Analysis of the Islamic Revolution (PDF)

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻲ‬  ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮ ﻱﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‬...

‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻲ‬  ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮ ﻱﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫‪3‬‬ ‫‪ 1-1‬ﻡﻓﻬﻮﻡ‌ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.2‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ؛ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.3‬‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ "ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ" ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪ 1-3‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺧﻼﻓﺖ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪32‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪36‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫‪ 1-2‬ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪38‬‬ ‫‪ 2-2‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺃﺕﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﺛﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺞ‬  ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻚﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪40‬‬ ‫‪ 1-1‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫‪ 2-1‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪42‬‬ ‫‪ 3-1‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫‪ 4-1‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬ ‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪ 5-1‬ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺗﻠﻔﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻱﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ :‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫‪ 1-1‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭﺍ؛ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫‪ 2-1‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺛﻘﻔﻲ؛ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ)ﻉ( ﻭ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫‪ 3-1‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ :‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍ ﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪15‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪1342‬‬ ‫‪66‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺪ ﺟﻤﺎﻝﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪70‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺗﻨﺒﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪72‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺁﺭﺍء ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ‬ ‫‪74‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻓﺪﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪76‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪.8‬ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪82‬‬ ‫‪.9‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻱ‬ ‫‪84‬‬ ‫‪.10‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ 1342‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫‪ 1-10‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪ 2-10‬ﻣﺲﺉﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫‪.11‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﺶ‬  ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‪:‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﺤﺜﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪104‬‬ ‫‪ 1-2‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫‪ 2-2‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫‪ 3-2‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪ 4-2‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪ 5-2‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگﻧﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦ‌ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪6-2‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬‫‌‬ ‫‪7-2‬‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫‪ 8-2‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫‪134‬‬ ‫‪ 9-2‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫‪ 10-2‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫‪ 11-2‬ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ‬ ‫‪143‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬ ‫‪147‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪.‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪147‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‪151‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫‪154‬‬ ‫‪ 1-3‬ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪155‬‬ ‫‪ 2-3‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪ 1-4‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫‪163‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪ 2-4‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪164‬‬ ‫ﺧﻠﻴﺞﻓﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪167‬‬ ‫‪.7‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ؛ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫‪.8‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫‪170‬‬ ‫‪ 1-8‬ﺍﻓﻮﻝ ﻫﮋﻣﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫‪173‬‬ ‫‪ 2-8‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪175‬‬ ‫‪ 3-8‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪178‬‬ ‫‪ 4-8‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺖ‬ ‫‪182‬‬ ‫‪ 5-8‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺮﻡ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪185‬‬ ‫‪.9‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺭ )ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ(‬ ‫‪189‬‬ ‫ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫‪191‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺖ‬  ‫ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻔﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﻐﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺳﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﻪ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻗﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻒ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻖ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺘﺎً ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﻭﺍﻛﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ‬  ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺣﺼﻞ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻨﺸﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺁﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﻧﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺕ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺧﺴﺮﻭﺑﻴﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ ﻋﻴﻮﺿﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﻉ(‬ ‫ﺩﻩ‬  ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻢﻩﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺛﺮﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻴﻔﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﮕﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻲﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﻫﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺑﺮﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ – ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺎﻡ ‌ ‌‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ‪.‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ‌ﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻋﻼﻗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ‌ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻮﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ‌ﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ‌ﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪.‬‬  ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪﻳﻚ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭﺳﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﺿﺤﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲ‌ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪.‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎً ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ‌ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻘﺎﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ‌ﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‌ﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺟﺎﻱ‬ ‫‌ﺍﻱ ﺑﻨﺎﻡ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺎﺑﺮﻳﻞ ﺁﻟﻤﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺳﻪ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺟﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﺟﻲ‪.‬ﻣﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‌ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻲ‌ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻼً ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ‌ﺟﻮ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ‌ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‌ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﻗﻲ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﻲﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ‌ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ﻧﻪﻳﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‌‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ‌ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻐﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ‌ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﺰ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﻱ‬  ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺷﻤﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ‌ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ – ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ‌ﺳﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﻱ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﺠﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻫﺮ ‌ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻔﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‌ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ‌‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‌ﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‌ﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺁﺷﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ "ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ" ﻭ "ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ" ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻱﻙ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻲﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ‪‌ ،‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻃﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‌ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻭﺝ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ‪15‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ 57‬ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪1-1‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻩ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻭ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻟﻴﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ« ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ »ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻱ«‬ ‫ﻱﻙ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ‪" :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪ‌ﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺁژﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻦ ‌ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ" ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ "ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻃﺒﺲ " "ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻘﻴﻔﻪ " »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ«‪» ،‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ«‪.‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ‌ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‌ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻱﻙ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻛﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫‪.‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺪﻑ ‌ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻫﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ [1 ].‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨﺎً ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﻴﺰﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫»ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺰﺵ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖﻫﺎ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ‬  ‫‌ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭ ﻻﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ]‪ «[2‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺕ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪.‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺧﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ‌ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ [3 ].‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‌ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪(2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ‌ﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺕﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ‌ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﺃ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪".‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪﻱ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬  ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ".‬ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫)ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ( ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ‌ﺗﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ [4 ].‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﻱ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﮔﻲ‬ ‫"ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ " ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭ ‌‌ﻩﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻣﻲ ‌ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ‪.‬ﺗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺗﺎﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ‌ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ – ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﺸﺎﺵ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‌ﻛﻨﻢ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ‌ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫‌ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‌ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‌ﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫‌ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲ‌ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ‪.‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫" ﺟﻠﺐ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ "ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ "ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ " ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺕ ﺃ ﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲ‌ﻭﺭﺯﺩ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻓﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ‬  ‫‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ‌ﻱ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻭﺍﻳﺎﻱ ﮔﻮﻧﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺳﻪ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ »ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪ‌ﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺳﻴﺴﺘﻤﻲ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ‌ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺎ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ [7 ].‬ﺑﻪ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺗﻮﺭﻥ‪ ‌ ،‬ﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺱ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻮﭼﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺕﺃ ﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻒ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ‌ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺡ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻲ‌ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.1‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ؛‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉﻳﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ‌ﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ؛‬  ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ‌ﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ] ‪[8‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻋﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﻱﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ‌ﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪.1‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﺎً ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫‪.2‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲ‌ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‪.3‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‌ﻱ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪.‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪.‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻً ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ‌ﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‌ﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ(‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ (1‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺧﺼﻠﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻣﻴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‌ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪ (2‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ‌ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﻌﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺣﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ (3‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ‌ﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺘﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ‌ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪ (4‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫‌ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻬﻴﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺏ‪ :‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫‪ -1‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‌ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.2‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻓﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.3‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺴﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.4‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.5‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻮﺏ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﻠﻲ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪.6‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ‬  ‫ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﻤﺒﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺝ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺪﻝ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﺭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺮﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺑﺎﻗﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [11‬ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺕ ﺃ ﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻼً ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﮓﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺳﺨﺘﮕﻴﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬ ‫‌ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﺮﺝ‌ﻭﻣﺮﺝ ﻭ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺱ ‌ﻛﻮﻫﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﮕﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻗﺎﻟﺐﺭﻳﺰﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‌ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‌ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎء ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫)ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻃﻠﺒﻲ ـ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ـ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ‌ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ‪ (...‬ﺳﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫‌ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‌ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪.‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺑﻪ ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ‪ 1357‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ -‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ 15‬ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ)ﺭﻩ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ‪...‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﻋﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ؛ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫‪(3‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻐﻮﻱ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻐﻮﻱ )ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﭼﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﺮﺧﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ(؛ ‌‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ‌ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻭﺍژﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ »ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻳﺮﻩ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺘﺎﺭﻩﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ« ﺑﻪ ‌ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﻱ »ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪﻱ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ »ﻛﭙﺮﻧﻴﻚ«‬ ‫]‪ [13‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﺪ‪" [14 ].‬ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ " ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ‌ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪" :‬ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﻄﻠﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﻛﭙﺮﻧﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻻﺗﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺪﻩ ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ ﻭﺍژﻩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ 1660‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬  ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ " ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ‌ﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ‌ﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏﻫﺎ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺁﺳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‌ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲ ‌ﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ‬‫‌‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ‌ﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻃﻨﻴﻦ ‌ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ‌ﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ‌ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ [15 ].‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﻭ‬‫‌‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻻً ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ]‪ [16‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻮﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺛﻤﺮﻩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ‌ﺭﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪﺍﻱ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ )ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ( ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻋﺼﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ‌ﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻪﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻱ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ‌‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ‌ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ‌ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬ﻭﻱ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻼً ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻗﺒﻼً ﻧﻪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ [17 ].‬ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﺯﻋﻢ ﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺲ ﺉﻟﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» [18 ].‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ‬ ‫‌ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﻧﻮ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻤﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ [19 ].‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫]‪ [20‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪».‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺘﻪﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ«‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣ‪‬ﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ «.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ« »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ‪» :‬ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﺸﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪﻱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﻱ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ «.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ؛ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫‪P‬‬ ‫‪P0F‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺑﺨﺸﻨﺪ‪.‬ﺝﻱ‪،‬ﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻦ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ «.‬ﻛﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻦﺗﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﮋﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ [24 ].‬ﺁﺭﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪1.Constution.‬‬  ‫‌ﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‌ﻫﺎ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻭﻳﮋ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲ ‌ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ [25 ].‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ‌ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺘﻮﻥ؛ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ‌ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲ‌ﺁﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ [26 ].‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‌ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ »ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﻣﻮﺋﻞ‬‫‌‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺘﻮﻥ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ‪» ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫]‪ [27‬ﺍ ﺯﻧﻈﺮ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﺮﭼﻪ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﺭﺥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ‌ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﮕﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲ ‌ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻛﺎﻣﻼً ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﺥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺃﺕﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ [28 ].‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﺖ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻼﺱﻳﻚ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻟﻜﺘﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺗﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ‌ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ‌ﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ )ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ(‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ‌ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ )ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ( ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ‌ﺍﻱ ﻣﻲ ‌ﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺭژﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﻐﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﭘﻴﺘﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪».‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‌ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ‪،‬‬  ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻥ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻱ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻥ ‌ﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ [29 ] «.‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‌ﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺱﺍﻥﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺗﻲ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻱ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﺡ ‌ﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧ?