Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism PDF

Zhu Xi “Neo-Confucianism” Zhu Xi (1133-1200) leading thinker in Confucian “comeback” during the Song dynasty. Confucianism as a coherent “philosophy” based on metaphysical insights into nature as a response to Buddhism, which had dominated intellectual life in China during the Tang dynasty. But decisively influenced by Buddhist metaphysics and terminology. Zhu Xi’s teachings officially accepted interpretation of “Confucianism” in China since the 14th century. The “Four Books” as standard curriculum The “Eight Items” of the Great Learning (Text considered summary statement of Confucian teaching by Zhu Xi) “The Ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through the kingdom, first ordered well their own States (治国). Wishing to order well their States they first regulated their Houses (済家). Wishing to regulate their Houses, they first cultivated their persons (修身). Wishing to cultivate their persons, the first rectified their hearts-and-minds (正心). Wishing to rectify their hearts-and-minds, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts (誠意). Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge （致知). Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things (格物).” →The Eight Items: 格物、致知、誠意、正心、修身、斉家、治国、平天下 (pacifying the Realm/All-under- Heaven) Insight into and practice of what is “right by nature” as foundation of the political order. Li (J. Ri) 理 (“Principle”) Central to Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism was Zhu Xi’s claim, that J. kakubutsu 格物 (investigating things) in the Great Learning meant J. kyūri 窮理 (penetrating principle). Ri 理: That what makes a thing what it is, and what it ought to be. Ultimately all things participate in and manifest a universal order: “Principle is one but its manifestations are many.” The early modern Latin translation of ri 理 as “ratio” maybe easier to understand: All things participate in a universal (and inherently moral) “rational” order that can be accessed by an inherently “rational” mind. However, reaching this “insight” is at the same time a spiritual process involving meditative techniques. “Original nature“ (honzen no sei 本然之性) expresses the ri 理 of human existence. It can be clouded by ki 気. Aim is to realize one’s innate goodness as an integral part of an encompassing moral order of the universe. Wang Yangming’s Interpretation of the Great Learning “What the great learning teaches, is to illustrate illustrious virtue; to renovate the people (親[新]民); and to rest in the highest excellence. The Ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through the kingdom, first ordered well their own States (治国). Wishing to order well their States they first regulated their Houses (済家). Wishing to regulate their Houses, they first cultivated their persons (修身)… ” Zhu Xi: reads 親民 as 新民 (renovating the people) Wang Yangming: insists that 親民 (caring for the people) is correct Zhu Xi: “moral nature is principle” 性即理 Wang Yangming: “the mind is principle” 心即理 Qi (J. Ki) 気 (vital energy, material force, ether) That what all things or beings (including human beings) are made of. Animated substance that pervades everything. Yin and yang as two aspects of qi. Five Elements (“materials”) are different coagulations of qi. Combinations of yin, yang, and the five basic elements form all things. Sensing, perceiving, feeling, and thinking, are operations of qi as well. Emotions (jō 情) are arousals of qi. Not bad in themselves, but need to be properly managed. The “material nature” (kishitsu no sei 気質之性) of human beings is linked to their physical existence (and thus also bodily needs, and appetites). “Human Nature” (xing, J. sei 性) Every human possesses a ri 理 as inborn and intrinsic to consciousness. (This is a person(s “original nature” [J. honzen no sei 本然之性] as opposed to their “material nature” [J. kishitsu no sei 気質之性]. (See preceding slides.) Doctrine of the Mean: “What Heaven has conferred is called the nature; an accordance with that nature is called the path of duty.” Zhu Xi’s comment: J. sei-soku-ri 性即理 “Nature (C. xing, J. sei) is nothing other than Principle (C. li, J. ri)” Fundamental nature of human beings is bestowed by Heaven like an imperial command (C. ming, J. mei 命). Note that mei 命 also means “fate” or “destiny.” Yamaga Sokō’s Shift of Emphasis from Ri 理 to Ki 気 The de-emphasis of ri 理 is a hallmark of what later was called the “School of Anicent Learning.” “Because the heart is made up of ki 気, then when the ki is in a state of quietude, then the heart will also be in quietiude. When ki moves, then the heart also moves. In this way, heart and qi are not two different ways, they cannot be separated. Seeing the heart is internal, and qi is something that moves externally, the basis of ‘cultivating the person and being in your heart’ must initially be achieved through cultivating ki.” This process he saw as potentially involving physical action, including military training – forms of activity more fitting to a warrior than quiet sitting! Fujiwara Seika 藤原惺窩 (1561-1619) Early advocate of Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism at the beginning of Tokugawa rule Born into court nobility, but entrusted to a Rinzai Zen temple. Encountered Zhu Xi Confucianism in the course of his Buddhist studies. Decided to travel to Ming China but failed. Studied with the Korean scholar who had been brought to Japan as a prisoner during Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea. Declines employment by Ieyasu as he refuses to dress as a Buddhist. Hayashi Razan 林羅山 (1583-1657) Student of Fujiwara Seika. Entered Ieyasu’s service in 1605 (dressed as a Buddhist, although anti-Buddhist himself). Established a Confucian school in Edo in 1630. Principal adviser of the shogun after Tenkai’s death in 1647. Succeeded by his descendants. Hayashi house (Hayashi-ke/Rinke 林家) awarded title of Daigaku-no-kami 大学頭 (Head of the Academy) since 1691 Yushima seidō 湯島聖堂 Confucian veneration hall (seidō 聖堂) founded as part of the Hayashi school. Moved to Shōheizaka 昌平坂 (named after Confucius’ birthplace) closer to Edo Castle under Shogun Tsunayoshi. Early Daimyo Sponsors of Confucianism The first sponsors of Confucianism were individual daimyo rather than the shogunate. (Hayashi Razan’s standing with Ieyasu was inflated by his descendants.) Tokugawa Mitsukuni 徳川光圀 of Mito begins work on Confucian “History of Japan” (Dai Nihonshi 大日本史) in 1657. This was a Chinese-style “dynastic history” centered on the Imperial Line (until 1392), even as Mitsukuni was head of a Tokugawa sideline. Hoshina Masayuki 保科正之 of Aizu actively sponsors both Zhu Xi Confucianism and Shinto as tools of governance, also at the level of the shogunate after he became regent for the child shogun Ietsuna in 1651. Mentor of Yamazaki Ansai. Shizutani Gakkō in Okayama 1651 as a Turning Point Accession of first child shogun Ietsuna. First three shoguns Ieyasu, Hidetada and Iemitsu had been powerful rulers. By this time system stable enough to allow figurehead as shogun. Actual government in the hand of government councillors under chief elder Hoshina Masayuki 保科正之(daimyo of Aizu) Foiled rōnin plot led by Yui Shōsetsu 油井正雪 Rōnin 浪人 (“drifters”): masterless samurai Reduction in daimyo transfers and attainders after 1651 (to avoid vassals becoming rōnin), increased employment of rōnin in government tasks Yamaga Soko and Wang Yangming scholar Kumazawa Banzan exiled → Increased concern with control of ideas Yamazaki Ansai 山崎闇斎 Founder of a school styling themselves as followers of Zhu Xi Confucianism while advocating a blend of Confucianism and Shinto. Schooled in Buddhist temples, but repudiated Buddhism in 1647. Opened a Confucian school in Kyoto in 1655 (with ultimately six thousand students). Emphasis on kei 敬 (“reverence”) Received esoteric tradition of Ise Shinto as well. Lecturer to Hoshina Masayuki (regent for the child shogun Ietsuna since1651) who promoted both Confucian and Shinto teachings. → myōkei 妙契 “mysterious coincidence” between the two teachings. “Mysterious Coincidence” of the Way of the Japanese Kami and Zhu Xi Confucianism in Yamazaki Anzai “In Japan at the time of the opening of the country, [the gods] Izanagi and Izanami followed the divination techniques of the Heavenly God, obeyed yin and yang, and thus correctly established the beginnings of ethical teachings. In the universe there is only One Principle, [although] either Gods or Sages come forth depending on whether it concerns the country where the sun rises or the country where the sun sets. The [two] Ways [of Shinto and Confucianism] are, however, naturally and mysteriously the same.” Neo-Confucian “Principle” and Japanese Kami in Hayashi Razan Hayashi Razan also pioneered efforts to equate the Confucian “Way of the Sages” with the what he called the “Way of the Kami 神” (that is shintō 神道). For example: “The kami at the time of the formation of heaven and earth was called Kuninotokotachi no mikoto. This was the first of the seven generations of heavenly kami 神. This kami, dividing into multiple manifestations, is the source of the myriad kami. One may say it is like the moon, one circle in the sky, casting its reflection on myriad bodies of water.... That in origin the minds of men are one and able to penetrate the myriad phenomena is because they are all Kuninotokotachi no mikoto.” Here a kami appearing at the beginning of the Kojiki of 712, is claimed to be nothing else than a manifestation of the Zhu Xi Confucian ri 理! “Principle-is-the-mind Shintō … is the same as the Kingly Way (ōdō 王道). … The purity and brightness of the heart is the light of kami. Correct behavior is the form of kami. The enactment of government is by the virtue of kami, the ordering of the nation is by the power of kami.” Tokugawa Tsunayoshi 徳川綱吉 (1646-1709) Fifth Shogun. The “Dog Shogun” (Inu-kubō 犬公方) 1683 Revision of Laws Governing the Military Houses (Buke Shohatto 武家諸法度) “The arts of letters and of war and the virtues of loyalty and filial piety must be devotedly practiced; rites and etiquette must be correctly observed.” (cf. version of 1630: “The study of literature and the practice of the military arts, including archery and horsemanship, must be cultivated diligently.” 1680 Decree to the daikan 代官 (intendants administering shogunal lands) “The people are the foundation of the nation. Each and every one of the daikan must be attentive to the hardships of the people, and is hereby ordered to see that they do not suffer misfortunes such as hunger and cold.” 1682 Signboards posted throughout the country: “Diligently practice loyalty and filial piety. Be close to your husbands and wives, siblings, and relatives and show compassion and forgiveness even toward your servants. Those who are disloyal and unfilial should be severely punished.” Itō Jinsai 伊藤仁斎 (1627-1705) Born into wealthy merchant family in Kyoto (same neighbourhood as Yamazaki Anzai) Turns against Zhu Xi teachings, pursuing a return to The “ancient meaning” (kogi 古義) of the Classics instead. → “School of Ancient Learning” (kogaku 古学) “Ancient meaning of the Analects” “Ancient meaning of Mencius” Focus on jin 仁 (humanity, benevolence) rather then kei 敬 (reverence) as in Yamazaki Anzai’s school. → Changes his name from Keisai 敬斎 to Jinsai 仁斎 Jindō 人道 (“Way of Humankind”) ōdō 王道 (“The Kingly Way”) → as opposed to tenri 天理 (“Heavenly Principle") Itō Jinsai on the Way of Humankind (jindō 人道 ) “In the end, what we call the Way should not be seen as something apart from the human body, nor some unseen and unheard principle with which the human mind is equipped. It is the name we give to people’s every day behavior, to the manner in which they normally relate to each other.” “Insofar as they do no harm to what is right and proper (gi 義), what are called common or vulgar (zoku 俗) are themselves the Way; apart from the common there is no Way.” “When people are always courteous, treat matters with proper attention, and are not careless of others, this embodies humanity.” Point: Jinsai reasserts the centrality of jin 仁 (humanity, benevolence) for Confucian thought, but dissociates it from ri 理 (principle, proper nature, inherent reason). Zhu Xi had defined jin 仁 as the ri 理 (principle) of ai 愛 (love, mutual affection). By removing ri 理 from this equation, Jinsai gives the fundamental Confucian Way, so to speak, a sociological twist. Itō Jinsai on the Way of Humankind “What we call human feelings are those things in our hearts unconcerned with discriminating thought, unchanged from birth, straightforward and unadorned.” jō 情 as “feeling,” “sympathy,” “empathy” (nasake 情け) rather than (uncontrolled or individually controlled) “emotion.” Compare ninjō 人情 (“human feeling”) in urban literature etc. at the time. For Jinsai, society is sustained by the personal relations of which it is composed, not reference to a moral order of the universe maintained in metaphysical terms. Nonetheless, while the Way can only be observed in actual human society, it exists prior and beyond it, just as musical harmony can only be perceived in an actual musical performance, but still exists prior to it, as something a musical performance must strive to realize. Itō Jinsai on the Kingly Way (ōdō 王道) “A child follows the commands of its parents in any direction without thinking to deviate from them, hearing them even when they are not spoken, seeing them even when are not given form. If benevolent government is truly implemented, or in other words, if one rules over the people with affection, the result is exactly the same.” → “socialization” “If the ruler prefers heavy taxation, the people will resent it. When they can no longer contain that resentment, they will grow angry. Growing angry, they will pull away. And once they have pulled away, they will revolt.” → Watanabe: This is more than Confucian government for the people, but suggests that government should be founded on something like the will of the people. Notion of “society” as “consenting” to (or dissenting from) the government’s rule. Jinsai approved of the Confucian idea of a loss of mandate as described in Mencius. Ogyū Sorai 荻生徂徠 (1666-1728) Raised in rustic area due to father’s exile. Gains reputation as Confucian teacher and becomes advisor to Yanagizawa Yoshiyasu (Grand Chamberlain to Shogun Tsunayoshi) “Study of Old Phrases and Terms” (Kobunjigaku 古文辞学 → Return to ”ancient meaning” of Confucian Classics Philological approach Philosophical Dictionary: Benmei 弁名 (“Distinguishing the Names”) Policy Advice (to Shogun Yoshimune): Taiheisaku 泰平策 (“Policies for the Great Peace”) Seidan 政談 (“Discourse on Government”) Ogyū Sorai: “The Way of the Sages” Sages of Chinese Antiquity as founders of social institutions (perspicacious statesmen rather than moral paragons). “What we call the Way is neither the principle (ri 理) of things nor the natural way of Heaven and Earth; it is the Way established by the Sages for the purpose of governing the Realm.” “Principle (ri 理) is difficult and cannot be grasped by ignorant people. Therefore the ancient sages embodied their Way and its teachings in patterns of behavior (waza わざ). If these patterns are practiced, even in ignorance of principle, manners and customs will naturally be altered, the hearts-and-minds of the people will be rectified, and the state and the world will be put in order.” Note the difference to Zhu Xi Confucian emphasis on moral self-cultivation that extends from the ruler to the people. For Sorai, seido 制度 (institutions) are key. “The Way of the Sages is like a circus trick … Catching the vulgar people unawares, it works its magic, and they are unwittingly, naturally reformed.” “The sages of older times were well aware of human sentiment and knew what is suitable and convenient for people. They knew how people tend to be led astray by sentiment.” Again: For Sorai, the “Way of the Sages” has its concrete existence in socio- political institutions. Institutions are what guides people and organizes society. Making commoners read Confucian texts such as the Analects does not. “The common folk have little use for learning beyond being taught filial piety, respect for elders, sincerity, and faithfulness. They should not be encouraged to extend their study beyond the Classic of Filial Piety, Lives of Exemplary Women, and The Conduct of the Three Relations. Further scholarship will only fill their heads with harmful ideas and distractions. If the minds of people are filled with harmful ideas, they become difficult to rule.” Ogyū Sorai on the Dōnyu Incident (1694) “During this period extreme poverty drove a peasant living in Yoshiyasu’s domain to abandon his house and land, divorce his wife, shave his head, and become a monk, taking the name of Dōnyu. Accompanied by his mother, he roamed the land as a vagrant. On their way, his mother fell ill, so Dōnyu abandoned her and proceeded toward Edo alone. His mother was cared for by people living in the vicinity of the place where she was abandoned, and she was eventually sent back to Kawagoe. Dōnyu was arrested and charged with the crime of abandoning his parent.” Ogyū Sorai’s opinion: “It could not be called an act of parent abandonment. If it were judged as such and the culprit were punished, it would set a precedent for other domains. I believed that the responsibility for such incidents lay first with the local magistrates and county commissioners. Next the ministers were responsible. And there were still others above them who were responsible. Dōnyu’s crime was very insignificant. Upon hearing this, Mino-no-kami agreed with what was said for the first time. He sent Dōnyu back to his village with a stipend to maintain one person so that he could support his mother.“ Zhu Xi Confucianism, Jinsai and Sorai compared One way to understand the difference between Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism and the varieties of “Ancient Learning” Confucianism of Jinsai and Sorai respectively, is by paying attention to how the translation of the key term 情 (Ch. qing, J. jō or nasake) into English has shifted in the above. In Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism qing 情 are “emotions” (driven not least by “appetites” and manifest “desires”) that are not necessarily bad in themselves. Without an desire for food or procreation, for example, humans would not survive as individuals and as a species. However, these “drives” (the original sense of Latin emotio is close to drive) need to be managed, controlled, and harnessed toward the good. This is where insight into ri 理 as ratio, reason, or the moral order expressive of true nature, comes in. Itō Jinsai, on the other hand, reads qing 情 in a sense that is better rendered as “feeling” as in “fellow-feeling” (sympathy). In other words, he reads a sense of the Japanese nasake 情け, with its connotations of “pity,” into it, that featured prominently also in contemporary commoner culture (e.g. bunraku 文楽 puppet theatre). He downplays ri 理 as overly “rational” and removed from “feeling.” For him, the Confucian Way has its concrete existence in interpersonal relations of mutual concern (modeled on the relation of parent and child). This, for him, is the proper sense of the character jin 仁 (“humanity” or “benevolence”) as intended by Confucius and Mencius – and adopted by him as his penname, which he changed from Keisai 敬斎 to Jinsai 仁斎. Ogyū Sorai, on the other hand again, reads qing 情 in a sense of “sentiment” less in an ethical than psychological sense (as also in “resentment”) If Jinsai, gives the Confucian “Way” a sociological twist, Sorai may be said to have given it an at once socio-psychological and socio- political turn. “Human nature” for him is not something inherently good one needs to realize as one’s true, moral self, as Zhu Xi taught. Human nature is rather something that needs to be channeled and teased into proper conduct. The Sages set up socio-political institutions in such a way that people are caught up in them “unawares” and “tricked” into contributing to the smooth operation of society as a whole. This is why Sorai is sometimes compared to at once Hobbes (who described the state as “artificially” founded) and Machiavelli (for placing “reason of state” above “morality”). Itō Jinsai on Analects 3.5 夷狄之有君不如諸夏之亡也 Two possible readings: 1) “Traditional” reading: “[Even though] the eastern and northern barbarians possess rulers, [they] are not as good as the Middle Kingdom which lacks one.” 2) (Yamazaki Ansai’s and) Itō Jinsai’s reading: “The eastern and northern barbarians who possess a ruler are [very much] unlike the Middle Kingdom which lacks one.” → Chinese can be outdone in Confucian morality → Compare also: Ogyū Sorai introduced himself as “the Eastern Barbarian” Elated over moving “closer” to China within Edo However, he clearly considers his own understanding of the Chinese sages superior to that of “latter-day” Confucians in contemporary China Itō Jinsai on the Opposition of China and Barbarians “No matter where under Heaven or where on earth [they may live], all men are equally men. Even a barbarian, if he but possess ritual and righteousness, is a part of the Middle Kingdom. Even a Chinese, should he lack ritual and righteousness, cannot escape being a barbarian. Shun was born an Eastern barbarian and King Wen of Zhou was born a western barbarian, but their being aliens made no difference [to their becoming sages]. Though the countries of the nine barbarian tribes are far away, none lies outside Heaven-and-Earth. Their inhabitants possess the ordinary nature of all other men.” “Confucius … called ‘barbarian’ any Chinese lord who adopted alien rituals, and he treated as part of the ‘Middle Kingdom’ any alien who advanced to adopt the rituals of the Middle Kingdom. Confucius [impartially] praised the good as good, and hated the evil as evil.” Yamazaki Anzai and Itō Tōgai on Political Centrality of Japan “Once Yamazaki Ansai asked his students a question: “In case China came to attack our country, with Confucius as general and Mencius as lieutenant-general at the head of hundreds of thousands of horses, what do you think we students of Confucius and Mencius ought to do?” The students were unable to offer an answer. “We don’t know what we should do,” they said, “so please let us know what you think about it.” Should that eventuality arise,” he replied, “I would put on armor and take up a spear to fight and capture them alive in the service of my country. That is what Confucius and Mencius teach us to do.” “Later his disciple met Itō Tōgai [i.e., Itō Jinsai’s son and successor] and told him about it, adding that his teacher’s understanding of Confucius and Mencius was hard to surpass. Tōgai, however, told him smilingly not to worry about the invasion of our country by Confucius and Mencius. “I guarantee that it will never happen.” Asami Keisai 浅見絅斎 (1652-1712) Influential student of Yamazaki Ansai Critic of the Sino-centric world-view China referred to as Kara 唐 rather than “Middle Kingdom” (Chūgoku 中国) or “Central Efflorescence” (Chūka 中華) “Heaven envelops the earth; no matter where one travels upon it, there is no place that Heaven does not cover. Thus every land (tochi 土地) is defined by the extent to which its customs prevail. Each is a full- fledged realm (tenka 天下) in itself, and none is more noble and base than the other.” tenka 天下 A “land” as a “realm” in itself! waga kuni 我国 (“our/own country”) as opposed to ikoku 異国 (“foreign country”) The School of “National” or “Native Learning” (Kokugaku 国学) Developed in the 18th century in conscious opposition to the “Chinese Learning” of Confucianism. Affirmed the superiority of Japan and Japanese culture. Began with study of literature, but came to carry powerful political message in the nineteenth century Insists on ancient Japanese chronicles, not Chinese Classics, as foundational texts. Evocation of nature and praise of emotion. Japanese poetry as capturing the spirit of Japan. “Poetry attempts […] neither to trespass on the teachings of Confucius and Buddha nor to pass moral judgments. It aims merely to express a sensitivity to human existence.” (Motoori Norinaga) Kada no Azumamaro 荷田春満 (1669-1736) Shinto priest influenced by Sorai’s call for return to ancient language and text. Study of the Manyōshū 万葉集 (8th century poetry collection), emphasizes Japanese poems as “the natural expression of our ancient heritage; they are the voice of the divine land.” In 1728, petitions Shogun Yoshimune for permission to open a school in Kyoto. “If old words are not understood, the old meanings will not be clear. If the old meanings are not clear, the old teaching will not revive.” Jansen: “While Sorai struggled to undo the influence of medieval texts that stood between the scholar and a true understanding of Chinese antiquity, Kada and his student Kamo tried to throw off the accretions of the entire Chinese tradition.” Kamo no Mabuchi 賀茂真淵 (1697-1769) Born into family of a Shinto priest. Studies with Kada no Azumamaro. Also studied with second-generation disciple of Ogyū Sorai 1760 Closes school and begins travel to Ise and other sacred Shinto sites 1765 Kokuikō 国意考 (“Study of the Idea of Our Country”) → kōkoku 皇国 (imperial land) Contrasts changing dynasties in China with “unbroken tradition” in Japan “First, study the poetry of antiquity and learn to compose poems in the ancient style; then study ancient prose and learn how to write in the ancient manner. Then read the Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters, 712) thoroughly, followed by the Nihon shoki (Chronicles of Japan, 720) … discover the remnants of ancient words and phrases… After you have exhaustively studied the past of the imperial court in this fashion, you may then begin to inquire into the age of gods and try to know the Way of the divine emperors of antiquity, who ruled their eras in harmony with heaven and earth.” Motoori Norinaga 本居宣長 (1730-1801) Born into merchant family near Ise Shrines. Lifelong study of the Kojiki (Record of Ancient Matters) of 712 chronicling the origin of the gods, the creation myths, and the sun goddess’s commission of the imperial line. Concept of mono no aware (the “pathos of things”) not: the “principle of things” (mono no ri 物の理） Avoids Chinese pronunciations in favor of “native” Japanese words. Reads Kojiki 古事記 as furu-koto-bumi for example. Motoori Norinaga on the Meaning of Kami 神 “I do not yet understand the meaning of the term kami. Speaking in general, however, it may be said that a kami signifies, in the first place, the deities of heaven and earth that appear in the ancient records and also the spirit of the shrines where they are worshipped. It is hardly necessary to say that it included human beings. It also includes such objects as birds, beasts, trees, plants, seas, mountains and so forth. In ancient usage, anything whatsoever out of the ordinary, which possessed superior power, or which was awe-inspiring was called kami. Eminence here does not refer merely to the superiority of nobility, goodness or meritorious deeds. Evil and mysterious things, if they are extraordinary and dreadful, are called kami. It is needless to say that among human beings who are called kami the successive generations of sacred emperors are all included… Although they may not be accepted throughout the whole country, yet in each province, each village and each family there are human beings who are kami, each one according to his own proper position.” Motoori Norinaga on the Truth of the Japanese Myths “If one truly believes in the teachings of the imperial land, then one should say that, the teachings of other lands being indisputably false, they should not be given the slightest attention, and all the nations of the world should believe in the teachings of our imperial land.” “Thus our country is the land where the Sun Goddess originated, and where the imperial line still reigns, and all other countries should honor Japan and submit to it; this is in accordance with the true Way.” Motoori Norinaga’s on Fact and Fiction “Some say the records are the fabrications of later sovereigns, but who would fabricate such shallow, incredible sounding things?” “The things that exist in the present world, precisely because they exist at present, are not thought strange; yet if one gives careful and considered thought, there is not a thing in this world that is not wondrous and strange.” Basil Hall Chamberlain, “The Invention of a New Religion” (1912) “‘But,’ you will say, ‘this indignation must be mere pretense. Not even officials can be so stupid as to believe in things which they have themselves invented.’ We venture to think that you are wrong here. People can always believe that which it is greatly to their interest to believe. Thousands of excellent persons in our own society cling to the doctrine of a future life on no stronger evidence. It is enormously important to the Japanese ruling class that the mental attitude sketched above should become universal among their countrymen. Accordingly, they achieve the apparently impossible. ‘We believe in it,’ said one of them to us recently— ‘we believe in it, although we know that it is not true.’ Tertullian said nearly the same thing, and no one has ever doubted his sincerity. Compare: Credo quia absurdum est “I believe it, precisely because it is absurd” based on: “And the Son of God died: it is wholly credible, because it is unsuitable. And, buried, He rose again: it is certain, because impossible.“ Tertullian (160-225 A.D.) De Carne Christi Motoori Norinaga on Living in the Present Age “As regards everyday behavior, obeying the official laws set down in each era and following the dictates of social custom immediately equal the way of the gods.” “As this is my principle, in my house the ancestral memorial ceremonies, offerings to the Buddha, and alms-giving to monks are performed in exactly the same way as they were done by my parents. They do not differ from other people’s customs and I make an effort not to be neglectful.” Motoori Norinaga on the Meaning of Matsurigoto (Government) “Government (matsurigoto 政) … was non other than service (matsurigoto 奉仕事). The noble lineages of the realm, and the other many vassals, all obeyed the great command of the emperor, each serving in his appropriate capacity. This was the government of the realm. In the language of antiquity, the word matsurigoto was not used in connection to the sovereign himself, but to all the people who served him.” “The ancient text (Nihon shoki) says, ‘The Emperor governs the realm by following the gods.” The Emperor took as his own the heart of the Sun Goddess, and conducted all matters as they had been determined in the Age of the God. When he found something difficult to settle by himself, he inquired after the minds of the gods through divination. In no matter did he rely on the wisdom of his intellect; this is the true Way and correct manner of acting.” Hirata Atsutane 平田篤胤 (1776-1843) Casts himself in the role of Norinaga’s disciple, despite having met him only in a dream. Widely influential in the early nineteenth century, especially in the countryside. Under Hirata kokugaku becomes more religious and more political. Ancient ideal of matsurigoto as union of government and worship. Emphasis on imperial institution combined with emphasis on agricultural productivity. Almanacs and calendars combining Shinto observances with practical advice. Dutch Learning (Rangaku 蘭学) 1720 restrictions on foreign books eased by Shogun Yoshimune (if no Christian content!) Sugita Genpaku 杉田玄白 (1733-1817) Confucian doctor eager to acquire Dutch medical knowledge Maeno Ryōtaku 前野良沢 (1721-1803) Also Confucian doctor, but seeks to to study all aspects of Western culture beyond medicine. Sugita Genpaku’s Account of the Dissection of a Body “We all went to the place in [the] Kotsugahara [execution ground] prepared for the anatomy lesson. The dissection itself was to be performed by an eta named Toramatsu, who was reputed to be skilled in this art and who had promised to come. On the day of the dissection, however, he suddenly took ill, and an old man of ninety years, said to be his grandfather, appeared to take his place… The dissections that had taken place up to this time had been left to the eta, who would point to a certain part he had cut and inform the spectators that it was the lungs, or that another part was the kidneys. Those who had witnessed these performances would go away convinced that they had seen all there was to be seen. Since, of course, the name of the organ was not written on it, the spectator would have to content himself with what the eta told him.” Sugita Genpaku’s Account of the Dissection of a Body “On this day, too, the old eta pointed at this and that, giving them names, but there were certain parts for which he had no names, although he had always found such things in the same place in every corpse that he had ever cut up. He also remarked that none of the doctors who had previously witnessed his dissections had ever wondered what these parts were. When [Maeno] Ryōtaku and I compared what we saw with the illustrations in the Dutch book, we discovered that everything was as depicted. The six lobes and the two ears of the lungs, and the three lobes on the right and four lobes on the left of the kidneys, such as were always described in the old Chinese books of medicine, were not so found. The position and shape of the intestines and stomach were also unlike the old description.” Dutch Surgery and Anatomy shinkei 神経 “nerves” Kaitai shinsho 解体新書 (1774) First published translation of a “Western” book in Tokugawa Japan Study of Nature and Structure of Governance in the West “Through Naturkunde (study of nature) they revere Heaven, honor the deities, conduct government, seek out the truth, become conversant with affairs and proficient in techniques, correct (defective) goods, and make effective use of tools. Thus their emperors disseminate virtuous teachings, their princes maintain the state, their people are secure in their livelihoods, and their arts and crafts maintain perfection. Their sphere of moral suasion must be vast.” Maeno Ryōtaku (Scholar of Dutch Learning)  kyūri 窮理 (“penetrating principle”). (Phrase used by Zhu Xi to explain the phrase kakubutsu chichi 格物致知 (“extending knowledge through the investigation of things”) in the Great Learning as the basis for a moral “renovation of the people” (shinmin 新民) and well-ordered “government of the state” (chikoku 治国) “Unity of government and religion” in the Dutch Learning of Maeno Ryōtaku seikyō itchi 政教一致: “Unity of Government and Religion (Moral Teaching)” “Christianity (tenshukyō 天主教), the state religion (kokkyō 国教) of Holland, and the teaching (oshie 教) of Africa … all have the same aim: to save and nurture … and to base edification and government on this policy. “In Europe, Italy is sovereign in matters of moral transformation… Responsibility for government is delegated to priest-officials, of whom there are seventy-two. When the king dies, each noble and commoner writes on a secret ballot the name of that priest-official who he believes has enough virtue to be his successor. The minister who gets the most recommendations accedes to the throne. This method is used to select the priest officials as well.” → This is obviously a reference to the Vatican and the election of a Pope. Note the parallel to the idea that the most “virtuous” person, rather than last ruler’s son, should receive the “Mandate of Heaven” in the case of the early Sage Kings Yao, Shun and Yu. The “Foreign Threat” 1771 Hungarian Benyowsky escapes Russian penal colony in Kamchatka with a ship in its harbor, and makes three calls on the Japanese coast, seeking provisions. Addresses letters in German to the Dutch in Nagasaki, claiming to be a captain of the Austrian navy, and warns of impending Russian attack from the North to gain attention. All of this was made up, but rumors of an impending Russian attack amidst concern over inadequate coastal defenses begin to spread. Expeditions to Ezo (present-day Hokkaido) and Kurile Islands to check on situation in the northern “borderlands.” Japan as a Secluded Country in the Eighteenth Century Until the eighteenth century, East Asian waters were dominated by the Dutch East India Company, which remained satisfied with its trading arrangement with Japan. And while as the British foothold in Canton became ever more important in world trade (tea and “chinaware”), Japan did not attract British trading interest until the mid-nineteenth century either. The English had abandoned their earlier trade in 1623 of their own accord (and thus were never excluded from trade by decree in fact). → Japanese “seclusion” had been possible because it was never seriously challenged. Moreover, it never was a consciously defined policy beyond the (later so-named) “seclusion edicts” of the 1630s banning Spanish and Portuguese trade, Christianity, and Japanese overseas travel. The term sakoku 鎖国 (“closed country”) was not coined before 1801 (see below). “Foreign Relations” of the Tokugawa State Ryūkyū Islands conquered by Satsuma in 1609. Conquest “concealed” from Ming China. → Ryūkyūs remain tributary state of China. (Japanese officials “hide” during Chinese embassies, Japanese influences explained by contacts with “Tokara”) → important conduit for trade with and information regarding China Ties with Korea (Yi dynasty) via Tsushima domain (Sō) → Japanese trading post in Pusan → Problems of protocol dealt with by forged documents, appellation taikun 大君, and use of zodiac years (to avoid implication of tributary relation with China) → Qing rule over China considered illegitimate in Korea. Japanese, despite Hideyoshi invasion, were considered less offensive. No Japanese allowed into Korea (beyond trading post in Pusan). Diplomatic missions by Korea to Tokugawa. (No kowtow as in China. Both sides construct relationship as honorable from their own viewpoint.) Trade with Ezo (present-day Hokkaido) via Matsumae domain. → Increasing importance of herring fishery for fertilizer. “Foreign Relations” of the Tokugawa State Trade therefore continues even as Japanese are banned from traveling abroad! → However, Japanese gold and silver mines depleted by the early 1700s, causing fiscal and monetary problems. In this sense, Japan subject to global economic forces. → On the other hand, no urban growth fueled by international trade. Economic growth fueled by agricultural production and regional commerce. Disengagement from the East Asian continent. No perceived foreign threat. Thus state building slackens. → Tokugawa decline Ming request for military help against Manchu in 1630s Complicated system of Tokugawa control possible only for that reason. Tokugawa needed no “national army.” Distinctly “non-modern” character of frontiers (defined ambiguously, or differently by states involved) Hayashi Shihei 林子平 Publishes Kaikoku heidan 開国兵談 (Military Talks for a Maritime Nation) in 1791. “What is meant by a maritime nation? It is a country not connected by land to any other, but bordered on all sides by the sea. There are defence preparations that are suited to a maritime nation, and that differ in kind from those prescribed in Chinese military works, as well as from those traditionally taught in Japan…” “A frontierless sea road leads from the Nihon Bridge in Edo to China and Holland. Why is it that there are defence installations only in Nagasaki?” Arrested for publicly commenting on questions of foreign policy as the shogunate’s preserve. Ultimately not sentenced to execution, but dies in house arrest. The Laxman Mission (1792-1793) 1783 Shipwreck of Daikokuya Kōdayū 大黒屋光太夫, who in 1791 ends up in St. Petersburg, where he convinces Catherine the Great to repatriate his group of castaways on a Russian ship. 1792 Russian envoy Laxman calls at Nemuro (Hokkaido) to return the Japanese castaways and ask for trade. 1793 Official response to Laxman in the name of the shogunate claims “ancestral laws” forbidding foreign intercourse. Officials instructed to make Laxman “understand the matter in terms of etiquette.” Laxman given permit to enter Nagasaki after being told that negotiations could only be conducted there. However, he returns to Russia, feeling that he lacked a sufficient mandate to negotiate with Japan. Point: The “policy of seclusion” had never been formulated as such before Laxman’s visit. Russia, which had reached the Pacific by the early eighteenth century and had some outposts as far as Alaska, was not pushing towards Japan either. Catherine had to be persuaded into supporting the Laxman mission, and did not sign off on it in her own name. (The Laxman Mission was undertaken in the name of the Governor of Siberia instead.) Laxman asked for trade when returning the castaways, but he sailed home when asked to relocate to Nagasaki before negotiations could begin. Some historians think that the Tokugawa might have agreed to a limited engagement with Russia if Laxman had proceeded to Nagasaki to pursue his request. The term sakoku 鎖国 (closed country, seclusion) was coined by Shizuku Tadao in his translation of Kaempfer’s “Seclusion Essay” (see next slide) only in 1801. Engelbert Kaempfer, “An Enquiry, whether it be conducive for the good of the Japanese Empire, to keep it shut up, as it is now, and not to suffer its inhabitants to have any Commerce with foreign nations, …” The Japanese “Empire” One of the discoveries made by the castaway Kōdayū in Russia was that Japan, like China, Russia, and England, etc., was referred to as an “Empire” in Europe. (Note also the title of Kaempfer’s essay: “… whether it be conducive for the good of the Japanese Empire…”) The Japanese term teikoku 帝国 is not found in the Chinese Classics, but was introduced to render the sense of the English “Empire” and its equivalents in other European languages. Note that when Europeans spoke of the Japanese “Emperor” they were usually referring to the shogun in Edo. The Japanese emperor in Kyoto was often compared, as a “spiritual emperor,” to the “Pope” instead. The term kōkoku 皇国 (imperial land), on the other hand, had been launched into currency (increasingly also among Confucians) by Kamo no Mabuchi in his Kokuikō 国意考 (“Study of the Idea of Our Country”) of 1765. Further Incidents with Foreign Ships By the time when the Russian ambassador Rezanow arrived in Nagasaki with Laxman’s permit 12 years later in 1804, the idea that Japan could not permit any trade other than with the Dutch and Chinese traders in Nagasaki was asserted as a longstanding and unalterable policy. Rezanow, on his part, took personal offense at being rejected, and some of his crew raided Japanese outposts in Sakhalin in 1807. The first British ship to force its way into Nagasaki harbor (the Phaeton in 1808), was doing so in pursuit of Dutch ships and provisions during the Napoleonic Wars, not as part of a policy to “open” Japan. → Increasing presence of whalers off the coast of Japan in 1820s The Expulsion Edict (Uchiharai-rei) of 1825 打払令 1824 British whalers go ashore in Mito, the seclusionist domain home to Aizawa Seishisai. Aizawa in charge of interrogating them. Note: it is increasing presence of whalers in the Pacific off the coast of Japan (rich hunting grounds while the Atlantic had been depleted) that leads to incidents more than diplomatic requests for opening the country to trade. The British whalers in Mito had been carrying Christian symbols. Aizawa Seishisai concerned especially about these. 1825 Shogunate issues order to “not think twice” before shooting at foreign ships approaching the Japanese coast. Aizawa Seishisai writes Shinron 新論 (New Theses) in the same year. Note: The only incident in which a ship was actually fired at, was the American Morrison’s attempt at entering Edo Bay in 1837. The “Don’t Thing Twice” Edict was revoked after the end of the Opium War (1842) in China. Deification of Tokugawa Ieyasu Tenkai 天海 (1536-1641) Tendai Buddhist priest who devised Ieyasu cult Tōshōgū 東照宮 Tōshō-daigongen 東照大権現 (“Great Incarnation Shining Over the East”) → Amaterasu ōmikami 天照大神 (“Heaven-Shining Great Goddess”) Nikkō as counterpoint to Ise Shrine → Same distance from Edo as Ise Shrine from Kyoto. Tōshōgū goikun (Ieyasu’s Testament) 東照宮御遺訓 “To expand the principle of oneself is to fill it with tenchi 天地 (Heaven and Earth); to reduce tenchi’s principle is to hide tenchi in one’s mind, and it is the conditions of one’s mind that determine the length of one’s life, the well-being of one’s body… The same holds true for ruling the realm and the state (tenka kokka 天下国家)… One can never go wrong by comparing things to oneself, or expanding oneself to tenka. That is the way one should govern. One should understand tenka as the shogun’s body, the Way of the Warrior as his mind, and his vassals as his five senses.” → metaphor of the body politic → Tentō/tendō 天道: Syncretistic belief combining Shinto, Buddhist, Taoist and Confucian notions, gaining ground in Warring States period “Heaven, not the Emperor, was the source of Ieyasu’s authority. Nowhere is there any mention of delegation of authority from the emperor to the shogun.” Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) Leviathan, or the Matter, Forme, and Power of a Common wealth Ecclesiastical and Civil (1651) “Common wealth” ←→ Res publica “Ecclesiastical” = “church-like” The Mechanisms of Shogunal Majesty (goikō 御威光) “The warrior houses seized the realm through force of arms, and it was solely through continuing to assert and flaunt this power that they succeeded in cowing the common people into submission; in ruling the country as well, they depended entirely upon the twin factors of prestige and ceremony.” Hori Keizan (1688-1757) Comment by Watanabe Hiroshi: “The military houses were therefore at great pains to make a shining display of their power and glory. As a result, for example, the majority of people were immediately silenced and intimidated by the very sight of the hollyhock crest that symbolized the authority of the Tokugawa house. This ‘majesty’ also shone upon the vassals and retainers of the Tokugawa, and the officials of the shogunate partook of it to varying degrees, according to their rank and station. The politico-military organization as a whole was cloaked in the armor of this majesty, and shone grimly with its light.” “The realm is the realm of the realm” (天下は天下の天下なり) “Six Secret Teachings” (Liu Tao 六韜, 11 c. BCE) included among the Chinese “Seven Military Classics”: 天下非一人之天下，乃天下之天下也。同天下之利者，則得天下；擅天下之利者，則失天下。 “All under Heaven is not one man’s domain. All under Heaven means just that, all under Heaven. Anyone who shares profit with all under Heaven will gain the world. Anyone who monopolizes its profits will lose the world.” Note the emphasis on ri 利 (profit, benefit) rather than the Confucian emphasis on “what is right” or 義. → Subordinate daimyo were well aware that this assertion of tenka e.g. by Nobunaga served their own interests, and were therefore willing to accept him as the ‘official ruling authority’ (kōgi 公儀). The “Great Peace” (Taihei 太平) “Grateful for the bounty of the ruler of the Land of the Rising Sun To every corner in this sacred land All bow in allegiance.” “Comfortable pillows to rest our wary heads These, too, are Nikkō craftsmanship.” “Maybe not exactly what the warriors have in mind But what a paradise our world is now,” “Even the Dutchmen Have come to see the cherry blossoms Saddle the horse! Even the kapitan Bows before him Our lord in springtime.” (Haiku by Bashō) David Hume on “Opinion” NOTHING appears more surprising to those who consider human affairs with a philosophical eye, than the easiness with which the many are governed by the few; and the implicit submission, with which men resign their own sentiments and passions to those of their rulers. When we inquire by what means this wonder is effected, we shall find, that, as Force is always on the side of the governed, the governors have nothing to support them but opinion. It is, therefore, on opinion that government is founded; and this maxim extends to the most despotic and most military governments, as well as to the most free and most popular. The soldan of EGYPT, or the emperor of ROME, might drive his harmless subjects, like brute beasts, against their sentiments and inclinations. But he must, at least, have led his mamelukes or praetorian bands, like men, by their opinion. “opinion of right” / “opinion of interest” “Of the First Principles of Government” (1741/1777) Kōgi 公儀 and Res Publica Note Watanabe Hiroshi’s following comparison of the term kōgi 公儀 with the Latin res publica: “The problem is that the character kō 公, while used in modern Japanese in various compounds to translate the Western concept of ‘public,’ did not originally mean ‘public’ in the Western sense at all. As one may find in consulting any English dictionary, the term ‘public’ is rooted in the Latin for people or populace; in all of the Western languages, words derived from res publica (lit., ‘public affairs’) are used to signify the state. What we are talking about with kōgi 公儀 is something entirely different, and the shogunate should certainly not be understood as some form of ‘public authority’ in the Western sense. The kōgi 公儀 did not embody any pretense of being a public institution for the purpose of resolving common problems or issues among the people.” Watanabe Hiroshi, A History of Japanese Political Thought 1600-1901 Sino-Japanese kō 公 and Latin publicus Watanabe: “‘public’ is rooted in the Latin term for people or populace.”  Cicero: Est igitur res publica res populi (“The state is an affair of the populus”) However: populus does not mean “people” or “the people” in the modern Anglo- American (“republican”) sense of “popular sovereignty” here! And the adjective formed from populus in Latin is not so much publicus as popularis. The Latin publicus blends the roots populus and pubes together pubes meaning “young men” (capable of military service) Cf. adjective publicus in Republican Rome  done for, or at expense of, the state cf. thus publicanus as noun referred a tax collector in Imperial Rome Habermas on the Term ‘Public’ in European languages “The usage of the words ‘public’ and ‘publicity/public sphere’ (Öffentlichkeit) betrays a multiplicity of concurrent meanings. Their origins go back to various historical phases and, when applied synchronically … they fuse into a clouded amalgam.” “We call events and occasions ‘public’ when they are open to all, in contrast to closed or exclusive affairs – as when we speak of public places or public houses. But as in the expression ‘public building,’ the term need not refer to general accessibility... ‘Public buildings’ simply house state institutions and as such are ‘public’. The state is the ‘public authority.’ It owes this attribute to its task of promoting the public or common welfare of its rightful members.” “The word has yet another meaning when … a powerful display of representation is staged whose ‘publicity’ contains an element of public recognition. Jürgen Habermas, Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere Habermas on the Term ‘Public’ in European languages “There is a shift of meaning again when someone says has made a name for himself, has a public reputation….” “None of these usages, however, have much affinity with the meaning most commonly associated with the category – expressions like ‘public opinion,’ an ‘outraged or informed public,’ ‘publicity,’ ‘publish,’ and ‘publicize’.” Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere The Mechanisms of Shogunal Majesty (goikō 御威光) “An institution such as the bakufu based its existence not on any inherent right to rule the realm, but in fact on an extremely cumbersome apparatus … It either intimidated the people with military force, or employed the arts of deceit to mislead them … Its methods were myriad. But what it particularly emphasized, with the greatest exertion of its power, was to make the government appear as majestic as possible, so that the people would look up to it as something high and mighty, feeling it was something to which they could not possibly aspire, something truly grand, something vast and limitless in its power. Their constant awe froze their will and broke their spirit… It was what one might call a ‘political strategy of mystification’.” Ueki Emori (early-Meiji popular rights activist) “Rule by Status” Status groups: Samurai-Farmers-Artisan-Merchants (shi-nō-kō-shō 士農工商) → Outside the four classes: Court nobles, priests, Confucian scholars or doctors, outcasts. Samurai on top and merchants at bottom. However, Tokugawa society increasingly commercial and driven by money. Samurai continue to receive stipends in rice, while rice price declines. Most samurai in precarious financial and personal circumstances. System of complementary hierarchies, each of which had its upper, middle, and lower classes. Farmers include prosperous village leaders, engaging in entrepreneurial activities. Artisans range from producers of highly valued commodities supplying the political elites to petty manufacturers of handicraft items. Merchants range from powerful commercial houses and financial brokers such as Mitsui and Sumitomo to street hawkers. Watanabe on Tokugawa-era ie 家 “The ie 家 was an institutional mechanism, a type of juridical person. As such, it had a social function: the family profession or business. Related to this was the family pedigree, status, and reputation (iegara 家柄, kakaku 家格, kamei 家名). Then there were the actual physical assets or property of the ie 家 (kasan 家産, kazai 家財). This was not conceived of as the sum total of the individual assets of the members of the ie, nor was it what the present Japanese civil code refers to as ‘co-ownership.‘ The assets of the ie 家 were collective..” “The ie 家 had a single representative: the head of the house. This was a formally recognized position, inherited from its former occupant, although succession could take place while the incumbent was still living, through retirement (inkyo) and transfer of authority to the heir.” Watanabe on Tokugawa-era ie 家 “This concept of the ie 家 was something that appears to have been held only by a certain segment of the upper classes until early modern times. During the course of the seventeenth century, however, the majority of the peasantry came to think of themselves as living within their own small ie 家, and the concept spread throughout Japanese society. Villages, towns, domainal governments, the shogunate, the imperial court – all were collectives whose basic compositional unit was the ie 家. The entire country resembled a set of nested boxes – smaller ie 家 within larger – with individuals living to preserve and maintain their own ie and by extension preserving and maintaining the whole.” Compare buke 武家 (warrior houses) and kuge 公家 (noble houses) in Ieyasu’s Code for the Warrior Houses and Code for the Imperial Court and Nobility of 1615 However, while peasant households were nōka 農家, “villages” and “towns” were not ie 家, but mura 村 and machi 町! Townspeople were chōnin 町人 and precisely not kenin 家人 (a daimyo’s samurai “housemen”) Villages in Tokugawa Japan Villages were also largely self-governing as long as they paid taxes and complied with status restrictions Tax assessments named individual cultivators but taxes were collected from village as a whole. (Tokugawa officials did not enter villages. Village headmen delivered tax rice to local district administrators.) Village headmanship hereditary, rotating among eligible families, or in some cases decided by ballot. Villages frequently established own laws or regulations. Considerable pressure on individuals to comply with collective discipline. Restrictions on clothing, food, items for trade. Luke Roberts on “sealed-off spaces” Alternative definitions of political space are key to understanding how the roles of inferiors could simultaneously express both “autonomy” and “complete subservience” → “delegation” of power omote 面 (literally “surface” or “interface”): “performance” of rituals of submissions uchi 内/naibun 内分 (“inside”): acknowledged space of authority held by the inferior party naishō 内証: “inside agreement” → mutually arranged management of “disobedience” in “lived reality” Omote was the ritual framework that statically bound disparate compartments of naibun authority together. → Reassuring performance of signs that one accepted the hierarchy and general order of the higher authority. Luke Roberts on Deviance in Omote as a Collective Bargaining Tool “Deviance in omote could be a form of political behavior, but it was disruptive, uncivil politics and always called for punishment. Such deviance was most often used strategically by people poorly placed in the hierarchies of power, typically commoners engaging in public disorder as a tactic to cause their superiors to ‘lose face.’ Illegal petitioning, protests, and riots could be effective tools in collective bargaining because they exposed a ruler’s inability to maintain the peace. Such disruption often achieved demands, but always at a heavy cost. The rituals of resolution of such conflicts involved punishing some representative of the inferior party for the crime of insubordination so that reinstatement of the hierarchy could be affirmed. Leaders of protests therefore expected to receive punishment and had to be willing to sacrifice themselves for the collective good.” → Note that “forceful appeals” of nature by peasants often succeeded with this tactic, even as their leaders faced severe punishment! Peter Duus on the Tactics and Success of Peasant Uprisings “When crowds of peasants descended on a domain office, samurai officials tried to disperse them with appeals to act reasonably and promises of concessions, and only if that failed did they resort to force or threat of punishment. For their part, the peasants did not speak a language of defiance, proclaiming their rights, but rather a language of persuasion, calling on the daimyo and his officials to act ‘benevolently’ or reminding them that conditions were once better in the ‘good old days’ under their ancestors. … At the core of most peasant disturbances was not revolution but negotiation.” “It should be remembered, however, that once disturbances had subsided the samurai authorities meted out harsh reprisals to remind peasants that however reasonable or grievous their complaints might be civil disobedience would not be tolerated. The village ringleaders were punished, often by death; fines were levied on the village; and the villagers were forced to promise never to be disorderly again.” The Forty-Seven Rōnin (Akō gishi 赤穂義士) Vendetta against Kira Yoshinaka by loyal retainers of Asano Naganori, daimyo of Akō Asano sentenced to commit suicide in 1701 after altercation with Kira in Edo Castle. Asano’s “loyal retainers” kill Kira in his mansion twenty months later, only to immediately surrender to shogunal authority for legal judgment in turn. Sentenced to suicide by disembowelment as an “honorable” form of death. Chūshingura 忠臣蔵 (“Treasure of Loyal Retainers”) Countless literary adaptions. Especially influential Kanadehon Chūshingura 仮名手本忠臣蔵 (1748) → gishiden 義士伝(“tales of loyal retainers”) “Although the crimes involved were fundamentally ones of passion, they were also highly unusual in categorical terms, and raised issues that went to the heart of the institutions and values of the Tokugawa system. In and of itself, the Akō vendetta was inconsequential to the political and institutional history of Japan, but as a mirror of political and institutional dilemmas in a period of transition for the samurai class from practicing warrior to urban bureaucrat, it has no rivals. In the end, it was this dual character of the historical incident, at once tabloid crime and legal conundrum, that provides the first and most basic explanation of the ‘capacity’ of Chushingura.” Henry Smith, “The Capacity of Chushingura” Ogyū Sorai on the Forty-Six Samurai “Gi 義 (righteousness) is the way to uphold one’s personal integrity. Law is the standard of measurement for the entire society. … Their [the forty-six samurai’s] action was righteous. But this aspect of the situation concerns only them and is a private (shi 私) matter. … If private considerations are allowed to undermine public considerations (kōron 公論), it will be impossible to uphold the law of the land.” → Episode highlights conflict between idea of rule based on “personal morality” of loyal service and claim of the shogunate to represent “public authority.” → But “personal morality” here is defined in terms of “loyalty” (gi 義) to one’s “house” (ie 家) Basic Categories of Confucianism The Five Relations (gorin 五倫) Father-son filial affection (filial piety) shin 親（ko 孝） Ruler-subject rightness/righteousness (loyalty) gi 義 (chu 忠) Husband-wife differentiation betsu 別 Elder-younger recognition of precedence jo 序 Friends-friend trust/faithfulness shin 信 The Five Constant Virtues (gojō 五常) Humanity/Benevolence jin 仁 Righteousness gi 義 Ritual Propriety rei 礼 Wisdom chi 智 Faithfulness shin 信 (Kō)gi (公)義 as background to kōgi 公儀 and kōgi 公議 Note that the character gi 義 which is rendered as “righteousness” (as in “moral righteousness”) in the Sorai quote above and is usually translated as “loyalty” in the phrase kunshin no gi 君臣ノ義 (loyalty between vassal and lord) especially in a “samurai” context, is also the most conspicuous grapheme in the gi 儀 of kōgi 公儀! Note further that Ogyū Sorai actually spells out kōgi 公儀 as kōgi 公義 in this context, and that this may have been more than a slip of the pen or economical writing! In fact that term is found in Yamaga Sokō (see the slide after next) as well. There is another term, that is pronounced the same and looks rather similar, which gains central significance in the transition from the Tokugawa to the Meiji period, namely, kōgi 公議 (see next slide), spelled out with the gi 議 found in such terms as giron 議論 (discussion, debate) and gikai 議会 (parliament) for example! kōgi 公儀 → kōgi 公議 shogunal government as “public authority” “public discussion”/”public opinion” → Historians who argue that the Meiji Restoration ought to be more properly conceived of as a “revolution” focus on this shift in how the “public” is conceived, seeing a “republican” turn in it. Yamaga Sokō 山鹿素行 (1622-1685) Confucian scholar who sought to adapt Confucian teachings to society governed by warrior (samurai) rather than scholar elite shi 士: in China, Confucian “scholar official” in Japan, read as “samurai” bushi 武士 (“warrior elite”)  “the way of the warrior” bunbu ryōbu 文武両道 “The Dual Way of Scholar and Warrior” Example for perceived “subversive” character of Confucianism in early Tokugawa period. Charged with inspiring rōnin 浪人 activity and linked to forms of “military thought” popular among rōnin 浪人 (masterless samurai). → Exiled to Akō until 1675. The Social Role of the Samurai According to Yamaga Sokō “[T]he farmers, artisans, and merchants have no leisure from their occupations, and so they cannot constantly act in accordance with them and fully exemplify the Way…, should there be someone in the three classes of the common people who transgresses against these moral principles, the samurai summarily punishes him and thus upholds proper moral principles in the land. It would not do for the samurai to know the martial and civil virtues without manifesting them… The Scholarly Way constitutes his heart, but externally he keeps the tools of a Warrior to hand. The three classes of the common people automatically take him as their teacher and look up to him. By following his teachings they come to know the [inherently good] original nature. This is how the Way of the Samurai arises, the means by which he earns his clothing, food, and shelter.” “The business of the samurai consists in reflecting his own station in life, in discharging loyal service to his master … and in devoting himself to duty above all.” Kōron 公論 and Tenka 天下 According to Yamaga Sokō During his exile Sokō refers to the samurai as Tenka no hitobito 天下の人々, the “men of the Realm.” Note that “the people” (hitobito 人々) refers to “the samurai” here, but links the latter directly to tenka 天下. At the same time he refers to kōron 公論 in a sense that links “public authority” to “public opinion” as the “opinion” of the samurai – in Hume’s sense of “opinion” above. Compare the shogun’s “samurai” (qua hitobito or “people”) to the Egyptian sultan’s “mamelukes” and Roman Emperor’s “praetorian bands” (qua “men” who are led by their “opinion”) in the quote by Hume. This term kōron 公論 would later evolve into a translation of “public discussion” and become linked to “republican” notions. Samurai 6 or more percent of the population. (Much higher proportion than aristocrats in France or scholar-officials in China!) Confucianism as “Dangerous Thought” “Assimilation of Confucianism and Resulting Tensions” （Watanabe Hiroshi) Under the heading “The Lure of Dangerous Thought,” Watanabe draws attention to centrality to Chinese Confucian thought of the concept of kakumei 革命, the term that was later used to translate the English “revolution” as in “the French Revolution” for example. Watanabe points out that Tokugawa Ieyasu, whose library contained Confucian Classics and who even sponsored the publication of some Confucian works, may have taken comfort in this concept – of the overthrow of a dynasty and establishment of a new one as evidence of a transfer of the “Mandate of Heaven” (see the slides on this concept below) – to assuage his own conscience after having broken his oath to Hideyoshi, and forcing Hideyori to commit suicide, thus ending what could have become a Toyotomi dynasty in the bud. But the idea that a ruler could be legitimately overthrown, also carried the possibility of legitimizing in moral or quasi-religious terms precisely the practice of gekokujo 下剋上 (the low overthrow their superiors) that had been the characteristic feature of the Warring States period, that the Great Peace of the Tokugawa proclaimed to have brought to an end! The Confucian Conception of History and “Revolution” In Chinese Confucianism, overthrow of an immoral ruler was possible: Overthrow of an existing to found a new dynasty signalled a “transfer” or “change” of the “Mandate of Heaven” (tenmei 天命). According to the Chinese conception of Chinese history, Three sage kings who acquired the Mandate to rule on account of their personal virtue, were followed by three dynasties in which rule was passed on to descendants until a tyrant necessitated the dynasty’s overthrow. Three Ancient Sage-Kings Yao 堯, Shun 舜, Yu 呉 Three Ancient Dynasties Xia 夏, Shang 商, Zhou 周 Founding Figures of Zhou Rule King Wen 文王, King Wu 武王, Duke of Zhou 周公 Sovereign and People in Mencius 5A:5 Wan Zhang said, “Was it the case that [the early Sage King] Yao gave the realm to Shun [as opposed to his own son]?” Mencius said, “No. The Son of Heaven cannot give the realm to someone.” “But Shun did possess the realm. Who gave it to him?” “Heaven gave it to him.” “When Heaven gave it to him, did it ordain this through repeated instructions?” “No. Heaven does not speak. This was manifested simply through his actions and his conduct of affairs.” … “Yao presented Shun to Heaven, and it was Heaven that accepted him. He displayed him to the people, and the people accepted him. This is why I said that ‘Heaven does not speak.’… Sovereign and People in Mencius 5A:5 “After Yao died and the three-year mourning period was completed, Shun withdrew from Yao’s son and went to the south of the South River. But the lords of the realm, when they went to court, went not to Yao’s son but to Shun. Litigants went not to Yao’s son but to Shun. Singers sang not of Yao’s son but of Shun… “The ‘Great Declaration’ says: Heaven sees as my people see, Heaven hears as my people hear. “This is what was meant.” Kakumei 革命 (Change of Mandate) ( term later used to translate “revolution”) “King Xuan of Qi asked, saying: “Was it so that Tang banished Jie, and that king Wu smote Zhou?” Mencius replied:, “It is so in the records,” The king said: “May a minister then put his sovereign to death?” Mencius said, “He who outrages the benevolence proper to his nature, is called a robber; he who outrages righteousness, is called a ruffian. The robber and ruffian we call a mere fellow. I have heard of the cutting of the fellow Zhou, but I have not heard of the putting a sovereign to death in his case.” Mencius emphasizes that a mere “tyrant” is not a true “sovereign” and that the “sovereignty” that is the mark of a rightful “King” is referred back to his recognition as such by “the people” (min/tami 民) Tang 湯 founder of the Shang (Yin) Dynasty Jie 桀 evil last ruler of the preceding Hsia Dynasty King Wu 武王 first king of the Zhou Dynasty Zhou 紂 evil last ruler of the preceding Shang (Yin) Dynasty The Ōshio Heihachirō Incident (1837) Uprising by Ōshio Heihachirō, shogunal retainer in Osaka and Confucian scholar inspired by Wang Yangming, who had served as a constable in the Osaka city magistrate’s office, triggered by outrage at the government response to the Tenpo Famine (1834-37). Banners inscribed with “King Tang and King Wu” as well as “Amaterasu.” The goal was to seize the assets of the wealthy, distribute it to the needy, destroy tax records, execute greedy merchants, and bring heaven’s wrath down upon corrupt local officials. 20 percent of Osaka were burnt to the ground in the ensuing turmoil. But revolt not a harbinger of impending revolution. Little evidence of class consciousness or a coherent mass movement in the public protests of the late Tokugawa era. The struggle to overthrow the Tokugawa government was ultimately waged between relatively small factions within the samurai elite. The impact of protests was indirect. “Theory of Delegation” According to Yamaga Sokō Most Confucian scholars in Japan rejected the applicability of kakumei 革命 to Japan, on account it’s unbroken imperial line, but precisely this could undermine the legitimacy of the Tokugawa as well – as it ultimately did. Sokō emphasized the unbroken line of the Japanese imperial “dynasty” in this context. “The throne descends – fearful to say – from the Sun Goddess. Its lineage is eternal. Though the shogun wields power and governs the country, in truth he is only rectifying things for the imperial court. The shogun’s greatest obligation as a subject to his sovereign is to carry out the affairs of the imperial court tirelessly in every detail.” This established that the shogun was not a tyrant (ha 覇) who had usurped power by sheer military force but a rightfully appointed ruler; but also denied the emperor any role in actual governance, leaving that to the shogun. This idea gained currency only in the course of the Tokugawa period. Tokugawa Ieyasu did not initially base his claim to legitimacy on delegation by the imperial court. He rather based it on his power to pacify the realm. Confucian Scholars in Tokugawa Japan “Change of Mandate” was not thought to apply to Japan’s “dynasty” (imperial line unchanged). For that reason, they also often asserted a superiority of Japanese over Chinese “morality” in Confucian terms. Note that Sokō also refers to Japan as “this dynasty” (honchō 本朝) and refused to refer to China as the “Middle Kingdom” (chugoku 中国). In Japan, Confucian scholars were either self-employed as school masters or doctors (becoming a sort of “free-floating intelligentsia” sometimes reaching large audiences of disciples and readers even as their overall numbers were small), or found employment with daimyo etc. as lecturers and advisors. ojusha 御儒者 (Confucian in official employ) machi-jusha 町儒者 (town Confucians) → Like priests and doctors, Confucian scholars stood outside the status system of the Four Classes (Samurai, Peasants, Artisans, and Merchants). No Examination System as in China and Korea! Confucianism as Religion (Kiri Paramore) "Japanese Confucians in the early seventeenth century tended to have a tense relationship with political authority, even when they were in government service.“ (Paramore, A Cultural History of Japanese Confucianism) Maruyama Masao’s earlier view that Neo-Confucianism was introduced by Tokugawa Ieyasu as an “ideology” bolstering his rule as he pivoted from military conquest to civil control hiring Hayashi Razan (see below) for that purpose, had become untenable. Kiri Paramore has pointed out that Confucianism first gained attraction as a “practice” on the level of individuals, rather than a “theory” imposed by the state, thus resembling more a “religion” able to meet a popular demand, than an “ideology” that was purposefully propagated at first. Kumazawa Banzan and Yamago Sokō the most prominent examples linked to an early image of Confucianism as potentially “subversive.” Confucianism as Public Sphere (Kiri Paramore) But increasingly “constructive tension between Confucian principles and the feudal structure of Tokugawa society.” Location of Confucian practice in early modern Japan primarily outside the institutions and structures of the state. In China and Korea, state examinations were a track to attaining state employment and social status. Academies, whether public or private, trained students mainly to pass the state examinations. Most prestigious academies directly run by the state. In Tokugawa Japan, Confucian practice, study, and writing occurred in small private schools and reading groups. No sustained link between Confucian study and government appointment. Yet, tens of thousands of Japanese of all status studied in Confucian school: Primarily low-status samurai but also merchants, etc. (→ Kaitokudō 懐徳堂 in Osaka) Confucianism as a “Set of Categories” Maruyama Masao 丸山眞男 (leading postwar intellectual and intellectual historian): Confucianism as “a set of categories through which people saw their world” Key concerns: “rectification of names” (seimei 正名), i.e., living up to responsibilities as defined by one’s station (e.g. as a father, a minister etc.) “moral self-cultivation” (shushin 修身) as key to social order → Undergirded the basic authority structure of society, but was also based on assumption of reciprocity: “benevolence” from above evokes “obligation” from below “These teachings were embedded in the Confucian Classics and reinforced by primers of moral guidance flooding from the printing press in Tokugawa Japan.” Basic Categories of Confucianism The Five Relations (gorin 五倫) Father-son filial affection (filial piety) shin 親（ko 孝） Ruler-subject rightness/righteousness (loyalty) gi 義 (chu 忠) Husband-wife differentiation betsu 別 Elder-younger recognition of precedence jo 序 Friends-friend trust/faithfulness shin 信 The Five Constant Virtues (gojō 五常) Humanity/Benevolence jin 仁 Righteousness gi 義 Ritual Propriety rei 礼 Wisdom chi 智 Faithfulness shin 信 Confucian Texts as a Source of Authority Confucian Learning was an exegetic tradition. Discussion of social and political questions was tied to readings, or re-readings, of a set of authoritative texts, whose “correct” interpretation was often contested among commentators. Point: While Confucian thinkers often embark on radically different readings of the same passage, they still claim their interpretation to reveal the “true” or “original” meaning of these same texts. Textual exegesis (interpretation) as a space in which discussion unfolds. This is similar to supporting one’s claims by quotes from the Bible or Koran in Christianity or Islam. However, the Confucian Classics were not the word of God as revealed by prophets, but records of Sage Kings in an ideal past where society was harmoniously governed, and peace reigned, by virtue of “rites” and “music” (as opposed to penal “laws” and “punishments”). 儒 “ritualists” → “literati” Confucius: “I am a transmitter not creator” The Classical Texts of Confucianism The Five Classics (alleged to have been “edited” by Confucius) Classic of Documents (Book of History), Classic of Changes (Ijing), Classic of Rites, Classic of Odes (Book of Songs), Spring and Autumn Annals The Four Books (standard curriculum of Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism) The Analects (J. Rongo 論語) Sayings of Confucius collected by his disciples Mencius (J. Mōshi 孟子) Collected Sayings of Mencius (372?-289? B.C.), second formative thinker of Confucianism The Great Learning (C. Daxue / J. Daigaku 大学) Chapter from the Classic of Rites The Doctrine of the Mean (J. Chūyō 中庸) Chapter from the Classic of Rites Historiographical Division of Japanese Confucianism “Neo-Confucianism” / “Zhu Xi School” (Shushigaku 朱子学) Hayashi Razan 林羅山 and Hayashi House Yamazaki Ansai 山崎闇斎 “Wang Yangming School” (Yōmeigaku 陽明学) e.g. Kumazawa Banzan 熊沢蕃山, Ōshio Heihachirō 大塩平八郎 “School of Ancient Learning” (Kogaku 古学) Yamaga Sokō 山鹿素行 Itō Jinsai 伊藤仁斎 Ogyū Sorai 荻生徂徠 These divisions were created at the turn of the twentieth century. Often the lines between Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming thought cannot be that easily drawn. Zhu Xi “Neo-Confucianism” Zhu Xi (1133-1200) leading thinker in Confucian “comeback” during the Song dynasty. Confucianism as a coherent “philosophy” based on metaphysical insights into nature as a response to Buddhism, which had dominated intellectual life in China during the Tang dynasty. But decisively influenced by Buddhist metaphysics and terminology. Zhu Xi’s teachings officially accepted interpretation of “Confucianism” in China since the 14th century. The “Four Books” as standard curriculum The “Eight Items” of the Great Learning (Text considered summary statement of Confucian teaching by Zhu Xi) “The Ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through the kingdom, first ordered well their own States (治国). Wishing to order well their States they first regulated their Houses (済家). Wishing to regulate their Houses, they first cultivated their persons (修身). Wishing to cultivate their persons, the first rectified their hearts-and-minds (正心). Wishing to rectify their hearts-and-minds, they first sought to be sincere in their thoughts (誠意). Wishing to be sincere in their thoughts, they first extended to the utmost their knowledge （致知). Such extension of knowledge lay in the investigation of things (格物).” →The Eight Items: 格物、致知、誠意、正心、修身、斉家、治国、平天下 (pacifying the Realm/All-under- Heaven) Insight into and practice of what is “right by nature” as foundation of the political order. Li (J. Ri) 理 (“Principle”) Central to Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism was Zhu Xi’s claim, that J. kakubutsu 格物 (investigating things) in the Great Learning meant J. kyūri 窮理 (penetrating principle). Ri 理: That what makes a thing what it is, and what it ought to be. Ultimately all things participate in and manifest a universal order: “Principle is one but its manifestations are many.” The early modern Latin translation of ri 理 as “ratio” maybe easier to understand: All things participate in a universal (and inherently moral) “rational” order that can be accessed by an inherently “rational” mind. However, reaching this “insight” is at the same time a spiritual process involving meditative techniques. “Original nature“ (honzen no sei 本然之性) expresses the ri 理 of human existence. It can be clouded by ki 気. Aim is to realize one’s innate goodness as an integral part of an encompassing moral order of the universe. Wang Yangming’s Interpretation of the Great Learning “What the great learning teaches, is to illustrate illustrious virtue; to renovate the people (親[新]民); and to rest in the highest excellence. The Ancients who wished to illustrate illustrious virtue through the kingdom, first ordered well their own States (治国). Wishing to order well their States they first regulated their Houses (済家). Wishing to regulate their Houses, they first cultivated their persons (修身)… ” Zhu Xi: reads 親民 as 新民 (renovating the people) Wang Yangming: insists that 親民 (caring for the people) is correct Zhu Xi: “moral nature is principle” 性即理 Wang Yangming: “the mind is principle” 心即理 Qi (J. Ki) 気 (vital energy, material force, ether) That what all things or beings (including human beings) are made of. Animated substance that pervades everything. Yin and yang as two aspects of qi. Five Elements (“materials”) are different coagulations of qi. Combinations of yin, yang, and the five basic elements form all things. Sensing, perceiving, feeling, and thinking, are operations of qi as well. Emotions (jō 情) are arousals of qi. Not bad in themselves, but need to be properly managed. The “material nature” (kishitsu no sei 気質之性) of human beings is linked to their physical existence (and thus also bodily needs, and appetites). “Human Nature” (xing, J. sei 性) Every human possesses a ri 理 as inborn and intrinsic to consciousness. (This is a person(s “original nature” [J. honzen no sei 本然之性] as opposed to their “material nature” [J. kishitsu no sei 気質之性]. (See preceding slides.) Doctrine of the Mean: “What Heaven has conferred is called the nature; an accordance with that nature is called the path of duty.” Zhu Xi’s comment: J. sei-soku-ri 性即理 “Nature (C. xing, J. sei) is nothing other than Principle (C. li, J. ri)” Fundamental nature of human beings is bestowed by Heaven like an imperial command (C. ming, J. mei 命). Note that mei 命 also means “fate” or “destiny.” Yamaga Sokō’s Shift of Emphasis from Ri 理 to Ki 気 The de-emphasis of ri 理 is a hallmark of what later was called the “School of Anicent Learning.” “Because the heart is made up of ki 気, then when the ki is in a state of quietude, then the heart will also be in quietiude. When ki moves, then the heart also moves. In this way, heart and qi are not two different ways, they cannot be separated. Seeing the heart is internal, and qi is something that moves externally, the basis of ‘cultivating the person and being in your heart’ must initially be achieved through cultivating ki.” This process he saw as potentially involving physical action, including military training – forms of activity more fitting to a warrior than quiet sitting! Fujiwara Seika 藤原惺窩 (1561-1619) Early advocate of Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism at the beginning of Tokugawa rule Born into court nobility, but entrusted to a Rinzai Zen temple. Encountered Zhu Xi Confucianism in the course of his Buddhist studies. Decided to travel to Ming China but failed. Studied with the Korean scholar who had been brought to Japan as a prisoner during Toyotomi Hideyoshi’s invasion of Korea. Declines employment by Ieyasu as he refuses to dress as a Buddhist. Hayashi Razan 林羅山 (1583-1657) Student of Fujiwara Seika. Entered Ieyasu’s service in 1605 (dressed as a Buddhist, although anti-Buddhist himself). Established a Confucian school in Edo in 1630. Principal adviser of the shogun after Tenkai’s death in 1647. Succeeded by his descendants. Hayashi house (Hayashi-ke/Rinke 林家) awarded title of Daigaku-no-kami 大学頭 (Head of the Academy) since 1691 Yushima seidō 湯島聖堂 Confucian veneration hall (seidō 聖堂) founded as part of the Hayashi school. Moved to Shōheizaka 昌平坂 (named after Confucius’ birthplace) closer to Edo Castle under Shogun Tsunayoshi. Early Daimyo Sponsors of Confucianism The first sponsors of Confucianism were individual daimyo rather than the shogunate. (Hayashi Razan’s standing with Ieyasu was inflated by his descendants.) Tokugawa Mitsukuni 徳川光圀 of Mito begins work on Confucian “History of Japan” (Dai Nihonshi 大日本史) in 1657. This was a Chinese-style “dynastic history” centered on the Imperial Line (until 1392), even as Mitsukuni was head of a Tokugawa sideline. Hoshina Masayuki 保科正之 of Aizu actively sponsors both Zhu Xi Confucianism and Shinto as tools of governance, also at the level of the shogunate after he became regent for the child shogun Ietsuna in 1651. Mentor of Yamazaki Ansai. Shizutani Gakkō in Okayama 1651 as a Turning Point Accession of first child shogun Ietsuna. First three shoguns Ieyasu, Hidetada and Iemitsu had been powerful rulers. By this time system stable enough to allow figurehead as shogun. Actual government in the hand of government councillors under chief elder Hoshina Masayuki 保科正之(daimyo of Aizu) Foiled rōnin plot led by Yui Shōsetsu 油井正雪 Rōnin 浪人 (“drifters”): masterless samurai Reduction in daimyo transfers and attainders after 1651 (to avoid vassals becoming rōnin), increased employment of rōnin in government tasks Yamaga Soko and Wang Yangming scholar Kumazawa Banzan exiled → Increased concern with control of ideas Yamazaki Ansai 山崎闇斎 Founder of a school styling themselves as followers of Zhu Xi Confucianism while advocating a blend of Confucianism and Shinto. Schooled in Buddhist temples, but repudiated Buddhism in 1647. Opened a Confucian school in Kyoto in 1655 (with ultimately six thousand students). Emphasis on kei 敬 (“reverence”) Received esoteric tradition of Ise Shinto as well. Lecturer to Hoshina Masayuki (regent for the child shogun Ietsuna since1651) who promoted both Confucian and Shinto teachings. → myōkei 妙契 “mysterious coincidence” between the two teachings. “Mysterious Coincidence” of the Way of the Japanese Kami and Zhu Xi Confucianism in Yamazaki Anzai “In Japan at the time of the opening of the country, [the gods] Izanagi and Izanami followed the divination techniques of the Heavenly God, obeyed yin and yang, and thus correctly established the beginnings of ethical teachings. In the universe there is only One Principle, [although] either Gods or Sages come forth depending on whether it concerns the country where the sun rises or the country where the sun sets. The [two] Ways [of Shinto and Confucianism] are, however, naturally and mysteriously the same.” Neo-Confucian “Principle” and Japanese Kami in Hayashi Razan Hayashi Razan also pioneered efforts to equate the Confucian “Way of the Sages” with the what he called the “Way of the Kami 神” (that is shintō 神道). For example: “The kami at the time of the formation of heaven and earth was called Kuninotokotachi no mikoto. This was the first of the seven generations of heavenly kami 神. This kami, dividing into multiple manifestations, is the source of the myriad kami. One may say it is like the moon, one circle in the sky, casting its reflection on myriad bodies of water.... That in origin the minds of men are one and able to penetrate the myriad phenomena is because they are all Kuninotokotachi no mikoto.” Here a kami appearing at the beginning of the Kojiki of 712, is claimed to be nothing else than a manifestation of the Zhu Xi Confucian ri 理! “Principle-is-the-mind Shintō … is the same as the Kingly Way (ōdō 王道). … The purity and brightness of the heart is the light of kami. Correct behavior is the form of kami. The enactment of government is by the virtue of kami, the ordering of the nation is by the power of kami.” Tokugawa Tsunayoshi 徳川綱吉 (1646-1709) Fifth Shogun. The “Dog Shogun” (Inu-kubō 犬公方) 1683 Revision of Laws Governing the Military Houses (Buke Shohatto 武家諸法度) “The arts of letters and of war and the virtues of loyalty and filial piety must be devotedly practiced; rites and etiquette must be correctly observed.” (cf. version of 1630: “The study of literature and the practice of the military arts, including archery and horsemanship, must be cultivated diligently.” 1680 Decree to the daikan 代官 (intendants administering shogunal lands) “The people are the foundation of the nation. Each and every one of the daikan must be attentive to the hardships of the people, and is hereby ordered to see that they do not suffer misfortunes such as hunger and cold.” 1682 Signboards posted throughout the country: “Diligently practice loyalty and filial piety. Be close to your husbands and wives, siblings, and relatives and show compassion and forgiveness even toward your servants. Those who are disloyal and unfilial should be severely punished.”

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