Izmir During The National Struggle PDF

IZMIR DURING NATIONAL STRUGGLE Megali idea The Megali Idea (Μεγάλη Ιδέα, meaning "Great Idea" in Greek) was a political and nationalist concept that emerged in 19th- century Greece. It aimed to unite all regions with significant Greek populations or historical connections to the Byzantine Empire in...

IZMIR DURING NATIONAL STRUGGLE Megali idea The Megali Idea (Μεγάλη Ιδέα, meaning "Great Idea" in Greek) was a political and nationalist concept that emerged in 19th- century Greece. It aimed to unite all regions with significant Greek populations or historical connections to the Byzantine Empire into a single Greek state. It was driven by the belief that modern Greece was the cultural and political successor to the Byzantine Empire. The Megali Idea sought to expand Greek territory to include Istanbul (Constantinople): The former capital of the Byzantine Empire. Asia Minor (Anatolia): Regions with Greek- speaking communities, particularly around the Aegean coast. Thrace and Macedonia: Territories in the Balkans with historical Greek ties. Crete, Cyprus, and other islands in the Aegean Sea. The ultimate goal was to establish a "Greater Greece", with Constantinople (Istanbul) as its capital, restoring the grandeur of the Byzantine Empire. Paris Peace Conference and Venizelo’s Claims At the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, Greek Prime Minister Eleftherios Venizelos presented several arguments to justify Greek claims to Izmir (Smyrna) and the surrounding region. His claims were rooted in historical, demographic, strategic, and moral grounds.  Venizelos asserted that Western Anatolia, including Izmir, had deep-rooted historical and cultural connections to Hellenism dating back to ancient Greece.He pointed to the Greek-speaking cities of Ephesus, Pergamon, and Smyrna as centers of Greek civilization during antiquity. Venizelos invoked Woodrow Wilson's principle of self-determination, arguing that the Greek population in Izmir and its surroundings had the right to be governed by Greece. Contrary to Venizelos' claims, there are only 300,000 Greeks living in Izmir compared to 1,300,000 Turks. He argued that Greek administration would bring stability, justice, and progress to the region.  Venizelos highlighted the strategic location of Izmir as a key port city on the Aegean Sea, essential for economic and geopolitical reasons. He argued that Greek control of Izmir would serve as a stabilizing force in the eastern Mediterranean, benefiting the Allies in maintaining peace and order. He suggested that Greek administration would protect the interests of the Allied Powers in the region. Lloyd George (England Prime Minister) Although opposed by Italy at the Conference of Paris, Lloyd George and Venizelos, Prime Ministers of Britain and Greece agreed to give Izmir and its surrondings area to Greek mandate. Venizelos's arguments were initially successful, leading to the Treaty of Sèvres (1920), which awarded Greece the administration of Izmir and its hinterland. However, this decision was fiercely opposed by the Turkish National Movement under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The subsequent Greco-Turkish War (1919–1922) resulted in Greece's defeat and the ultimate loss of Izmir, formalized by the Treaty of Lausanne (1923). Venizelos İzmir’s Importance Izmir, the most important of the coastal cities, has three railway connections to Central Anatolia. One of these railways*** [Afyon] connects to the main Anatolian line [Anatolian Railway] at Karahisar. This line is the most important line for export and domestic trade and is of vital importance for Asia Minor [Anatolia]. Deprived of its great natural port [Izmir] in the Mediterranean, its lifeline, Anatolia would lose its vitality and be condemned to a deadly economic slavery. ***İzmir-Kasaba Railway  Since the prosperity of the coastal Economic area depends on the production and free development of the hinterland, collapse of the economic hardship that would arise if it were to be cut off from the Anatolia hinterland would harm all of [Anatolia]. In short, the solution that Greece wanted meant the economic collapse of all of Anatolia, including the Aydın Province, which was an integral part of Central Anatolia. The Occupation Of İzmir Maşatlık Rally (Miting) The famous rally in the İzmir-Quarter of Maşatlık (Jewish cemetery) was organized on May 14th by the « Rejection of Annexation» (Redd-i İlhak Cemiyeti) association and the coming occupation of the city was condemned. (kınanmıştır.) On May 15th in İzmir, The Greek military units that landed in Izmir and cruelly crushed civilian resistance and resulting massacre in the city lasted for many days.  The tragedy that this occupation caused was that 50,000 Turks were massacred, another 300,000 people who escaped from their torturers(işkence) were left wandering around the Greek-occupied area, homeless and without bread. They killed, plundered, burned with indescribable brutality and turned this happy city into a vast desert. Press After the signing of the Armistice of Mudros, press and publishing activities continued in İzmir, and during this period, numerous newspapers were published in the city. These newspapers were not only in Turkish but also in various languages, with Greek-language newspapers taking the lead. Among the Turkish- language newspapers, the following were particularly significant: *Ahenk*, *Anadolu*, *Duygu*, *Müsavat*, *Hukuk-u Beşer*, and *Köylü*. The Greeks also had newspapers, primarily *Kozmos*. The most widely read newspaper was *Ahenk*, whose editor-in-chief was Şevki Bey. Nurettin Pasha Greece recognized that the presence of Nurettin Pasha conflicted with Greek interests. For When rumors of an occupation in this reason, intense pressure was İzmir began to spread, the exerted on the Istanbul Governor of İzmir was Nurettin Government through Britain to Pasha. He was a patriotic have Nurettin Pasha removed from individual with significant his position. Eventually, Nurettin experience. Sensing in advance Pasha was dismissed, and İzzet that such an occupation might Pasha, nicknamed "Kambur" (the occur, he had started considering Hunchback), known for his the establishment of an organized submissive nature and willingness defense force. to comply with every demand of the Istanbul Government, was appointed as the Governor of İzmir. Nurettin Paşa, 1873 yılında doğmuş ve 1932 yılında vefat etmiştir. Kurtuluş Savaşı sırasında 1. Ordu Komutanı olarak görev yapmıştır. Nurettin Pasha was born in 1873 and passed away in 1932. He served as the Commander of the 1st Army during the Turkish War of Independence. Izzet Pasha (Hunchback -kambur izzet) In 1919, he was appointed as the Governor of İzmir. However, during the occupation of İzmir by Greek forces, his passive attitude and failure to organize effective resistance drew significant criticism. This led to him being remembered as a "traitor." AYA FOTİNİ KİLİSESİ (AYA FOTINI CHURCH)  Aya Fotini Church, located in the Alsancak district of İzmir, was a significant center for the Greek Orthodox community in the city. The church played a crucial role during the Greek occupation of İzmir in 1919. It was used for various activities, including gatherings related to the Greek presence in the region. On May 13, 1919, a meeting was held at the Aya Fotini Church where news of the impending Greek occupation of İzmir was announced. Mavredi, from the Greek Consulate, read a message from Prime Minister Venizelos, declaring that "Greece has been assigned to occupy İzmir by the Paris Peace Conference. Our long-awaited goal has been realized." Additionally, it is claimed that the church's basement was used as an arms depot, where weapons and ammunition were stored under the guise of humanitarian aid. Unfortunately, the church was heavily damaged during the Great Fire of İzmir in 1922 and was later demolished. Today, the church's exact location is marked as a historical site in the Alsancak area, but no structure remains. İlk Kurşun (The First Bullet) HASAN TAHSİN İlk Kurşun (The First Bullet) is a significant moment in the history of the Turkish War of Independence, and it is associated with Hasan Tahsin, a prominent figure in the resistance against the Greek occupation of İzmir. On that day, as Greek forces landed in İzmir, Hasan Tahsin, who was a journalist and working at the time for a local newspaper, saw the invasion firsthand. He immediately took up arms and fired the first shot, an act that would later become a symbol of Turkish defiance against foreign occupation.  SARIKIŞLA YELLOW BARRACKS YÜZBAŞI SÜLEYMAN FETHİ BEY Captain Süleyman Fethi Bey was an Ottoman military officer and a heroic figure remembered for his patriotism during World War I. He is particularly known for his resistance during the British occupation of İzmir in 1919. Süleyman Fethi Bey was executed by Greek forces after refusing to shout "Zito Venizelos" ("Long live Venizelos") when they demanded it. His defiance and martyrdom became a symbol of Turkish resistance and honor during the National Struggle. Chrysostomos of Smyrna (Hrisostomos Kalafatis) Chrysostomos was a supporter of the Greek Megali Idea, advocating for the annexation of territories with significant Greek populations into a Greater Greece. During the Greek occupation of Smyrna (1919– 1922), he supported Greek administration and was seen as a nationalist figure by the local Greek population. Following the recapture of Smyrna by Turkish forces in September 1922, Chrysostomos was accused of inciting violence during the occupation. Reports indicate he was handed over to a mob and killed in a brutal manner by Turkish civilians. YILDIRIM KEMAL  Yıldırım Kemal participated in operations aimed at liberating occupied Turkish lands, displaying immense courage against enemy lines. During the Great Offensive (Büyük Taarruz), he undertook vital missions to halt the Greek army's advances and break enemy lines, facilitating the victory of the Turkish army. The Yıldırım Kemal Station, built in the area where he was martyred, serves as an important symbol of his legacy. His name continues to inspire Turkish youth with lessons of courage, patriotism, and self-sacrifice. Fahrettin Altay Paşa’nın Anılarında Yıldırım Kemal “Bu savaşın en şiddetli bir sırasıydı ki, daha önce hastalandığı için Konya Hastanesi’ne gönderdiğimiz karargâh subaylarından İzmirli genç teğmen Yıldırım Kemal’i karşımda bulu verdim. Her vakit arkadaşlarına neşe saçan bu sevimli, kabına sığmaz vatansever genç subay karşımda gençliğinin verdiği o heyecanlı haliyle selâm verdikten sonra taarruz haberini alır almaz hastanenden çıktım ve trene atlayıp geldim; “emrinizdeyim” dedi ve bu hali takdir ve sevgi ile karşıladım ve eski vazifenize “devamla başlayınız” dedim. Yıldırım Kemal benim bu sözümden sonra bir an durdu ve gene o güzel heyecanı ile -kılıcımı sallayarak İzmir’e önde girmek isterim, beni en ilerideki bir alaya göndermenizi rica ediyorum dedi. Sevimli genci kırmak istemedim, önce ikinci tümene gönderildi, oradan da ikinci alayda vazifelendirildi. Aradan iki saat geçtikten sonra şehadet haberi geldi. Bu vatansever subayın arkasından gözlerim dolu, dolu oldu. İzmir’e girdiğimiz zaman da babasının subaylarımızdan onu sorduğunu unutmak mümkün değildir ve Küçükköy İstasyonu’na onun adını vermekle hem babasını hem de arkadaşlarını teselli etmiş oluyorduk” Yıldırım Kemal In the Memories of Fahrettin Altay Pasha **"It was during the fiercest moment of the battle that I suddenly found myself face-to-face with Yıldırım Kemal, a young lieutenant from İzmir, who had previously been sent to Konya Hospital due to illness. This cheerful, exuberant, and patriotic young officer, who always spread joy among his comrades, greeted me with the same youthful enthusiasm. He said, 'As soon as I heard the news of the offensive, I left the hospital, boarded a train, and came here. I am at your service.' I was moved by his zeal and responded with admiration, saying, 'Resume your previous duties.' At this, Yıldırım Kemal paused briefly, then, with that same fiery excitement, said, 'I want to march into İzmir at the forefront, with my sword raised. I request to be sent to a regiment at the very front.' Not wanting to disappoint this remarkable young man, I sent him first to the Second Division and then assigned him to the Second Regiment. Two hours later, we received the news of his martyrdom. My eyes filled with tears as I mourned this patriotic officer. I will never forget when we entered İzmir, and his father, one of our officers, asked about him. Naming Küçükköy Station after him provided a small solace to both his father and his comrades."** YÜZBAŞI ŞERAFETTİN Captain Şerafettin led one of the first Turkish cavalry units to enter İzmir during its liberation from Greek occupation. His unit famously raised the Turkish flag over the Government House (Hükümet Konağı) in İzmir, symbolizing the city's recapture and the end of the occupation. He won the 3rd sword (Timur’s sword) by this success. Third Sword Following the Battle of Sakarya in 1921, where the Turkish national forces defeated the imperialist armies, the victory inspired oppressed nations around the world. During this time, the Republic of Bukhara, a Muslim ally in Central Asia, sent three swords and a Qur'an to the Ankara Government as a symbol of support and solidarity.On January 17, 1921, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, addressing the parliament, said:"Esteemed colleagues, our brothers from Turkestan have sent us three swords and a Qur'an in honor of the Sakarya Victory. I have taken one of these swords for myself. The second was given to İsmet Pasha, Commander of the Western Front. The third sword is reserved for the conqueror of İzmir." The Third Sword The Third Sword, as mentioned earlier, was given to the first commander who entered İzmir during its liberation. This sword was symbolically presented to Captain Şerafettin by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk himself. The act of giving the sword to the commander who entered İzmir holds special significance, as it ties back to the legacy of Timur (Tamerlane), who had also conquered İzmir with his sword. FAHRETTİN ALTAY  On September 9, 1922, Fahrettin Altay’s division was the first to enter İzmir. His cavalry was part of the Turkish forces that liberated the city after nearly three years of Greek occupation. Fahrettin Altay led his troops into the city with a sense of victory and determination, symbolizing the final liberation of Anatolia from foreign occupation. The 5th Cavalry Division, under his command, was the first to raise the Turkish flag over the İzmir Government House, marking a historic moment in the nation’s fight for independence. An English officer who witnessed the events in Izmir sent the following letter to the Ottoman Union through the *British- Ottoman Society* (33, Palace Street, Westminster, London) via the Islamic Defense Union. **Izmir, May 21, 1919** "I am writing to you regarding the events in Turkey. I hope you can find friends in 'Oda'** who can answer questions about the scandalous incidents that occurred in Izmir during the Greek landings. I arrived in Izmir the day after the landing and learned about the events from both the British and the Turks. Prior to the landing, Turkish authorities issued a circular to civil and military officials, instructing them not to resist in any way. They ordered both troops and officers to assemble at designated points at specific times and reported this to G.Q.G. [?]. It appears that these orders were followed. However, Greek troops forcibly entered some of the locations where Turkish officers had gathered and killed those who refused to shout *‘Zito Venizelos!’***. I was informed that around two to three hundred officers were massacred, but I cannot provide an exact number. «...he was dragged and taken to a Greek ship. His fez was removed and trampled upon.** A respectable lady was insulted, and the house. The head of the Turkish forces was murdered. His body was still missing last Monday. The artillery commander was also killed(4). A young doctor’s brother – including his engagement ring – had all his belongings confiscated. He showed me his injured finger caused by removing the rings and said they even cut the fingers to take the rings. A Russian had all his wife’s belongings confiscated as well. In the hospital, I encountered a Turkish governor who said the food left in his house was not even worth serving a dog for dinner. He mentioned that all his assets, including his wife’s most worthless jewelry, had been seized. I personally witnessed some of these events. Similar incidents occurred everywhere. In villages, they did not stop at looting houses; they set them on fire and destroyed them(5). The doors, windows, and even the roofs of wealthy people’s homes, which were strong enough not to be easily demolished, were torn down. What was the allied fleet doing, which allowed such events to take place? Both military and civilian Greeks were complicit in these events. The Turks, on the other hand, were left helpless and could only open fire in desperation. Whether Izmir is in favor of Greek domination is a very questionable matter. It is true that Christians were in the majority in this city. However, most of these Christians were not Greek. When the Ottoman subjects are classified, the Turks are in the majority over the Greeks. In regions like Manisa, where the Greeks are preparing to occupy, the population is four-fifths Muslim. Apart from the city of Izmir, there are only a few villages with a Greek population. The majority of the population in the region is Muslim. Isn’t it possible to establish an impartial commission to determine the ratio of Greeks to Muslims and clarify the people’s rights in the region, composed of members from neutral allied states? If President Wilson’s **[Article 12]** is to be applied, it must be applied honestly, not as it is currently being implemented. The region’s people must be allowed to determine their own future. How can it be possible for Greece, which has no connection with the region, to impose its own authority?" **"Like the rights of the English, Izmir also contains the rights of other nations that must be taken into consideration. With the privileges granted to foreigners living far from their homelands under capitulations, Levantines created a rich and independent commercial community in this country. Some of the most prominent figures in this community were of English descent. Did we, who shed blood and spent great fortunes for the conquest of Turkey, sacrifice our national values only to have them wasted under poor Greek administration? Is it not a known fact that in Greece, English companies cannot work in peace? Taxes are not fair in Turkey. However, in Greece, heavy taxes prevent every kind of initiative. Is it fair that this group of English merchants is exploited by Greece? Furthermore, what will be the stance of the Indian Army? Do they not constitute the majority of the oppressed Muslim population, who call each other brothers and who are now being handed over to the Greeks, their sworn enemies? What will they say when they learn that their brothers are being slaughtered? Since I hold an official position, I cannot write openly in newspapers. There are friends interested in Turkish issues. On the other hand, the reputation of a country, lost due to lies thrown upon it, has been shattered. However, if you want to act justly and have friends capable of doing something to mobilize public opinion, I urge you to ensure they take responsibility for these issues. **Leaving Izmir to the Greeks will certainly not contribute to ensuring peace.** *An English Officer*"  Born in Luma, Zuber Tafa from the Albanian community in Izmir was able to remain in Izmir for a month after the landing because he spoke Greek. Zuber then departed from Izmir to Istanbul and from there to Albania. His sworn testimony reads as follows: "The oppression and harm inflicted by the Greeks cannot be described by human language. Words do not exist, even in languages with the richest vocabulary, to convey the crimes they committed.It is estimated that the first victims in the partially occupied Aydın Province and in Izmir were tens of thousands. However, considering the various forms of torture and methods of death these victims endured, this number must be multiplied by 100.The details of these atrocities: Mothers and daughters were subjected to horrific treatment, the details of which I am ashamed to share as my sense of decency forbids me. Among the victims were numerous young girls under the age of 10 who were violated and martyred.The Albanian population in and around Izmir, numbering 10,000 to 12,000, sadly witnessed the massacre of many of their fellow workers along with their Turkish brethren.In Izmir, a few Ottoman officers of Albanian origin were injured and forced to the ground. They were then coerced to shout 'Long live Greece!' However, those lying on the ground proudly and calmly refused this demand and were brutally massacred."**