First Mass In The Philippines PDF

Chapter 3: “Controversies and conflicting views in Philippine History” RPH Learning Objective At the end of this chapter students are expected to: 1. Demonstrate the ability to formulate arguments in favor or against a particular issue using primary sources....

Chapter 3: “Controversies and conflicting views in Philippine History” RPH Learning Objective At the end of this chapter students are expected to: 1. Demonstrate the ability to formulate arguments in favor or against a particular issue using primary sources. 2 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? 3 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? There is a controversy regarding the site of the first Mass ever celebrated on Philippine soil. Pigafetta tells us that it was held on Easter Sunday, the 31st of March 1521, on an island called "Mazaua." Two native chieftains were in attendance: the rajah of Mazaua and the rajah of Butuan. After the Mass, the party went up a little hill and planted a wooden cross upon its summit. The subject of controversy is the identity of this place which Pigafetta calls "Mazaua." 4 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? There are two conflicting claims as to its identity: one school of thought points to the little island south of Leyte which in the maps is called Limasawa The other school rejects that claim and points instead to the beach called Masao at the mouth of the Agusan River in northern Mindanao, near what was then the village (now the city) of Butuan. In this paper, we shall try to reexamine and reassess the evidence for these two claims. 5 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? 6  TH 17 CENTURY The Butuan tradition was already in possession by the middle of the 17th century so much so that it was accepted without question by two Jesuit historians who otherwise were quite careful of their facts. One of these historians was Father Francisco Colin S.J. (1592-1660) whose Labor evangelica was first published in Madrid in 1663, three years after his death. The work was reissued 240 years later in a magnificent three- volume edition annotated by Father Pablo Pastells S.J. (Madrid, 1903). Here is Colin's account of Magellan's arrival and of the first Mass: 7  TH 17 CENTURY At the end of three months and twelve days during which they traversed 4,000 leagues, having crossed the Equator a second time, they climbed up to 15degrees North latitude where they came upon two islands which they named Las Velas [the Sails]. At 12 degrees North, they came upon the Ladrones Islands. A few days later they saw the island of Ibabao [Samar in this Archipelago. But the first island they touched at was Humunu, a small uninhabited island near Guiuan Point... 8  TH 17 CENTURY To that and other islets they gave the name of Buenas Sernas (Good Omens] but to the entire Archipelago, they gave the name San Lazaro, being the Saturday of Saint Lazarus Sunday in Lent of the year 1521. On Easter Day, in the territory of Butuan, the first Mass ever Magellan then offered in these parts was celebrated and a cross planted took formal possession of the Islands in the name of the Emperor and of the Crown of Castille. 9  TH 17 CENTURY The man who gave the most signal service to our men was the chief of Dimasaua [sic], a relative of the chief of Butuan and of that of Zebu. Colin had read some authentic accounts of Magellan's voyage, for his narration is accurate up to the landing in Homonhon. (He spells it Humunu, as does Pigafetta.) Colin's account becomes vague. He abruptly brings Magellan to Butuan without explaining how he got there. 10  TH 17 CENTURY Then he brings him to Limasawa (which he misspells Dimasaua), and then he brings him to Limasawa (which he misspells Dimasaua), and from there the account becomes again accurate and detailed. The important thing in Colin's account, is the fact that he represents the first Mass, as well as the solemn planting of the cross and the formal taking possession of the Islands in the name of the Crown of Castile, as having taken place at Butuan on Easter Sunday of 1521 from there the account becomes again accurate and detailed. 11  TH 17 CENTURY The other Jesuit writer of the mid-17th century was Father Francisco Combés S.J. (1620-1665) who, like Colin, had lived and worked as a missionary in the Philippines, and whose Historia de Mindanao y Jolo was printed in Madrid in 1667, two years after the author's death and five years after Colin's work was published. 12  TH 17 CENTURY Combés History of Mindanao was also reissued 230 years afterward in a handsome edition edited by Wenceslao Retana assisted by Father Pastells. In his account of Magellan's voyage, Combés gives a somewhat different version of the route taken by the Discoverer. Here is his account: 13  TH 17 CENTURY The first time that the royal standards of the Faith were seen to fly on this island (of Mindanao] was when the Archipelago was first discovered by Admiral Alonso (sic] de Magallanes. He followed a new and difficult route [across the Pacific], entering by the Strait of Siargao, formed by that island and that of Leyte, and landing at the island of Limasaua which is at the entrance of that Strait. 14  TH 17 CENTURY Amazed by the novelty and strangeness of the [Spanish] nation and the ships, the barbarians of that island welcomed them and gave them good refreshments. While at Limasaua, enjoying rest and good treatment, they heard of the River of Butuan, whose chieftain was more powerful. His reputation attracted our men thither to see for themselves or be disillusioned, their curiosity sharpened by the fact that the place was nearby. 15  TH 17 CENTURY The barbarian [chief] lived up to our men's expectations, providing them with the food they needed.... Magellan contented himself with having them do reverence to the cross which is erected upon a hillock as a sign to future generations of their alliance.... The solemnity with which the cross was erected and the deep piety shown by the Spaniards, and by the natives following the example of the Spaniards, engendered great respect for the Cross. 16  TH 17 CENTURY Not finding in Butuan the facilities required by the ships, they returned to Limasaua to seek further advice in planning their future route. The Prince of Limasaua told them of the three most powerful nations among the Pintados [Visayans], namely those of Caraga, Samar, and Zebu. The nearness of Zebu, the facilities of its port, and the more developed Social structure (being more monarchial) aroused everyone's desire to thither. 17  TH 17 CENTURY Thus, guided by the chief of Limasaua, passing between Bool and Leyte and close to the Camotes Islands, they entered the harbor of Cebu by the Mandawe entrance on the 7th of April 1521, having departed from Limasaua on the first day of the month. 18  TH 17 CENTURY For our present purpose, the main point in that account is that Magellan landed at Butuan and there planted the cross in a solemn ceremony. Combés does not mention the first Mass. What he mentions are the other two events which, from Pigafetta's account, had occurred on the same day as the first Mass, namely the planting of the cross and the formal claiming of the Archipelago on behalf of the Castilian Crown. These events, says Combés, took place at Butuan. 19  17TH CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) In Colin's account, Magellan went first to Butuan, then to Limasawa and from to Cebu. Combés, on the other hand, mentions two visits to Limasawa: in his version, Magellan visits Limasawa first Then he goes to Butuan Then he returns to Limasawa and thence to Cebu. 20  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) It is to be noted that both Colin and Combés picture Magellan as visiting both Butuan and Limasawa. In Colin's account, Magellan went first to Butuan, then to Limasawa, and from thence to Cebu. Combés, on the other hand, mentions two visits to Limasawa: in his version, Magellan visits Limasawa first; from there he goes to Butuan; then he returns to Limasawa and thence to Cebu. 21  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) Both Colin and Combés agree that it was from Limasawa and with the help of Limasawa's chieftain the Magellan expedition went to Cebu. Both Colin and Combés also agree that Magellan arrived in Cebu on the 7th of April 1521: that is to say, on the Octave of Easter, or one week after the first Mass which this tradition–was supposed to have been celebrated at Butuan. 22  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) Both Colin and Combés were to exercise a strong influence over subsequent writers. An example of the quick and wide diffusion of Colin's influence is the following. In 1698 (thirty-five years after Colin's work had appeared in Madrid) there issued from the press in Naples a multi-volume work (subsequently reprinted several times in several places) entitled Giro del Mondo (A Voyage Around the World). 23  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) It was written by the Calabrian, Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Careri, who had visited many places, including the Philippines. Of the first Mass on Philippine soil he says: 24  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) On Whit Sunday the first Mass was said on the land of Butuan, a cross erected and possession taken in the name of the most invincible Charles 5th. The lord of Oimasaua (sic), kinsman of the king of Butuan and to him of Cebu, was assisting to Magellan, for he brought the ships into that port on the 7th of April. Before Mass was said on Whit Sunday, the lord and the king of Cebu were baptized, and by their means, many men of note and others to the number of 500, and after dinner the queen with 300 more. 25  TH 17 CENTURY (Colin and Combés Compared) Careri has confused two distinct events: one event was the first Mass (which he places at Butuan); the other event was the baptism of the rajah of Cebu. Careri is also confused regarding dates. Neither event took place on "Whitsunday"; the first Mass occurred on Easter Sunday, and the baptism in Cebu took place two weeks later. But the important point at the moment is the fact that Careri may have read (or misread) Colin: note his misspelling of the word for Limasawa. Alternatively, Careri and Colin were using the same source, 26  TH 19 CENTURY Towards the end of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 19th, one of the important writers who accepted the Butuan tradition was the Augustinian, fray Joaquin Martinez de Zuniga (1760-1818), whose Historia de Filipinas was published in Sampaloc in 1803. 27  TH 19 CENTURY His other work, a description of his travels around the Islands, remained in manuscript for nearly a century, until Retana brought it out in a two-volume edition in 1893. In this latter work, fray Joaquin has this to say: On Easter Sunday of the year 1521 Magellan was in Butuan. He ordered the sacrifice of the Mass to be celebrated ashore, and he planted a cross on a hillock near the beach. 28  TH 19 CENTURY The natives were present at these ceremonies, and they also witnessed the taking of possession of the land in the name of the Crown of Castile. These rites over, Magellan proceeded to Cebu where they killed him. By the 19th century, the Butuan tradition was taken for granted, and we find it mentioned in writer after writer, each copying from the previous, and being in turn copied by those who came after. 29  TH 19 CENTURY Among the many who could be cited as mentioning the first Mass in Butuan is the Englishman, John Foreman: On the 16th of March 1521 the Ladrones Islands were reached.... After a bloody combat... the fleet continued its course westward. 30  TH 19 CENTURY Coasting along the North of the Island of Mindanao they arrived at the mouth of the Butuan River, where they were supplied with provisions by the chief. It was Easter Week on this shore the first Mass was celebrated in the Philippines. Unfortunately, in copying what previous authors had written, some subsequent writers copied not only the essence of the Butuan tradition but also a good deal of the erroneous details that were peripheral to that tradition. 31  TH 19 CENTURY The accumulated errors of three centuries may be found illustrated in the work of a Dominican friar, whose two-volume treatise on the friars was published at Santo Tomas in Manila in 1901. Here is his account of the coming of Magellan and the first Mass: After many days of good sailing, he caught sight of the Marianas Islands which he named the Archipelago of San Lazaro, having discovered them on the Saturday of Passion Sunday (7 March 1521). 32  TH 19 CENTURY A little later he came to Philippine territory where the Spaniards were well received by the natives at Punta Guiguan to the east of Samar; and passing later through the Strait of Surigao, they dropped anchor at Limasagua, whose chieftain came aboard and was entertained by Magellan. The latter, on Easter Sunday, disembarked at Butuan, a town in the island of Mindanao, where the first Mass in the Philippines was celebrated. 33  TH 19 CENTURY He returned to Limasagua; and learning of the importance of Cebu, he proceeded thither; following the coast between Samar and Leyte and passing by the Camotes, he arrived in Cebu on 7 April 1521. The misstatements in that short passage are numerous, not the least of which is the almost incredible notion that Magellan had sailed from "Limasagua" (sic) to Cebu by coasting between Samar and Leyte! The good friar had not only not checked on the sources. 34  TH 19 CENTURY Butuan tradition was accepted by even otherwise careful scholars at the end of the 19th and the early decades of the 20th century. 35  TH 19 CENTURY Two decades earlier, in 1872, the provincial and municipal authorities together with the Spanish Augustinian Recollect missionaries of Butuan, had erected the monument of which mention was made earlier in his article. 36 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? Emma Blair and James Alexander were blamed for the shift of opinion. They published a 55-volume collection of documents on the Philippine Island was published in Cleveland from 1903-1909. Spanish Jesuit scholar Father Pablo Pastells S.J.A. was a man who was initially responsible for the shift in opinion of where the first mass took place. 37 FATHER PABLO PASTELLS Pablo Pastells was born in 1846 in Figueras, in Gerona, Spain. At 15 he entered the Condliar Seminary in Barcelona. He was ordained as a priest in 1871 and five years later came to the Philippines where, after a brief stay in Manila, he was assigned as a missionary to Mindanao. 38 FATHER PABLO PASTELLS He served on the Pacific coast (Bislig, Caraga, Cateel) and took part in an expedition in 1884 that explored the Agusan River. In 1887 he was transferred to the northern coast of Mindanao, with headquarters at Jasaan in Misamis Oriental. The following year he was recalled to Manila and was appointed Superior of the entire Jesuit Mission in the Philippines, a post which he occupied for six years (1888-1893). 39 FATHER PABLO PASTELLS He did his most notable work as a scholar after he left the Philippines and returned to Barcelona. He collected an enormous amount of documents from the Archivo de Indias in Seville and other sources. 40 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? The shift in opinion from Butuan to Limasawa was due to a rediscovery and a more attentive study of two primary sources on the subject: namely, Pigafetta 's account and Albo's log. What the effect of that study was may be seen in the change in Pastell’s thinking. 41  WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? Pastells had collaborated with Retana in a new edition of Combés. Retana had accepted the Butuan tradition In their joint edition of Combés of 1897, neither Retana nor Pastells showed any sign of a change of opinion. They accepted the Butuan tradition as if they were not aware of any contrary opinion. Meanwhile, however, Pastells was preparing his own edition of Francisco Colin’s Labor Evangelica, which was eventually published in three volumes in Madrid in 1903 42  WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? While preparing that edition, Pastells had to restudy both Pigafetta and Albo, and it was then that he realized that the three-century Butuan tradition had been erroneous. Father Colin, had contributed materially to strengthening that tradition by stating that the first Mass had been celebrated at Butuan. To that statement, Pastells appended a footnote: 43 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? Magellan did not go to Butuan. Rather, from the island of Limasawa he proceeded directly to Cebu. In that island he had dealings with Rajah Siagu, chieftain of Butuan; and this would explain the author’s [i.e. Colin's] error. See the "Voyage" of Pigafetta and the diary of Albo, both of whom were eyewitnesses. 44 WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? How little known Pigafetta's work was may be illustrated by the experience of Rizal. Rizal had not known of Pigafetta's work until he came across the Italian text in the British Museum. To "Plaridel" (Marcelo H. del Pilar) who was in Spain, Rizal wrote from London on 4 February 1889: 45  WHERE DID THE FIRST MASS TAKE PLACE? See to it that someone there should learn Italian because I have here some manuscripts in Italian that deal with the first coming of the Spaniards to the Philippines, They were written by one of Magellan’s companions. As I have no time to translate them myself, being busy with many things, it would be good if one of our countrymen could translate the work into Tagalog or Spanish, so that the situation of our people in 1520 may become known. Italian is easy to learn. By the Ahn method, it can be learned in one month. I am now learning Dutch. 46  EVIDENCE OF LIMASAWA 1. Evidence of Albo’s Log-book 2. Evidence of Pigafetta a. Pigafetta’s testimony about the route b. Two native Kings c. Seven days of Mazua 47 48 1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK Franisco Albo joined the Magellan expedition as a pilot ("contra-maestre'") in Magellan's flagship "Trinidad." He was one of the eighteen survivors who returned with Sebastian Elcano on the "Victoria" after having circumnavigated the world. 49 1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK Albo began keeping his own diary –merely only a log-book-on the voyage out, while they were southward in the Atlantic along the coast of South America, off Brazil. His account of their entry into Philippine waters (or, as it was then called, the archipelago of San Lazaro) may be reduced to the following points: 50  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 1. On the 16th of March (1521) as they sailed in a westerly course from the Ladrones, they saw land towards the northwest; but owing to many shallow places they did not approach it. 2. They went instead that small island named the same day southwards to another Suluan, and there they anchored. There they saw some canoes but these fled at the Spaniards's approach. This island was at 9 and two-thirds degrees North latitude. 51  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 3. Departing from those two islands, they sailed westward to an uninhabited island of "Gada" where they took in a supply of wood and water. The sea around that island was free from shallows. (Albo does not give the latitude of this island, but from Pigafetta's testimony, this seems to be the "Acquada" or Homonhon, at 10 degrees North latitude.) 52  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 4. From that island they sailed westwards towards a large island named Seilani which was inhabited and was known to have gold. (Seilani -or, as Pigafetta calls it, "Ceylon"- was the island of Leyte.) 5. Sailing southwards along the coast of that large island of Seilarni, they turned. southwest to a small island called "Mazava." That island is also at a latitude of 9 and two-thirds degrees North. 53  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 6. The people of the island of Mazava were very good. There the Spaniards planted a cross upon a mountain-top, and from there they were shown three islands to the west and southwest, where they were told there was much gold. "They showed us how the gold was gathered, which came in small pieces like peas and lentils.“ 7. From Mazava they sailed northwards again towards Seilani. They followed the coast of Seilani in a northwesterly direction, ascending to 10 degrees of latitude where they saw three small islands. 54  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 8. From there they sailed westwards some ten leagues, and there they saw three islets, where they dropped anchor for the night. In the morning they sailed southwest some 12 leagues, down to a latitude of 10 and one-third degrees. There they entered a channel between two islands, one of which was called "Matan" and the other "Subu. 55  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK 9. They sailed down that channel and then turned westward and anchored at the town (la villa) of Subu where they stayed many days obtained provisions and entered into a peace pact with the local king. 10. The town of Subu was in an east-west direction with the islands of Suluan and Mazava. But between Mazava and Subu, there were so many shallows that the boats could not go westward directly but had to go (as they did) in a roundabout way. 56  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK Such is Albo 's testimony. The island that he calls Gada seems to be the acquada of Pigafeta, namely the island of Homonhon where they took in supplies of water and wood. The large island of Seilani which they coasted is the island of Leyte. Coasting southwards along the eastern coast of that island, then turning southwest they came upon a small island named, Mazava, which lies at a latitude of 9 and two-thirds degrees North. That fits the location of the small island of Limasawa, south of Leyte. The island southern tip is at 9o 54' N. 57  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK It is to be noted that Albo does not mention the first Mass, but only the planting of the cross upon a mountain-top from which could be seen three islands to the west and southwest. This also fits the southern end of Limasawa. It does not fit the coast of Butuan from which no islands could be seen to the south or the southwest, but only towards the north. 58  1. THE EVIDENCE OF ALBO'S LOG- BOOK It is to be noted that Albo does not mention the first Mass, but only the planting of the cross upon a mountain-top from which could be seen three islands to the west and southwest. This also fits the southern end of Limasawa. It does not fit the coast of Butuan from which no islands could be seen to the south or the southwest, but only towards the north. 59  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA It is to be noted that Albo does not mention the first Mass, but only the planting of the cross upon a mountain-top from which could be seen three islands to the west and southwest. This also fits the southern end of Limasawa. It does not fit the coast of Butuan from which no islands could be seen to the south or the southwest, but only towards the north. 60 2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA The most complete account of the Magellan expedition is that by Antonio Pigafetta entitled Primo viaggio intomo al mondo (First Voyage Around the World). 61  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA Like Albo, he was a member of the expedition and was therefore an eyewitness of the principal events which describes, including the first Mass in what is now known as the Philippine Archipelago, which Magellan called the Islands of Saint Lazarus. 62  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA The pertinent section in Pigafetta's account is that part in which he narrates the events from the 16th of March 1521when they first sighted the islands of the Philippine Group, up to the 7th of April when the expedition landed at Cebu. That was a period of approximately three weeks. 63 2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 1. Saturday, 16 March 1521. - Magellan's expedition sighted a "high land“ named "Zamal" which was some 300 leagues westward of the Ladrones (now the Marianas) Islands. 64  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 2. Sunday, March 17. - "The following day" after sighting Zamal Island, they landed on "another island which was uninhabited" and which lay "to the right" of the above-mentioned island of "Zamal: (To the "right" here would mean on their starboard going south or southwest.) There they set up two tents for the sick members of the crew and had a sow killed for them. The name of this island was "Humunu" (Homonhon). This island was located at 10 degrees North latitude. 65  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 3. On that same day (Sunday, 17 March)- Magellan named the entire archipelago the "Islands of Saint Lazarus," the reason being that it was the Sunday in the Lenten season when the Gospel assigned for the Mass and the liturgical Office was the eleventh chapter of St. John, which tells of the raising of Lazarus from the dead. 66  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 4. Monday, 18 March. - In the afternoon of their second day on that island, they saw a boat coming towards them with nine men in it. An exchange of gifts was affected. Magellan asked for food supplies, and the men went away, promising to bring rice and other supplies in "four days. 67  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 5. There were two springs of water on that island of Homonhon. Also, they saw there some indications that there was gold in these islands Consequently Magellan renamed the island and called it the "Watering Place of Good Omen" (Acquada la di bouni segnialli). 68  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 6. Friday, 22 March. - At noon the natives returned. This time they were in two boats, and they brought food supplies. 7. Magellan's expedition stayed eight days at Homonhon: from Sunday, 17 March, to the Monday of the following week, 25 March. 69  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 8. Monday, 25 March. -In the afternoon, the expedition weighed anchor and left the island of Homonhon. In the ecclesiastical calendar, this day (25 March) was the feast- day of the Incarnation, also called the feast of the Annunciation an therefore "Our Lady's Day." 70  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 8. Monday, 25 March. -On this day, as they were about to weigh anchor an accident happened to Pigafetta: he fell into the water but was rescued, attributed his narrow escape from death as a grace obtained through the intercession of the Blessed Virgin Mary on her feast day. 71  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 9. The route taken by the expedition after leaving Homonhon was "toward the west southwest, between four islands: namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson and Albarien." 72  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) Very probably "Cenalo" is a misspelling in the Italian manuscript for what Pigafetta in his map calls "Ceilon" and Albo call "Seilani": namely the island of Leyte. "Hiunanghan" (a misspelling of Hinunangan) seemed to Pigafetta to be a separate island, but it is actually on the mainland of Leyte (i.e. "Ceylon"). 73  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) On the other hand, Hibuson (Pigafetta's Ibusson) is an island east of Leyte's southern tip. Thus, it is easy to see what Pigafetta meant by sailing "toward the west southwest" past those islands. They left Homonhon sailing westward towards Leyte, then followed the Leyte coast southward, passing between the island of Hibuson on their portside and Hiunangan Bay on their starboard, and then continued southward, then turning 74 westward to "Mazaua.  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 10. Thursday, 28 March. -In the morning of Holy Thursday, 28 March, they anchored off an island where the previous night they had seen a light or a bonfire. That island "lies ina latitude of nine and two- thirds towards the Arctic Pole [i.e. North] and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-two degrees from the line of demarcation.26 It is twenty-five leagues from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua." 75  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 11. They remained seven days on Mazaua Island. What they did during those seven days, we shall discuss in a separate section below, entitled "Seven Days at Mazaua.“ 12. Thursday. 4 April. -They left Mazaua, bound for Cebu. They were guided thither by the king of Mazaua who sailed in his own boat. Their route took them past five "islands": namely: "Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baibai, and Gatighan." 76  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) Pigafetta thought that Ceylon and Baibai were separate islands. Actually,they were parts of the same island of Leyte."Canighan" (Canigao in our maps) is an islarnd off the sothwestem tip of Leyte. They sailed from Mazaua west by northwest into the Canigao Channel, with Bohol Island to port and Leyte and Canigao Islands to starboard. Then they sailed northwards along the Leyte coast, past Baibai to "Gatighan." The identity of Gatighan is not certain. But we are told that it was twenty leagues from Mazaua and fifteen leagues front "Subu' (Cebu). 77  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 13. At Gatighan, they sailed westward to the three islands of the Camotes Groups namely, Poro, Pasihan and Ponson. (Pigafetta calls them Polo, Ticobon, a Pozon.") Here the Spanish ships stopped to allow the king of up with them, since the Spanish ships were much faster than the nat Mazaua to catch. 78  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) 14. From the Camotes Islands they sailed (southwestward] towards "Zubu“. 15. Sunday, 7 April. -At noon on Sunday, the 7th of April, they entered the harbor of "Zubu" (Cebu). It had taken them three days to negotiate the journey from Mazaua northwards to the Camotes Islands and then southwards to Cebu. 79  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) That is the route of the Magellan expedition as described by Pigafetta. It coincides substantially and in most details with the route as described in Alba's log. In that route, the southermost point reached before getting to Cebu was Mazaua, situated at nine and two-thirds degrees North latitude. 80  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Route) The question may now be asked: Could this "Mazaua" have been Butuan? Or more precisely, could it have been the "Masao" beach in the Agusan River delta, near Butuan? To answer that let us look at Pigafetta's map, and consider the confirmatory evidence regarding the two kings. 81  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Two Kings) There is confirmatory evidence in the presence of two native "kings" or rajahs at Mazaua during the Magellan visit. One was the "king" of Mazaua-who later guided the Magellan expedition to Cebu. The other was a relative ("one of his brothers" as Pigafetta says), namely the king or rajah of Butuan. 82  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Two Kings) At the moment, the relevant fact is that he was a visitor to Mazaua. His territory was Butuan, which was on another island: That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan. When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt on that island where we were. The "island where we were was Mazaua, where they stayed for seven days. Therefore, Mazaua could not have been Butuan. 83  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) In that island of "Mazaua" -which according to both Pigafetta and Albo was situated at a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees North-the Magellan expedition stayed a week. "We remained there seven days," says Pigafetta. What did they do during those seven days? 84  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 1. Thursday, 28 March. - In the morning they anchored near an island where they had seen a light the night before. A small boat (boloto) came with eight natives. to whom Magellan threw some trinkets as presents. The natives paddled away, but two hours later two larger boats (balanghai) came, in one of which the native king sat under an awning of mats. 85  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 1. Thursday, 28 March. - At Magellan's invitation some of the natives went up the Spanish ship, but the native king remained seated in his boat. An exchange of gifts was effected. In the afternoon of that day, the Spanish ships weighed anchor and came closer to shore, anchoring near the native king's village. 86  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 2. Friday, 29 March. - "Next day. Holy Friday," Magellan sent his slave interpreter ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he could provide the expedition with food supplies and to say that they had come as friends and not as enemies. In reply, the king himself came in a boat with six or eight men, and this time went up Magellan's ship and the two men embraced. 87  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 2. Friday, 29 March. - Another exchange of gifts was made. The native king and his companions returned ashore, bringing two members of Magellan's expedition as guests for the night. One of the two was Pigafetta. 88  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 3. Saturday, 30 March. - Pigafetta and his companion had spent the previous evening feasting and drinking with the native king and his son. Pigafetta deplored the fact that, although it was Good Friday, they had to eat meat. The following morning (Saturday) Pigafetta and his companion took leave of their hosts and returned to the ships. 89  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 4. Sunday, 31 March. -"Early in the morning of Sunday, the last of March and Easter day; Magellan sent the priest ashore with some men to prepare for the Mass. Later in the morning, Magellan landed with some fifty men and Mass was celebrated, after which a cross was venerated. 90  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 4. Sunday, 31 March. Magellan and the Spaniards returned to the ship for the noon-day meal, but in the afternoon, they returned ashore to plant the cross on the summit of the highest hill. In attendance both at the Mass and at the planting of the cross were the king of Mazaua and the king of Butuan. 91  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 5. Sunday, 31 March. - On that same afternoon, while on the summit of the highest hill, Magellan asked the two kings which ports he should go to in order to obtain more abundant supplies of food than were available in that island. They replied that there were three ports to choose from: Ceylon, Zubu and Calagan. Of the three, Zubu was the port with the most trade. 92  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 5. Sunday, 31 March. - Magellan then said that he wished to go to Zubu and to depart the following morning. He asked for someone to guide him thither. The kings replied that the pilots would be available "any time." But later that evening the king of Mazaua changed his mind and said that he would himself conduct Magellan to Zubu but that he would first have to bring the harvest in. He asked Magellan to send him men to help with the harvest. 93  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 6. Monday, 1 April. - Magellan sent men ashore to help with the harvest, but no work was done that day because the two kings were sleeping off their drinking about of the night before. 94  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) 7. Tuesday, 2 April, and Wednesday, 3 April. - Work on the harvest during the "next two days'", i.e. Tuesday and Wednesday, the 2nd and 3rd of April. 8. Thursday, 4 April. - They leave Mazaua, bound for Cebu. 95  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (Seven Days at Mazaua) "We remained there seven days," says Pigafetta. Every day is accounted for. The Mass on Easter Sunday was celebrated on the island of Mazaua, and not in Butuan or elsewhere. 96  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (An Argument from Omission) If "Mazaua' were Butuan or in the vicinity of Butuan, there is a curious omission in Pigafetta's account which would be difficult to explain. Butuan is a riverine settlement. It is situated on the Agusan River. The beach called Masao is in the delta of that river. 97  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (An Argument from Omission) If the Magellan expedition were at that delta, and if the Mass were celebrated there, why is there no mention of the river? 98 2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (An Argument from Omission) 99  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (An Argument from Omission) Later on, after Magellan's death and after the Cebu debacle, the survivors of his expedition went to Mindanao and it seems, actually went to Butuan. Pigafetta describes quite vividly a trip up river to see the queen. But that was after Magellan's death. 100  2. THE EVIDENCE OF PIGAFETTA (An Argument from Omission) Forty years later, members of Legaspi's expedition visited Butuan, and the river anchorage forms an important part of their account. The fact that there is no mention of the river is significant in Pigafetta’s account of their seven-day stay at "Mazaua." We must therefore take him literally: Mazaua was an island surrounded by sea, not a river delta. 101