Changing Food Habits of Urban Middle-Class Youth in India: Ordering In PDF

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362832605 Changing Food Habits of Urban Middle-Class Youth in India: ‘Ordering In’ Article in South Asia Research · June 2022 DOI: 10.1177/02627280221105133 CITATIONS...

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/362832605 Changing Food Habits of Urban Middle-Class Youth in India: ‘Ordering In’ Article in South Asia Research · June 2022 DOI: 10.1177/02627280221105133 CITATIONS READS 6 1,750 1 author: Rituparna Patgiri Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati 30 PUBLICATIONS 18 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All content following this page was uploaded by Rituparna Patgiri on 21 August 2022. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.  SOUTH ASIA RESEARCH Vol. 42(3): 1–16 Reprints and permissions: in.sagepub.com/journals-permissions-india DOI: 10.1177/02627280221105133 Copyright © 2022 journals.sagepub.com/home/sar The Author(s) CHANGING FOOD HABITS OF URBAN MIDDLE-CLASS YOUTH IN INDIA: ‘ORDERING IN’ Rituparna Patgiri Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India Abstract The liberalisation of the Indian economy facilitated significant changes in the eating habits of urban middle-class Indians since the 1990s. While there have been studies on food and Indian society before liberalisation, on ‘street food’ and the impact of restaurants and practices of eating out after liberalisation in India, the rising phenomenon of ‘ordering in’ has remained relatively under-researched. This article examines the impact of online food delivery service providers on the food habits of urban middle-class youth in India. It finds that the combined effects of demonetisation and the related push towards digitalisation strengthened online food delivery services in the market. Subsequently, ordering in has become a regular part of the eating culture of urban middle-class youth, particularly during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study offers new insights into remarkable recent changes in the psycho- social and socio-economic structures of Indian society, affecting both consumers and service providers. Keywords: consumption, COVID-19, delivery services, food habits, middle-class urban youth, psycho-social change Introduction In early January 2020, before the COVID-19 pandemic entered India, in a tele- phonic conversation with a close friend, I asked where she wanted to go for dinner. She suggested the Diggin Café, located in New Delhi, an outlet serving Italian cui- sine and frequented by students. Although we had not gone there in a while, I replied: ‘But there is a long waiting line in that restaurant every time’. At first glance, this seems like a mundane conversation, reflecting that one of the criteria of our choice was the time spent waiting for a table. We also wanted an early dinner, to be ready for an early morning the next day. Since it would take at least an 2 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 hour to reach the restaurant, eating out meant spending much time in traffic, plus waiting for a table. After some deliberation, we decided to meet later in the week, order dinner for the night, and ‘stay in’ at our respective residences. However, this particular exchange also assumes relevance in a world marred by COVID-19, as the pandemic drastically affected practices of dining out, an increas- ingly ubiquitous part of middle-class Indians’ food habits in urban areas for young people and families. Restaurants like Diggin Café that had people queuing for a table before COVID-19 are half-empty now, despite lockdown relaxations. Popular restau- rants like Barbeque Nations, with branches all over the country that serve buffet lunches and dinners, are now calling up customers with information of discounted offers to encourage visits, as reported by Neha, one of the interviewees. Popular Asian cuisine restaurants in New Delhi such as Mamagoto and Yum Yum Cha no longer require advance table bookings, further indicating a decline in the number of people going out to eat. Not just the practice of dining out but also ordering food suffered the impacts of COVID-19 and led to new consumption habits. In the initial phase (25 March–31 May 2020) of the four-stage lockdown in India, food delivery services took a hit because of mobility restrictions. Although food delivery, listed as an essential service, was allowed to function during the first lockdown phase, business suffered since most restaurants were shut, as confirmed by the Zomato mid-year performance report of July 2020. Delivery personnel, seen as carriers of the virus, were beaten up by the police in several cities, imposing a further toll on such services (Baruah, 2020). There was much fear and suspicion of food pollution, as rumours linked COVID- 19 to eating meat (Patgiri & Patgiri, 2020). Additionally, lingering fears about deliv- ery personnel were amplified when many people who deliver food tested positive all over the country. When a pizza delivery person in New Delhi tested positive on 16 April 2020 (Kumar, 2020), this scared many people, even those who had been order- ing food from outside till then (J.P. Sharma, 2020). Many Resident Welfare Associations decided not to let food delivery personnel enter their colonies and neighbourhoods, as outside food delivery staff were viewed with suspicion and fear. In fact, prominent food delivery service providers like Zomato and Swiggy started delivering groceries instead of food from April 2020 as a market strategy (Mint, 2020). Laying off of employees and pay cuts were reported (Tandon, 2020). However, their business picked up once the unlocking of the Indian economy started from 1 June onwards, as many people resumed online food ordering (N. Sharma, 2020). The phrase ‘online ordering’ here means using an application of a food delivery service provider on one’s smartphone to place a food order from a restaurant. The significant change in habit here is the act of ordering in, rather than going out for food. Observing the topsy-turvy turn in the business of these food delivery services and related restaurants, it becomes pertinent to ask certain questions: Why was there a decline in ordering in during the lockdown? Should there not have been a surge in demand for online ordering since people were locked in their homes? Who are the Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 3 people that order food online? How and why did business pick up once the lockdown was lifted? The various sections of this article suggest that the answers to these ques- tions indicate shifts in the psycho-social and socio-economic structures of Indian society, related to habits of procuring food, food consumption patterns and also busi- ness strategies. Online Food Delivery in India and Middle-Class Urban Indian Youth As India has been moving towards a liberalised and globalised economy since the 1990s, restaurants, cafés, fast food joints and tea points became part of everyday urban middle-class public culture (Breckenridge, 1995; Nandy, 2004). No meeting or ‘hanging-out’ plan was complete without going to a restaurant or café, favoured spots for celebrating special occasions. However, other business models and food habits also developed at the same time. Realising the potential for an expanding mar- ket of online ordering in India, Domino’s, one of the most popular Italian–American fast food joints in the world, seems to have led this trend and now has the largest market share in India outside the USA (Ambwani, 2016). Domino’s, which has a preferred policy not to offer its food in sit-down restaurants to save costs, became one of the first brands to open online and mobile ordering nationally (CNBC, 2020), allowing the company to beat rival pizza brands in India and capture a large market share. The popularity of social media platforms such as Facebook and Instagram, espe- cially among young people, further added to the charm of restaurants, as every meal and occasion was documented through pictures of food and décor (Tandoh, 2016). Instagram particularly accelerated the circulation of food-centric images because of its user-friendly character, as photos can be shared easily. Restaurants began to pay extra attention to making their food and décor look ‘instagrammable’ (Ginsberg, 2015; Herman, 2017). However, in the last decade or so, the habit of ordering food at home through various food delivery services became increasingly popular among the middle class. Zomato, Swiggy, Foodpanda and Faasos are prominent food deliv- ery platforms in various parts of urban India. Zomato and Swiggy dominate that market with an 80% share (Tandon, 2018a). As the conversation with my friend showed, ordering food delivered at your door- step saves time and transportation costs. While eating in a restaurant became increas- ingly popular for middle-class families and youth (Conlon, 1995; Nandy, 2004; Ray, 2012; Sen, 2015), ordering food involved especially young people living in hostels and rented places without families. The above-mentioned Zomato report of July 2020 observed the decrease in demand for food delivery when such young people returned to their homes. As the COVID-19 pandemic unfolded in India, many peo- ple including students moved back to their hometowns, influenced partly by fear of staying back in a city that is not their own, partly because universities made them return home. The Zomato report of July 2020 noted the resulting decrease in South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 4 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 demand, but also optimistically anticipated future growth and, in fact, predicted a sharp recovery in order volumes as professionals and students were starting to move back to India’s large cities. While most online ordering business depended on India’s youth, the majority of my respondents confirmed that their frequency of ordering food tends to decline when they live with their family. Outside food is not favoured, as Indian parents emphasise eating home-cooked meals (Bruckert, 2015, Simi & Matusitz, 2015). Outside food is meant to be eaten only on special occasions. Sumi (aged 29) said: My parents are old-school middle-class people. They believe in savings, not consumption. They do not like to spend much on eating outside food. We do not eat out much. Ordering in is even more frowned upon. They like to eat home-cooked food, even if it is simple. So, all my eating out and ordering from outside happens when I am in Delhi. Originally from Guwahati, Sumi now lives in Delhi, working in the media industry. Staying alone in Delhi, she frequently relies on online meals orders, particularly dur- ing lunch. While earlier she would order lunch at her office whenever her cook took time off, during the pandemic, she ordered food at home because she was working from home: I struggled a lot during the initial phase of the lockdown since my cook could not come, and neither was I able to order. I finally went home when flights were resumed, but at home, we do not order. Parents do not like to order and eat from outside. In fact, they say that it is our generation that orders food from outside. Practices of eating outside food are intricately connected to the socio-economic pro- cesses that have shaped Indian society during the 1990s. With the opening up of the Indian economy, the term ‘middle class’ underwent fundamental changes too (Sen, 2015: 275). Various internal social hierarchies such as caste, region, religion and language shape the Indian middle class (Fernandes, 2006). The theorisation of the middle class has increased in recent times. Many new meanings have been added to it in a globalised world, especially in a developing country like India, where many people claim to belong to the middle class (Srivastava, 2012). Social scientists have used the criterion of disposable income to distinguish lower and upper middle class (Roy, 2018). This article engages with upper-middle-class youth. Members of this class have dis- posable annual incomes of more than $10,000 (Roy, 2018). Mostly engaged in non- manual labour, they are involved in government jobs, academia, the service sector, information technology and the media industry. My respondents are drawn from these occupations. Although the middle class is a fluid category, it has certain characteristics such as a high disposable income, investment in private education, accessing private healthcare facilities and partaking in specific leisure activities. Increasing consumption has become a hallmark, directly dependent on increased incomes (Fernandes, 2006, Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 5 Jodhka & Prakash, 2016). One of the markers of this propensity towards rising consumption has been the practice of eating out in restaurants. This practice of dining out constitutes a historical change because India does not have a tradition of the concept of restaurants or public dining (Sen, 2015: 275). Norms of social life and caste conventions discouraged the use of restaurants as com- mercial establishments for public dining (Conlon, 1995: 92). For most Indian house- holds, important occasions of public dining only arose for birthdays, thread and menstruation ceremonies, weddings and funerals (Conlon, 1995: 96; Sen, 2015: 278). In the post-independence era, there were only a few small inns and hotels cater- ing to the needs of travellers, military personnel (Rajagopalan, 2016) and workers (Carlin, 2008; Sen, 2015; Turner, 2014: 70). Dining out was initially not a leisure activity, but fulfilled the daily needs of travellers and workers, with a few up-market hotels as the exception. Western-style family restaurants became popular in India only in the late twenti- eth century. Burton (2009: 66) discusses how pizza as a highly adaptable multi- purpose dish spearheaded new trends and habits in India, leading to tremendous change since the 1990s, with rising numbers of large-scale restaurants, pubs, bars, cafés and fast food joints in all major Indian cities, with McDonald’s, Pizza Hut, Domino’s Pizza, Subway, Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC), and Yo! China, among others. The food services market has continuously expanded, closely related to the growth of towns and middle-class spaces such as cinema halls and shopping malls (Fernandes, 2006: 142). When the first KFC outlet opened in 2012 in Guwahati in Assam, there was a huge queue, extending at least a kilometre, such was the craze for fast food and eating out. During Durga Puja, a major Hindu festival across the state, almost every restaurant in Guwahati had hour-long waiting lines, as families, friends and young couples celebrated by eating out. While smaller restaurants and local tea shops existed in the past, generally catering to working class and lower-middle-class individuals, the new fast food chains, upscale bars, restaurants and nightclubs specifically target the upwardly mobile urban middle class (Fernandes, 2006: 74). These eateries offer cuisine from various countries that appeal to the urban elite and middle class as means of conspicuous consumption, an old established concept (Veblen, 1899), creating ways of distinguishing themselves from others. Restaurants and hotels have now become favourite hanging-out places, particularly for urban youth, who do not mind spending lavishly on the small por- tions of food from all over the world served in these locations (Dewey, 2012). The entry of Zomato and Swiggy in 2008 and 2014, respectively, made it possible for the middle class, particularly youth, to order food within the comfort of their homes. With a population of now almost 1.5 billion, India is one of the world’s larg- est consumer markets, with nearly 50% of this population under the age of 25. These young people spend around 10%–13% of their expenditure on eating out (Tandon, 2018b), making middle-class youth an attractive key market for online food delivery services in India, worth $7 billion in 2018 (Tandon, 2018a) and expected to grow South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 6 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 much further before the COVID-19 pandemic struck. Several studies cover the impact of restaurants and the practice of eating out in India (Conlon, 1995; Dewey, 2012; Sen, 2015; Staples, 2014). George Ritzer (2011) analysed, mainly for the USA, the iconic ‘McDonaldization of Society’ in a prominent book which already exists in several editions. While for India, the phenomenon of ordering in has remained rela- tively under-researched sociologically, studies have begun to examine the marketing and business aspects of food delivery services (Gupta, 2018). The Field, Methods Used and Limitations This study focuses on Hindu urban upper-caste, upper middle-class youth, mostly in New Delhi and Guwahati and builds on my own personal networks. Since I migrated to New Delhi from Assam for education, staying in university hostels for 10 years, I became an avid participant in the practice of ordering food through various food delivery applications. This was partly to avoid the unattractive food served in the hostel mess (Gundemeda, 2020: 349) and partly due to curiosity about different foods. Sitting down to calculate my expenditure at the end of January 2020, I realised that online food ordering had become a dominant feature. My former roommate confirmed that it was the same for her, making us realise that we ordered so much more while being away from home. Random talks about this to other friends, by March 2020, resulted in formulating research questions. The field site had to be digi- tal, as India was locked down since late March 2020 because of COVID-19. The group I interacted with covered the age range of 20–35 years of upper middle-class youth, a category that can afford to spend money regularly on ordering food online. The research proceeded in two phases. First, an online questionnaire designed in google form was circulated among family, friends and acquaintances through email and social media networks. 40 responses were received, 12 from men and 28 from women. Most questions were centred on online food ordering habits, such as frequency of ordering per week, whether the person lived alone or with friends or family, income, practices of ordering food during COVID-19, and eating out in restaurants. In the second phase, 15 people were interviewed, 5 men and 10 women. The names of all respondents have been changed to protect their privacy, and their consent was sought to use their quotes in the article. Although the questionnaire was circulated online, all respondents were based in New Delhi, yet were migrants from other cities and towns such as Siliguri, Dehradun, Jaipur, Lucknow and Guwahati, attracted to Delhi for education or employment. This bias in sample selection can be attributed to my own location as a researcher with roots outside Delhi. The responses to the question on income confirmed that all respondents earned between $10,000–$11,000 per annum, which connects the abil- ity to order food directly to their financial status. As they do not have to send money home, they only need to manage their own expenses. Such young people possess Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 7 smartphones and internet connections, allowing easy access to food delivery service applications. This also offered flexibility for follow-up questions to interviewees through phone calls and other digital modes. The interviews were supplemented by observational notes, an auto-ethnographic study and analysis of food content on social media, as it is important to account for contemporary debates to understand the psycho-social and socio-economic impacts of food delivery services. This became especially fruitful, as there is still a paucity of literature on the practice of online ordering of food in the Indian context. The Impact of Socio-Economic Factors on Ordering In Before the entry of food delivery service providers in Indian urban markets, nearby restaurants might deliver food to local customers’ homes. Such home delivery by restaurants depended on distance and available human resources but was not promi- nent. However, more recently, reflecting a significant shift, various food delivery ser- vices have entered the market and online food delivery businesses have successfully captured urban India’s young and attractive market. As more young and ambitious urban Indians, inspired by aspirations and dreams (Hiro, 2015; Poonam, 2018), started working in the private and corporate sectors after the economic reforms of 1991, their work schedules have become more and more hectic. Urban white-collar workers began visiting cafeterias, lunchrooms and diners, either alone or with friends, colleagues and partners (Fernandes, 2006; Ray & Srinivas, 2012). An increase in the number of Indian women working outside their homes meant that housework, including cooking, was outsourced to domestic work- ers (Ray & Qayum, 2009). The other major provider of food in the lives of young urban middle-class Indians is online delivery services, especially when their cook is absent or during special occa- sions like ‘get-togethers’ at their homes. This is particularly important in the present context, as eating out is perceived to involve certain risks. Therefore, most respond- ents who earlier went out to celebrate occasions now prefer to invite their friends and order in. Neha, a journalist who stays with her partner in Delhi, said: I love to cook and generally when I invite guests, I like to treat them with home-cooked food. But with work from home, I just do not have any time to cook. So now, when guests come, I get food delivered. My cook cannot make fancy dishes, she only makes simple meals. While women like Neha prefer to order food online because it saves her time, and offers more variety, others find it more economic. Many students prefer delivery service platforms over going to restaurants, simply because they are cost-effective, give attractive discounts and also save on transportation costs. These platforms also accept non-cash payment modes (Paytm, Google Pay, MobiKwik, PhonePe and debit/credit cards), a major reason for their rising popularity. South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 8 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 While the impact of the economic policies of liberalisation has been well-documented in relation to middle-class food habits, the influence of a more recent economic measure, demonetisation, on food habits has been less recorded in academic studies, though its impacts are clearly visible. This study found clear-cut evidence that the sudden decision of the Indian government on 8 November 2016 to demonetise the `500 and `1,000 currency notes gave a boost to online food delivery service providers. Non-cash payments became particularly popular after this sudden announcement of demonetisation of major currency notes (Lahiri, 2020). Due to the immediate effect, many people quickly shifted to non-cash modes of payment. While the unorganised and informal sector was reportedly hit quite badly, as it is mostly cash-dependent (Shankar & Sahni, 2018), the measure created widespread chaos among all citizens, with many socio-economic impacts well-documented in newspaper reports (Himanshu, 2017). Huge queues formed outside ATMs and banks as people faced a severe cash crunch. Outstation students were particularly affected. Clearly demonetisation also had significant effects on the food industry. As the government pushed for digital modes of payment (Lahiri, 2020; Singh, 2019), the online ordering platforms capitalised on this, facilitating non-cash modes of payment to help distressed customers. In this process, their market presence was strengthened. Vineet, a medical student in New Delhi, said: When demonetisation was announced suddenly, I had very little cash with me. There were huge queues outside the ATMs in Delhi. I live in a single room alone and generally cook myself, eat out or order in. But in those cash-strapped times, I survived only because of Zomato and Swiggy. They accepted card payments, and I was able to order food despite not having cash. Concurring with Vineet, Neha reported that while eating out was an option for her, often the card machines of restaurants were not working because of the strain on bank servers. Thus, ordering in became a much better alternative. Neha said: We had gone to a popular restaurant in Satya Niketan three days after demonetisation. They said they would accept cards, but when we had to pay, the machine was not working. We had to give them the little cash we had, which meant that I had to stand in the ATM queue the next day. Vineet also stated that he could not buy vegetables from his usual local market, as small shopkeepers did not use digital modes of payment, though they, too, quickly got used to this. For the first two weeks after demonetisation, Vineet ordered almost every meal online. He said there was no choice. After queuing for the ATM for hours, by the time his turn would come, the machine had run out of cash. Demonetisation thus introduced changes in the eating habits of urban upper middle-class youth, and online food delivery services seized this opportunity to capture the market. Such service providers saw a 40%–60% increase in their sales Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 9 during this period (Dinesh & Reddy, 2018) and, since then, have only grown in stature. Apart from allowing non-cash payments, they also give different kinds of discounts to customers, including becoming gold or platinum members. Users can avail various coupons and vouchers to order food at discounted prices, making it much cheaper to use these online platforms than to order directly from restaurants or go out to eat, which would also involve extra costs for transportation. While demonetisation gave the online food delivery service providers a boost, later, especially as a result of the pandemic, they managed to remain relevant by mak- ing various innovations and adaptations in their business. The next two sections con- sider some of these strategies and explore further how they have impacted on food habits among India’s upper middle-class urban youths. Impact of Ordering in on Middle-Class Urban Youth Sociologists, especially functionalists, who have studied food have emphasised the role played by food in connecting the individual to the community (Beardsworth, 1997; Counihan, 2004; Durkheim, 1995 ; Malinowski, 1913; Ritzer, 2011). In different parts of the world, the practice of eating meals together is seen as a social event that brings families together (Counihan, 2004). This experience is prominent also when food is ordered in. Friends, families or couples, who have had busy days, would come back home, order food online and eat together. Shreya, who works for an NGO in Delhi, said: Food is best enjoyed when eaten together. I live with two flatmates, and all three of us are busy throughout the day. It is only during dinner time that we meet. Most of the time, we try to eat together. Generally, our cook makes the food but, on some days, we do not feel like eating roti-sabzi. Then we order and eat together. Many fast food chains and online delivery services understand their market well and have devised various ‘combo’ offers that cater to groups. KFC has multiple combo meals, like friendship buckets, that can be shared by several people. Domino’s sells ‘bumper pizzas’ and ‘family pizzas’. Similarly, Zomato offers ‘BOGO’ deals to its customers, where one dish comes free with another dish. Such lucrative options give people various alternatives that are seen as cheaper and can also be shared. Thus, the food delivery service industry promotes the idea of food bringing people together. However, this is only one side of the story. A somewhat unexpected finding of my research is that many youths said that they prefer to ‘order in’ because it gives them the space to eat alone and avoid social interaction. Apart from allowing non-cash payments and being cost-effective, ordering through delivery services is preferred because one does not have to speak to anybody to place an order, as everything may be completed online. Vaani, a PR professional in Delhi, stated: I like to have a burger from McDonald’s for breakfast. But the person who takes the order asks so many questions, and I do not want to engage in early morning conversations. Now, South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 10 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 as McDonald’s has tied up with Zomato, I can place the order online without answer- ing those questions. It is much more convenient and easier. As a PR professional, I have to speak to people continuously, therefore I do not want to engage in other meaningless conversations. Similar reasons were expressed by Nita, a journalist in Delhi, who observed that online food ordering had made her life easier: Earlier I used to call up restaurants near my home and order food from them. But I had to explain my address again and again, which is very cumbersome. After long hours at work, I do not want to talk to others about anything, just want to eat my dinner and have a quiet time. With Zomato or even Swiggy, the good thing is that the address is stored through GPS, and I don’t have to explain it. Champa, a student living alone in Delhi, said that after a long day she wants to come back and eat by herself. Instead of engaging in conversations, she prefers to watch something on her laptop: I am a person who likes to watch a good movie or an episode from a series when I am eat- ing. I don’t get much time otherwise to watch anything. Hence, I utilise my dinner time for this. It also gives me the chance to spend some ‘me time’, which is so important in today’s hectic world. These testimonies of Vaani, Nita and Champa provide fascinating insights into how online food delivery platforms are becoming a means to avoid social interaction for some young Indians. This contrasts with what had facilitated the entry of restaurants in India, namely that they became popular meeting points for friends and couples to share a meal and conversation (Conlon, 1995: 92). Even now, people such as Vaani, Nita and Champa agree that when they want to meet friends and socialise, they will go out and eat in restaurants. Interestingly, Champa said that she does not upload photographs of her eating alone at home, as it would be seen as ‘depressing’. She only does it when she goes out to eat with friends: If I post pictures of eating alone, people would think I am alone and have no friends. I do not want to give that impression. I like to eat alone. But in Indian society, doing anything alone is not encouraged, be it travelling, going to the movies or eating. So, I only post photos when I go out to eat. Online ordering of food allows these young people to eat alone while watching a movie or a series and avoiding conversations. Restaurants, increasingly aware of such consumer preferences, have also developed customised options in their menus to cater to those who want to eat alone. Domino’s has ‘single pizzas’ in its delivery menu, while McDonald’s has options like ‘meal for one’. Zomato now even has an option where one does not have to call the delivery person but can leave a voice message with Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 11 instructions. Thus, the practices of ordering food have introduced and also reflect several changes in the food habits of middle-class urban youth. Ordering in During COVID-19 It is also crucial to understand the impact of ordering in during COVID-19 since self-isolation and physical distancing became absolutely necessary. As mentioned ear- lier, initially there were apprehensions about ordering food from outside. All 40 respondents said that, for multiple reasons, they did not order food during the lock- down, even after restrictions on online food delivery were lifted. One of them was the fear of catching the virus by eating food from outside (Aggarwal, 2020). The other was pressure from parents who disapproved of outside food. Some were not scared to order from outside, but still did not order because of their parents. Reba, who teaches in a college in Delhi, was living with her parents in Guwahati during the lockdown. She said that after the lockdown was relaxed, she ordered food from KFC, but was ‘heavily scolded’ by her parents, who were scared that she had eaten ‘outside food’. It did not help that she developed a fever after two days, raising worries whether this was a symptom of COVID-19. Because of this, Reba did not order any- thing from outside for a long time, stating that she would not get any satisfaction from eating the burger she craved so much, because her family would be worried about catching the virus either from the food or the delivery person. Viren, a male respondent who works in the IT sector and lives alone in Delhi, had been ordering food through Zomato even after the lockdown was enforced. But when the pizza delivery person had tested positive in Delhi (Kumar, 2020; J.P. Sharma, 2020), he too, stopped ordering. He stated that it became too risky to keep ordering from outside. Also, since his mother, who is a heart patient, got scared, he started limiting his orders. Realising that their business was under threat, the food delivery services adopted new measures to reach out to their customers. Fast food chains such as McDonald’s and Domino’s and food delivery providers such as Swiggy and Zomato sent advisory emails to their customers, stating that they were taking all required safety precautions as mandated by the World Health Organization. Emphasis turned to ‘contactless delivery’ or ‘zero contact delivery’, which means one makes online payment for the food and the delivery personnel simply leave it at the doorstep. Preventing contact and hence minimising the risks of infection helped building consumers’ trust. Many of these companies were also using modern technology to track the body temperature of their delivery personnel and staff involved in the kitchen. Some also invested in training their riders to maintain proper safety measures. These steps have shown results, as online food delivery has picked up again after the lockdown was relaxed. While most respondents were still apprehensive about eat- ing in restaurants, food ordered and consumed within the comfort of one’s house was seen as safe. Many respondents who were regular customers of online services admit- ted that they missed the comfort and luxury of ordering food online. Reba, for South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 12 South Asia Research Vol. 42(3): 1–16 instance, said that once she goes back to Delhi after things become better, she would order food online. Reema, a banker who lives alone in Delhi, said that she was not used to cooking three meals every day, which took a toll on her. After the lockdown was eased, the first thing she did was to order a pizza from Domino’s through Zomato: Most of the places were closed, and even the ones that delivered were not coming to my place. I missed ordering food during the lockdown. I had to manage all the household as well as office work. It was not easy. It felt so good to have something different after so long. Zomato delivered it very safely, it was well-covered and was a contactless delivery. The delivery person left it at my door and then I picked it up. I am living alone for the past few months, doing all the cooking by myself. It was becoming too monotonous and boring. Viren, an IT professional living alone in Delhi, had been regularly ordering food using Zomato even during this crisis. While, as stated earlier, he had stopped when news of the pizza delivery boy testing positive had broken, he soon resumed ordering food: I am not good at cooking. It takes me a long time to make even basic meals. I don’t have that kind of time as I have a 10-hour shift that I am doing from home. Since my cook was also off-duty, I ordered from Zomato. I would make rice and order some curry or sabzi. I had a cook before, but she left for her village during this pandemic, and I have not been able to find a new one. I also feel it is better to order than hire a cook at this point. Apart from the important hints here about new ways of managing one’s household without external help, such reliance and dependence on online ordering of food has helped service providers to pick up business after the lockdown was relaxed on 1 June 2020. Although most suspicions and fears attached to outside food have now disap- peared, most of the respondents remain sceptical about eating out in restaurants and feel that ordering online is safer. They argued that the delivery is contactless, and they can safely transfer the food to their own utensils when they ordered in, which reflects a sense of trust placed on online service providers. Conclusions Social scientists have examined the emergence of new workplaces and associated changes (Upadhya, 2019). Related to these changes has been the rise of new consump- tion habits and food cultures in Indian cities (Baviskar, 2019), especially among the urban middle class. The growth of fast food joints and restaurants and the practice of eating out has been extensively studied (Conlon, 1995; Nandy, 2004). In contrast, the fairly new practice of ordering in has not received much attention and this article tried to address this gap. Because of the COVID-19 pandemic, I had to rely on online modes of communication with respondents. While this meant that I could not interact with them directly, it also allowed me to incorporate my own experiences and observations. Patgiri: Changing Food Habits Of Urban Middle-Class Youth In India 13 The study identified urban middle-class youth as primary consumers of food deliv- ered through online services. While these had entered the market during the 2000s, the 2016 demonetisation and the related push for digital modes of payment significantly strengthened the market presence of online food delivery service providers. They came to the rescue of cash-strapped students and other middle-class youths who stayed in cities without their families. Since then, the growing practice of ordering in has also assumed new meanings in the consumption patterns of food. Notably, for many young people, it has become a way of enjoying their meal alone in a peaceful environment, without having to engage in social interactions, allowing more ‘me time’. For others, it is a way of sharing and enjoying a meal with friends and families at home. Both meanings of ordering in have been reflected in the changing food habits of urban middle-class youth during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although initially suspicious of outside food, people are now slowly going back to ordering food in their homes and offices. While part of this can be attributed to adaptive strategies like contactless delivery and temperature tracking by food delivery service providers, other reasons are dependence on and being habituated to eating outside food, which also offers much variety. Most respondents had hectic work schedules, which meant that cooking was ear- lier mostly outsourced to domestic workers. Keeping in mind the risks of COVID- 19, ordering in has become a much safer option than employing a cook, who prob- ably works in many homes during a day, increasing the risks of infection. It also reflects the changing food habits of urban middle-class Indian youth who want to try new and different kinds of cuisines in the comfort of their homes. Many respondents mentioned getting bored eating only simple home-made food during the lockdown. Ordering in offered a welcome chance to break this monotony. Thus, this study of the growing practice of ordering food through online delivery service providers has helped to understand not just the changing food habits of the urban middle-class youth, which was my initial primary interest, but it also allows insights into several related changes in the psycho-social and socio-economic struc- tures of contemporary Indian society, largely as a consequence of the pandemic. It seems pertinent to suggest that further studies on these processes would be valuable. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article. 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Veblen, T. (1899) The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions. New York: MacMillan. Rituparna Patgiri is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Sociology at Indraprastha College for Women, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India. She holds a PhD in Sociology from Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, and her research areas cover the sociology of food and its relationship with digitalisation. She is one of the co-founders of Doing Sociology, an academic blog dedicated to promoting sociological knowledge. [e-mail: [email protected]] View publication stats