力得弗得了 哦，拨老师欺瞒哦~ MC Watching MC Cola rock rock you wanna tell you 现在个老师弗像个断命死人腔哦， 盯牢学生欺瞒哦~ 老清老早，屋里只狗还浪困觉，自 家倒要被头洞里钻出来去报到。 早饭还分吃了么，死人已经开始上 断命个自习课么还要老师吵。 好弗容易听到十三点-- 痴货老师乱 讲拨讲讲完么还要做早操。 突然觉着自家死人命苦得来赛过苦 菜花傍边个格棵草。 触仔个霉头么，作业忘记做哉么， 老师阴森森对牢我讲句好。 那么完哉么，今朝一日天准备立壁 角，立到所有办公室[se]到 逼到毛特么，一冲动，当仔校长个 面么傍仔老师旺荡旺荡个吵 弄到结 果么，第二日天，只好背仔被头铺 盖到--宝带桥报到。 等等 “Where Are You?”《㑚辣啥地方》by 喷嘭乐团/Poom Poom (Shanghainese Rap) Haze (何浩瑜 Haoyu & Ace) – “In My Own Time” (Northeastern Mandarin & Spanish Rap ) Wuhan Dialect Rap performed by Duan Sisi / 段思思 – “Believe in Your Evil”《信了你的邪》 “Parasocial”《超社会》by {GO$H} GAI (Chongqing Chinese Rap) Chaozhou (Teochew) Rap, “Teochew People in Guangzhou” 《潮州人在广州》by AFINGER (壹指團體 ft.鄭建鵬) “Yumcha is a Must”《得闲饮茶》 (Dak Haan Yum Cha) by Jay Law (Guangzhou Cantonese Rap) English translation of lyrics: Now I finally know What is called reason has not much to say When the whole world does not arrive What the fuck is working with double standards “Bush”《布殊》by MC 仁 (HK Cantonese Rap) What is big and small? What the fuck is called domineering Where the fuck is human civilization going? I'm going to fight. Can you tell me the truth or not? You said that post-legal people only see you move your hands You pretend not to hear the voice of opposition from all mankind Those who obey you will prosper; those who go against you will die Your approach to dealing with terror is more vile than terror What the fuck is the flag doing at George Bush Airport If you say you have no second purpose, I believe you Your motives are quite clear It's aggression, it's plunder called you to aid people and you side with it The biggest thing in the world is probably the United Nations No fucking, you are the most fucking United Empire of America…  Ultimately, arguments about popular music in China are struggles over, or for, meaning – a socially constructed meaning which implies and impacts decisions through communicative actions and interactions. This meaning is constantly being both reproduced and restructured. Popular music, in this sense, is a resource usable by various interests in the pursuit of a variety of ends. Some of these ends are consciously political and ideological, and directly related to the pursuit of power; others, less consciously so. In China throughout the twentieth century until today, political struggles over power permeate every cultural form. These struggles manifest themselves both in discourses about the form (e.g. verbal and nonverbal interactions with and about popular musics) and in discourses within the form (e.g. the lyrical and musical content of the songs themselves.