Muslim Politics and Rise of the Muslim League PDF

**V Muslim Politics and Rise of the Muslim League** The origin of separate Muslim identity should be traced to the British conquest of India which had a tremendous impact on the social, political and economic condition of India. The British conquest brought about a change in the power structure whi...

**V Muslim Politics and Rise of the Muslim League** The origin of separate Muslim identity should be traced to the British conquest of India which had a tremendous impact on the social, political and economic condition of India. The British conquest brought about a change in the power structure which had an impact on all the sections of the Indian society. In the late 19^th^ century the Muslims were by no means a homogenous community. Muslims constituted 19.7% of the population in 1881 but there were regional variations in their distribution. In United provinces the Muslims were in minority slightly more than 13% of the population, in Punjab they were more than 51% of the population. In Bengal Muslims were 49.2% of the population. Besides dissimilarities in demography there were differences in their position and composition of the Muslim community such as sectarian differences (Shia-Sunni), linguistic barriers and economic disparities. As far as all India Muslim politics was concerned, its leadership and main force in the late 19^th^ century came primarily from the united provinces and to a lesser extent from Bengal. In Bengal Muslims were highly fragmented group. There were economic differences within the community with a minority of zamindars at top and majority of poor peasants at the bottom. There were cultural differences between ashraf and atrap. The ashraf were divided into segments: 1) Urban Urdu speaking elites, 2) the rural urdu-Bengali speaking small landlords and at the other end was the Bengali speaking peasantry known as the atrap. Ashraf represented foreign racial origin spoke in Urdu and Hindustani and rural small landlords were closer to Bengali speaking peasantry in their language, manners and customs. The Atrap were the mass of peasantry speaking in Bengali. The Muslim Community in Bengal lacked educated groups which could build up the difference between the two sections. Till the nineteenth century there was little interaction between the urban Muslim elite and the rural poor. Sekhar Bandyoupadhyay argues that unlike Hindus the Muslims did not have an intermediary group of professionals who could bring elite and the subordinate people together in the newly created public space. Muslims were far backward than Hindus in terms of education. In 1874-75 the Muslims represented 5.4% of college students as against 93.9% Hindus and only 1.50% of Muslims were English knowing compared to 4.4% among the Hindus. In 1871 the Muslims constituted only 5.9% of the government officials in Bengal whereas Hindu 41%. The causes of Muslim backwardness were due to their economic decline after permanent settlement, replacement of Persian by English as the official language, their hatred for western culture and English education. The situation in North India was different. In United provinces, the Muslim elites constituted a minority. There were large landed magnets like Awadh Taluqdars who controlled 1/5^th^ of land in United Provinces. Muslim was well represented in administrative jobs but with the replacement of Persian by English. The Muslim representation in government services declined from 63.9% in 1857 to 45% in 1886-87 and 34.7% in 1913 whereas Hindu representation increased in government services from 24.1% to 50.3% during the same period. For the first time the consciousness among the Muslims arose on account of colonial census and literature. Colonial authorities for administrative management ignored all these differences within Muslim community and defined them as unified, cohesive and segregated from the Hindus in the colonial census. Indian Colonial census made religion its basis for classifying various communities. The result of this census was the new concept of 'religion as a community'. **Mushirul Hasan** argues that Muslim population also began to see themselves in the colonial image of being unified cohesive and distinct from Hindus. W.W Hunter published a work called '**Indian Mussalman'** (1871) in which he described Muslims as a backward community than Hindus. He identified that lack of western education and government job among the Muslims was responsible for their backwardness and suggested that Muslims should change their perception towards western education. This publication encouraged the educated Muslim sections to spread western education and acquire government jobs among the Muslims. It led to the growth of consciousness of separate identity among educated Muslims sections. The Islamic revival movement played a crucial role in bringing about consciousness among Muslims. The movements evolved in them a sense of belonging to a quam. They emphasised on Islamic culture, beliefs, and language. This consciousness was developed among the Muslims through Mullahs, the bahas( religious meetings), and anjumans (local associations.) The elite Muslim leaders felt the need to organise themselves as a political group to demand larger share of the opportunities from the colonial rule. The first Muslim organisation in Bengal was the Mohammedan Association ( Anjuman-i-Islami) established in 1855 for promoting the interest of the community and preaching loyalty to the British. The growth of Muslim politics took its birth in Bengal much before the Sayyid Ahmad khan's movement was started in UP and gathered momentum in 1860. Abdul Latif Khan Mohammedan literary society in 1863 stood for western education within the traditional Islamic education system. Sayyid Amir Ali founded central national Mohammedan Association in 1877-88 advocated re-organisation of Muslim education on western model and demanded favour in terms of employment in government jobs. The elite's classes became politically mobile through these political organisations. However, Anjumans prepared the Bengali masses for the Muslim politics. These anjumans thus established a link between the urban elites and the rural masses and thus brought the rural masses into political life. However, in North India especially U. Provinces local bodies and festival committees played a significant role in arousing solidarity among the Muslims. The local bodies involved the Muslim masses in popular cultural activities by encouraging them to celebrate festivals publicly. They organised various cultural activities and religious festivals at public level which promoted unity among the masses. **Ayesha Jalal** argues that vibrant regional press and a flourishing urdu popular poetry were responsible for creating a 'religious cultural' identity for the Muslims in Punjab and U. Provinces. The poetry was read in public Mushairas, it had the potential to bridge the gap between elites and the masses. The Nagri decision of the government taken on 18^th^ April 1900 that made Hindi and the Nagri script equal with Urdu and Persian as the language of the lower courts gave birth to Hindi-Urdu controversy and increased the tension between Hindus and Muslims. Extremist politics of Hindu revivalism also contributed to the growth of separate identity among Muslims as Hindu leaders used religious symbols and festivals to arouse consciousness among masses to mobilise them. The cow protection movement started by Arya Samaj created antagonism between Hindu and Muslims. The Hindu Jatras in Bengal projected Muslims as villagers which were not liked by the mullahs. This increased tension between Hindus and Muslims which in turn resulted in communal violence. Various urban riots took place like Titagarh riot 1896, talla riot 1897, Ishwarganj 1906, Comilla riot 1907. The British holds special responsibility for the growth of separate identity among the Muslims. After the revolt of 1857, British became very liberal towards Muslims in order to stop the rising tide of Indian nationalism which was dominated by Hindu participation. By the government resolution of 1871 they decided to provide increased state assistance for Muslim educational institutions. This policy was further supported by Lord Northbrook resolution of 13 June 1875 which provided special provision for Muslim education. This policy of providing protection to the Muslims to ensure their proper representation in government services was first initiated in the resolution of 1885. However this policy was finally given a shape in the partition of Bengal, which created a new province in the Muslim, dominated Eastern Bengal. British ensured Muslims a greater share of power in this new Muslims dominated province. **Amalesh Tripathi** says that it was Hindu-Muslim unity which prompted the British Government to take action. These measures which were adopted by British towards Muslims led to the development of political consciousness among elites Muslims and gave rise to separate identity among them. **Sayyid Ahmad Khan and Aligarh movement** Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan was born in 1817. He began his career as an official of the British Government at the age of 20. He wanted to improve the deplorable condition of the Muslim community. He started a modernisation movement among the Muslims. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan and his Aligarh movement played an important role in the growth of Muslim elite politics during the colonial period. He was one of those early Muslims who recognised the role of education for the empowerment of the Muslim community. He tried to reform the social evils of the Muslim community. He encouraged the Muslims to gain education. He said 'if the Muslims do not take to the system of education introduced by the British, they will not only remain a backward community but will sink lower and lower'. In 1864 he formed the translation society which later known as scientific society of Aligarh. For the spread of western scientific knowledge among the Muslims he founded the Muhammadan Anglo- Oriental College at Aligarh in 1875. This college favoured a policy of collaboration with the British which would protect the Muslim interest in India. Its political philosophy revolved around the idea that Hindus and Muslims are two separate communities with conflicting interest. This college provided education in arts and sciences through the medium of English language. Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan did not visualise India as a nation state but group of ethnic communities (federation of quams). It was this philosophy of Ahmad Khan which differed from that of the Indian national congress which imagined India as a nation. It was because of this difference in perception that Muslim politics began to move away from congress and mainstream nationalism. David Lelyveld argues that Sir Sayyid Ahmad khan' Aligarh College was a 'political enterprise' rather than an academic institution whose sole purpose was to construct and consolidate among its Muslim students the mentality of belonging to a quam (community based on common descent). The focus of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan was on the elites and educated section. Its curriculum blended Muslim theology with 19^th^ century western thoughts that would prepare the new generation of Muslims for the advantages and opportunities of British rule. The main objective was to develop unity among the students. One of the other medium adopted by Sir Sayyid's to spread his message was the Mohammadan educational conference which met every year since 1886 at different cities all over India. This was in opposition to the congress which according to Sir Sayyid was an attempt to consolidate the Hindu majority electorate to dominate over the Muslim community who are in minority in the new representative bodies. This trend of Muslim politics was promoted by the colonial authorities. Particularly was the role of Theodore Beck, European principal of Aligarh College who formed in 1888 the Indian patriotic association to oppose the congress to ask to government favours for the muslims. Aligarh movement developed in opposition to congress nationalism and to preach loyalty to the British. However Sir Sayyid's leadership was never universally accepted in the North Indian Muslim community. The Ulema did not like his idea of westernisation which seemed to be a threat to Muslim society. They did not like the idea of western thought and education. After Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan's death younger generation at Aligarh began to feel that they were losing out because they were not properly organised and could not voice their demands. As a result they decided to move away from the Aligarh politics because Sir Sayyid Khan was opposed to the Ulema and was in favour of western educated elite. The young Muslim leaders were influenced by the Ulema and believed in the revivalism of Islam. There had been a shift in Muslim politics after Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan form Quam to Ummah. Till the 19th century the focus of the Muslim politics was on quam (community based on common descent). The young Muslim leaders gave emphasis to Ummah (community based on allegiance to common faith) where interest of the Muslim masses were also considered instead of elites only. Now need was felt for a political organisation of Muslims for the mobilisation of the community against congress. The Bengali Muslim came closer to their North Indian counterparts through Annual Mohammedan educational conference. But the events of 1906 brought them even closer Secretary of state Morley budget speech of 1906 indicated introduction of representative government in India soon. This alarmed the Muslim leaders who thought that in the new self-governing bodies they would be dominated by Hindu majority who were now well organised under congress. This resulted into Simla deputation of 1 October 1906. In this deputation 35 Muslim delegates met Lord Minto at Simla and they depicted Muslims as a separate community with political interest different from those of Hindus. They claimed their rights to proportional representation in the representatives' bodies and public employment. The 35 delegates at Simla decided to organise the community for independent political action in the next Annual Mohammadan educational conference which was scheduled to be held in Dacca in December 1906. Nawab Salimullah and Aga Khan gave a proposal for the foundation of the political party for the Muslims. It was in this conference on 30 December 1906 a new party was launched and called All India Muslim League. Aga Khan was appointed as its president. The idea was that the Congress Party was only catering to the needs of the Hindus. This was an erroneous idea since Congress always meant to include every community of the country and had many Muslim leaders as members. The founders of the Muslim League were: Khwaja Salimullah, Vikar-ul-Mulk, Syed Amir Ali, Syed Nabiullah, Khan Bahadur Ghulam and Mustafa Chowdhury. The first Honorary President of the League was Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah (Aga Khan III). The AIML was essentially a party of educated elite Muslims, at least in the beginning. Objectives:- 1)To protect the political rights and interest of the Muslims. 2\) To preach loyalty to the British. 3\) To promote unity among Muslim community. The first session of Muslim league was held at Karachi 29^th^ Dec 1907. **M.S Jain** thinks that the Muslim League was a logical culmination of the Aligarh movement. **Jayanti Maitra** believes that Muslim League was not an outgrowth of Aligarh movement but rather the outcome of the political developments among the Bengal Muslims. **David Lelyveld** argues that the new party represented 'the next stage of political life that first blossomed at Aligarh and it was expected to provide greater opportunity in public institutions for educated Muslims. However, during first decade of its existence Muslim League remained dominated by UP Muslim and it maintained Aligarh position at the centre stage of All India Muslim League politics. Between 1907 and 1909 provincial Muslim league were formed in all the major provinces. Soon in 1908 its London office was established under Syed Amir Ali which played an important role in influencing British in granting separate electorates to Muslims by Minto-Morley reforms of 1909. This act provided official recognition to the minority status of Muslims and their separate political identity of the Indian Muslims. To conclude we can say that separate Muslim politics was a product of certain social, economic, and political circumstances created during the British rule in India. However Muslim politics witnessed a clear shift from quam to Ummah as **David Lelyveld** describes it a clear shift of emphasis from quam to Ummah. In the first half of the 20^th^ century Muslim politics took a new turn and developed under the leadership of Mohammed Ali Jinnah.