A History of Modern Psychology PDF 9th Edition


         
     

     
         
    A History of Modern Psychology, Nint...


         
     

     
         
    A History of Modern Psychology, Ninth Edition Duane P. Schultz, Sydney Ellen Schultz Publisher: Michele Sordi Permissions Editor: Bob Kauser Managing Assistant Editor: Dan Moneypenny Production Service: Merrill Peterson, Matrix Productions Editorial Assistant: Erin Miskelly Text Designer: Rokusek Design, Inc. Technology Project Manager: Amy Cohen Photo Researcher: Cheri Throop Executive Marketing Manager: Kimberly Russell Copy Editor: Janet Tilden Marketing Communications Manager: Linda Yip Cover Designer: Andy Norris Project Manager, Editorial Production: Mary Noel Cover Image: Getty Images Creative Director: Rob Hugel Cover Printer: West Art Director: Vernon Boes Compositor: ICC Macmillan Inc. Print Buyer: Karen Hunt Printer: West © 2008, 2004 Thomson Wadsworth, a part of The Thomson Higher Education Thomson Corporation. Thomson, the Star logo, and 10 Davis Drive Wadsworth are trademarks used herein under license. Belmont, CA 94002-3098 USA ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the copyright hereon may be reproduced or used in any form or by any means—graphic, electronic, or For more information about our products, contact us at: mechanical, including photocopying, recording, taping, Thomson Learning Academic Resource Center Web distribution, information storage and retrieval systems, or in any other manner—without the written 1-800-423-0563 permission of the publisher. For permission to use material from this text or product, submit a request online at http://www.thomsonrights.com. Printed in the United States of America Any additional questions about permissions can be 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 11 10 09 08 07 submitted by e-mail to [email protected]. ExamView® and ExamView Pro® are registered trademarks of FSCreations, Inc. Windows is a registered Endpaper Photo Credits: trademark of the Microsoft Corporation used herein Darwin’s Origin of Species: © Morton Beebe/Corbis; under license. Macintosh and Power Macintosh are American Civil War: © Philip Gould/Corbis; Wright registered trademarks of Apple Computer, Inc. Used Brothers Airplane Flight: Library of Congress, LC-DIG- herein under license. 00699; Telephone Invented: Courtesy of Chuck Eby, Manalapan, NJ; First Talking Motion Pictures: Library © 2008 Thomson Learning, Inc. All Rights Reserved. of Congress, Prints & Photographs Division, LC-USZ62- Thomson Learning WebTutorTM is a trademark of 119624; World War II: © Joe Rosenthal/Corbis; Civil Thomson Learning, Inc. Rights Movement: © Flip Schulke/Corbis; Moon Landing: NASA; World Trade Center: © Rafael Macia/Photo Library of Congress Control Number: 2006937841 Researchers, Inc. ISBN-13: 978-0-495-09799-0 ISBN-10: 0-495-09799-3  To Russ Nazzaro who asked the department’s newest assistant professor, one day long ago “How would you like to teach the history of psychology?” B R I E F C O N T E N T S Preface xiii CHAPTER 1 The Study of the History of Psychology 1 CHAPTER 2 Philosophical Influences on Psychology 27 CHAPTER 3 Physiological Influences on Psychology 63 CHAPTER 4 The New Psychology 89 CHAPTER 5 Structuralism 121 CHAPTER 6 Functionalism: Antecedent Influences 142 CHAPTER 7 Functionalism: Development and Founding 176 CHAPTER 8 Applied Psychology: The Legacy of Functionalism 220 CHAPTER 9 Behaviorism: Antecedent Influences 266 CHAPTER 10 Behaviorism: The Beginnings 295 CHAPTER 11 Behaviorism: After the Founding 327 CHAPTER 12 Gestalt Psychology 364 CHAPTER 13 Psychoanalysis: The Beginnings 399 CHAPTER 14 Psychoanalysis: After the Founding 446 CHAPTER 15 Contemporary Developments in Psychology 490 Glossary 520 References 524 Name Index 549 Subject Index 555 iv  C O N T E N T S Preface xiii The Spirit of Mechanism 28 The Clockwork Universe 29 Determinism and Reductionism 30 Chapter 1 Automata 31 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY People as Machines 32 OF PSYCHOLOGY 1 The Calculating Engine 35 Why Study the History of Psychology? 1 The Beginnings of Modern Science 38 The Development of Modern René Descartes (1596–1650) 38 Psychology 3 The Contributions of Descartes: Mechanism The Data of History: Reconstructing and the Mind-Body Problem 41 Psychology’s Past 5 The Nature of the Body 42 Historiography: How We Study History 5 The Mind-Body Interaction 44 Lost or Suppressed Data 7 The Doctrine of Ideas 45 Data Distorted in Translation 9 Philosophical Foundations of the New Self-Serving Data 10 Psychology: Positivism, Materialism, Contextual Forces in Psychology 11 and Empiricism 45 Economic Opportunity 12 Auguste Comte (1798–1857) 45 The World Wars 13 John Locke (1632–1704) 47 Prejudice and Discrimination 13 In Their Own Words: Original Source Conceptions of Scientific History 19 Material on Empiricism from An Essay Concerning Human Understanding The Personalistic Theory 19 (1690) by John Locke 49 The Naturalistic Theory 19 George Berkeley (1685–1753) 52 Schools of Thought in the Evolution David Hume (1711–1776) 54 of Modern Psychology 22 David Hartley (1705–1757) 56 Plan of the Book 24 James Mill (1773–1836) 57 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 25 John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) 58 SUGGESTED READINGS 26 Contributions of Empiricism to Psychology 60 Chapter 2 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 60 SUGGESTED READINGS 61 PHILOSOPHICAL INFLUENCES ON PSYCHOLOGY 27 The Defecating Duck and the Glory of France 27 v vi Contents Chapter 3 The Founding Father of Modern Psychology 90 PHYSIOLOGICAL INFLUENCES Wilhelm Wundt (1832–1920) 92 ON PSYCHOLOGY 63 Wundt’s Life 92 David K. Makes a Mistake: The Importance The Leipzig Years 93 of the Human Observer 63 Cultural Psychology 95 Developments in Early Physiology 66 The Study of Conscious Experience 96 Research on Brain Functions: Mapping from the Inside 66 The Method of Introspection 98 Research on Brain Functions: Mapping Elements of Conscious Experience 100 from the Outside 67 Organizing the Elements of Conscious Research on the Nervous System 70 Experience 101 The Mechanistic Spirit 72 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material on the Law of Psychic Resultants and the The Beginnings of Experimental Principle of Creative Synthesis from Outline of Psychology 72 Psychology (1896) by Wilhelm Wundt 102 Why Germany? 73 The Fate of Wundt’s Psychology Hermann von Helmholtz (1821–1894) 75 in Germany 103 Helmholtz’s Life 75 Criticisms of Wundtian Psychology 104 Helmholtz’s Contributions: The Neural Wundt’s Legacy 105 Impulse, Vision, and Audition 76 Other Developments in German Ernst Weber (1795–1878) 78 Psychology 106 Two-Point Thresholds 78 Hermann Ebbinghaus (1850–1909) 106 Just Noticeable Differences 78 Ebbinghaus’s Life 107 Gustav Theodor Fechner (1801–1887) 79 Research on Learning 107 Fechner’s Life 80 Research with Nonsense Syllables 108 Mind and Body: A Quantitative Other Contributions to Psychology 110 Relationship 81 Franz Brentano (1838–1917) 111 Methods of Psychophysics 83 The Study of Mental Acts 112 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material Carl Stumpf (1848–1936) 113 on Psychophysics from Elements of Phenomenology 114 Psychophysics (1860) by Gustav Fechner 84 Oswald Külpe (1862–1915) 114 The Formal Founding of Psychology 86 Külpe’s Differences with Wundt 115 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 87 Systematic Experimental Introspection 115 SUGGESTED READINGS 88 Imageless Thought 116 Research Topics of the Würzburg Chapter 4 Laboratory 117 Comment 118 THE NEW PSYCHOLOGY 89 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 118 No Multitasking Allowed 89 SUGGESTED READINGS 119  Contents vii Chapter 5 Individual Differences: Francis Galton (1822–1911) 157 STRUCTURALISM 121 Galton’s Life 158 Swallow the Rubber Tube—A College Mental Inheritance 160 Prank? 121 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material Edward Bradford Titchener (1867–1927) 122 from Hereditary Genius: An Inquiry into Titchener’s Life 123 Its Laws and Consequences (1869) Titchener’s Experimentalists: No Women by Francis Galton 161 Allowed! 126 Statistical Methods 162 The Content of Conscious Experience 128 Mental Tests 163 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material The Association of Ideas 165 on Structuralism from A Textbook Mental Imagery 166 of Psychology (1909) by E. B. Titchener 129 Arithmetic by Smell and Other Topics 167 Introspection 131 Comment 168 The Elements of Consciousness 133 Animal Psychology and the Development Criticisms of Structuralism 135 of Functionalism 168 Criticisms of Introspection 136 George John Romanes (1848–1894) 169 Additional Criticisms of Titchener’s C. Lloyd Morgan (1852–1936) 171 System 138 Comment 172 Contributions of Structuralism 139 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 173 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 140 SUGGESTED READINGS 174 SUGGESTED READINGS 141 Chapter 7 Chapter 6 FUNCTIONALISM: DEVELOPMENT FUNCTIONALISM: ANTECEDENT AND FOUNDING 176 INFLUENCES 142 Evolution’s Neurotic Philosopher 176 Scientist Captivated by Childlike Jenny 142 Evolution Comes to America: Herbert The Functionalist Protest 143 Spencer (1820–1903) 177 The Evolution Revolution: Charles Darwin Social Darwinism 177 (1809–1882) 144 Synthetic Philosophy 179 Darwin’s Life 147 The Continuing Evolution of Machines 179 On the Origin of Species by Means of Henry Hollerith and the Punched Cards 180 Natural Selection 150 William James (1842–1910): Anticipator The Finches’ Beaks: Evolution at Work 153 of Functional Psychology 181 Darwin’s Influence on Psychology 155 James’s Life 182 In Their Own Words: Original Source The Principles of Psychology 187 Material from The Autobiography of The Subject Matter of Psychology: A New Charles Darwin (1876) 156 Look at Consciousness 188 viii Contents In Their Own Words: Original Source Material Chapter 8 on Consciousness from Psychology (Briefer Course) (1892) by William James 189 APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY: THE LEGACY OF FUNCTIONALISM 220 The Methods of Psychology 191 Pragmatism 191 FDA Raid: Target Coca-Cola 220 The Theory of Emotions 192 Toward a Practical Psychology 221 The Three-Piece Self 192 The Growth of American Psychology 222 Habit 193 Economic Influences on Applied Psychology 224 The Functional Inequality of Women 194 Mental Testing 226 Mary Whiton Calkins (1863–1930) 194 James McKeen Cattell (1860–1944) 226 Helen Bradford Thompson Woolley (1874–1947) 196 Mental Tests 230 Leta Stetter Hollingworth (1886–1939) 197 Comment 230 Granville Stanley Hall (1844–1924) 198 The Psychological Testing Movement 232 Hall’s Life 199 Binet, Terman, and the IQ Test 232 Evolution and the Recapitulation Theory World War I and Group Testing 233 of Development 203 Ideas from Medicine and Engineering 236 Comment 205 Racial Differences in Intelligence 236 The Founding of Functionalism 205 Contributions of Women to the Testing The Chicago School 206 Movement 238 John Dewey (1859–1952) 206 The Clinical Psychology Movement 240 The Reflex Arc 207 Lightner Witmer (1867–1956) 240 Comment 208 Witmer’s Life 241 James Rowland Angell (1869–1949) 208 Clinics for Child Evaluation 243 Angell’s Life 208 Comment 244 The Province of Functional Psychology 209 The Profession of Clinical Psychology 244 Comment 210 The Industrial-Organizational Psychology Movement 245 Harvey A. Carr (1873–1954) 210 Walter Dill Scott (1869–1955) 246 Functionalism: The Final Form 211 Scott’s Life 246 Functionalism at Columbia University 212 Advertising and Human Suggestibility 248 Robert Sessions Woodworth (1869–1962) 212 Employee Selection 248 Woodworth’s Life 213 Comment 249 Dynamic Psychology 214 The Impact of the World Wars 249 Criticisms of Functionalism 215 The Hawthorne Studies and Organizational Issues 251 Contributions of Functionalism 216 Contributions of Women to Industrial- DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 216 Organizational Psychology 253 SUGGESTED READINGS 218  Contents ix Hugo Münsterberg (1863–1916) 253 The Influence of Functional Psychology Münsterberg’s Life 254 on Behaviorism 291 Forensic Psychology and Eyewitness DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 293 Testimony 257 SUGGESTED READINGS 294 Psychotherapy 257 Industrial Psychology 258 Chapter 10 Comment 259 BEHAVIORISM: Applied Psychology in the United States: THE BEGINNINGS 295 A National Mania 260 The Psychologist, the Baby, and the Comment 262 Hammer: Don’t Try This at Home! 295 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 263 John B. Watson (1878–1958) 296 SUGGESTED READINGS 264 Watson’s Life 297 In Their Own Words: Original Source Chapter 9 Material on Behaviorism from Psychology as the Behaviorist Views It (1913) BEHAVIORISM: ANTECEDENT by John B. Watson 305 INFLUENCES 266 The Reaction to Watson’s Program 308 Hans the Wonder Horse—Math Genius? 266 The Methods of Behaviorism 309 Toward a Science of Behavior 268 The Subject Matter of Behaviorism 311 The Influence of Animal Psychology on Instincts 312 Behaviorism 269 Emotions 313 Jacques Loeb (1859–1924) 270 Albert, Peter, and the Rabbits 314 Rats, Ants, and the Animal Mind 271 Thought Processes 315 Edward Lee Thorndike (1874–1949) 275 Behaviorism’s Popular Appeal 316 Thorndike’s Life 276 An Outbreak of Psychology 318 Connectionism 277 Criticisms of Watson’s Behaviorism 319 The Puzzle Box 278 Edwin B. Holt (1873–1946) 320 Laws of Learning 279 Karl Lashley (1890–1958) 320 Comment 280 William McDougall (1871–1938) 321 Ivan Petrovitch Pavlov (1849–1936) 280 Contributions of Watson’s Behaviorism 323 Pavlov’s Life 281 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 324 Conditioned Reflexes 284 SUGGESTED READINGS 325 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material from Conditioned Reflexes (1927) Chapter 11 by Ivan Pavlov 286 A Note on E. B. Twitmyer 288 BEHAVIORISM: AFTER THE Comment 288 FOUNDING 327 Vladimir M. Bekhterev (1857–1927) 289 The IQ Zoo: Animal House? 327 Associated Reflexes 290 Three Stages of Behaviorism 328 x Contents Operationism 329 Julian Rotter (1916– ) 357 Edward Chace Tolman (1886–1959) 330 Cognitive Processes 357 Purposive Behaviorism 331 Locus of Control 358 Intervening Variables 331 Comment 360 Learning Theory 332 The Fate of Behaviorism 360 Comment 333 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 361 Clark Leonard Hull (1884–1952) 334 SUGGESTED READINGS 362 Hull’s Life 334 The Spirit of Mechanism 335 Chapter 12 Objective Methodology and Quantification 336 GESTALT PSYCHOLOGY 364 Drives 336 A Sudden Insight 364 Learning 337 The Gestalt Revolt 365 Comment 338 More to Perception than Meets the Eye 366 B. F. Skinner (1904–1990) 338 Antecedent Influences Skinner’s Life 339 on Gestalt Psychology 368 Skinner’s Behaviorism 341 The Changing Zeitgeist in Physics 369 In Their Own Words: Original Source The Phi Phenomenon: A Challenge to Material from Science and Human Wundtian Psychology 370 Behavior (1953) by B. F. Skinner 342 Max Wertheimer (1880–1943) 372 Operant Conditioning 344 Kurt Koffka (1886–1941) 373 Schedules of Reinforcement 345 Wolfgang Köhler (1887–1967) 375 Successive Approximation: The Shaping The Nature of the Gestalt Revolt 377 of Behavior 346 Gestalt Principles of Perceptual Aircribs, Teaching Machines, and Organization 379 Pigeon-Guided Missiles 347 Gestalt Studies of Learning: Insight and the Walden Two—A Behaviorist Society 349 Mentality of Apes 381 Behavior Modification 349 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material Criticisms of Skinner’s Behaviorism 350 on Gestalt Psychology from the Mentality of Apes (1927) by Wolfgang Köhler 382 Contributions of Skinner’s Behaviorism 351 Comment 385 Sociobehaviorism: The Cognitive Productive Thinking in Humans 386 Challenge 352 Isomorphism 387 Albert Bandura (1925– ) 352 The Spread of Gestalt Psychology 388 Social Cognitive Theory 353 The Battle with Behaviorism 389 Self-Efficacy 354 Gestalt Psychology in Nazi Germany 390 Behavior Modification 355 Field Theory: Kurt Lewin (1890–1947) 390 Comment 356 Lewin’s Life 391  Contents xi The Life Space 392 Anxiety 433 Motivation and the Zeigarnik Effect 393 Psychosexual Stages of Personality Social Psychology 394 Development 434 Criticisms of Gestalt Psychology 395 Mechanism and Determinism in Freud’s System 436 Contributions of Gestalt Psychology 395 Relations between Psychoanalysis and DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 396 Psychology 437 SUGGESTED READINGS 397 The Scientific Validation of Psychoanalytic Concepts 438 Chapter 13 Criticisms of Psychoanalysis 439 PSYCHOANALYSIS: Contributions of Psychoanalysis 441 THE BEGINNINGS 399 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 444 SUGGESTED READINGS 445 The Mommy Track 399 The Development of Psychoanalysis 400 Antecedent Influences on Psychoanalysis 401 Chapter 14 Theories of the Unconscious Mind 402 PSYCHOANALYSIS: AFTER THE Early Ideas about Psychopathology 403 FOUNDING 446 The Influence of Charles Darwin 408 When Life Hands You Lemons... 446 Additional Influences 409 Competing Factions 447 Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) and the The Neo-Freudians and Ego Psychology 448 Development of Psychoanalysis 411 Anna Freud (1895–1982) 448 The Case of Anna O. 413 Child Analysis 450 The Sexual Basis of Neurosis 415 Comment 451 Studies on Hysteria 416 Object Relations Theories 451 The Childhood Seduction Controversy 417 Melanie Klein (1882–1960) 451 Freud’s Sex Life 418 Heinz Kohut (1913–1981) 452 Dream Analysis 419 Carl Jung (1875–1961) 453 The Pinnacle of Success 420 Jung’s Life 453 In Their Own Words: Original Source Material on Hysteria from Sigmund Freud’s Analytical Psychology 455 First Lecture at Clark University, The Collective Unconscious 456 September 9, 1909 424 Archetypes 457 Psychoanalysis as a Method Introversion and Extraversion 458 of Treatment 427 Psychological Types: The Functions Psychoanalysis as a System and Attitudes 458 of Personality 430 Comment 459 Instincts 430 Social Psychological Theories: The Zeitgeist Levels of Personality 431 Strikes Again 460 xii Contents Alfred Adler (1870–1937) 461 Chapter 15 Adler’s Life 461 CONTEMPORARY DEVELOPMENTS Individual Psychology 462 IN PSYCHOLOGY 490 Inferiority Feelings 463 Chess Champion Capitulates to Cunning Style of Life 463 Computer 490 The Creative Power of the Self 464 Schools of Thought in Perspective 492 Birth Order 464 The Cognitive Movement in Psychology 493 Comment 465 Antecedent Influences on Cognitive Karen Horney (1885–1952) 466 Psychology 494 Horney’s Life 466 The Changing Zeitgeist in Physics 495 Disagreements with Freud 467 The Founding of Cognitive Psychology 496 Basic Anxiety 468 George Miller (1920– ) 497 Neurotic Needs 469 The Center for Cognitive Studies 498 The Idealized Self-Image 469 Ulric Neisser (1928– ) 499 Comment 470 The Computer Metaphor 501 The Evolution of Personality Theory: The Development of the Modern Humanistic Psychology 471 Computer 502 Antecedent Influences on Humanistic Artificial Intelligence 502 Psychology 471 The Nature of Cognitive Psychology 505 The Nature of Humanistic Psychology 472 Cognitive Neuroscience 505 Abraham Maslow (1908–1970) 473 The Role of Introspection 506 Maslow’s Life 473 Unconscious Cognition 507 Self-Actualization 474 Animal Cognition 508 In Their Own Words: Original Source Animal Personality 509 Material on Humanistic Psychology from Current Status of Cognitive Psychology 510 Motivation and Personality (1970) by Abraham Maslow 475 Evolutionary Psychology 512 Comment 477 Antecedent Influences on Evolutionary Psychology 513 Carl Rogers (1902–1987) 478 The Influence of Sociobiology 515 Rogers’s Life 478 Current Status of Evolutionary Psychology 516 Self-Actualization 480 Comment 516 Comment 481 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 517 The Fate of Humanistic Psychology 482 SUGGESTED READINGS 518 Positive Psychology 483 Comment 486 The Psychoanalytic Tradition Glossary 520 in History 487 References 524 DISCUSSION QUESTIONS 487 Name Index 549 SUGGESTED READINGS 488 Subject Index 555  P R E F A C E The focus of this book is the history of modern psychology, that period beginning in the late nineteenth century when psychology became a separate, independent discipline. Although we do not ignore earlier philosophical thought, we concentrate on issues that are directly related to the establishment of psychology as a new and distinct field of study. Our purpose is to present a history of modern psychology, not of the centuries of philosophical work that preceded it. We have chosen to recount the history of psychology in terms of people, major ideas, and schools of thought, and the times that influ- enced their development. Since the formal beginning of the field in 1879, psychology’s methods and subject matter have changed as each new idea captured the loyalty of adherents and for a time dominated the field. Our interest, then, is in the developing sequence of approaches that have defined the field over the years. Each school of thought is discussed as a movement arising within a historical and social context, not as an independent or isolated entity. Contextual forces include the intellectual spirit of the times (the Zeitgeist), as well as social, political, and economic factors. These fac- tors include the effects of wars as well as prejudice and discrimination against women and minority groups. Although this book is organized in terms of the schools, we recog- nize that these systems resulted from the work of individual scholars, researchers, organizers, and promoters. It is people, not abstract forces, who write articles, conduct research, present papers, popularize ideas, and teach the next generation of psychologists. We discuss the contri- butions of the pivotal figures who shaped the field, noting that their work was often influenced not only by the times in which they flour- ished but also by the context of their own personal life experiences. We discuss each school of thought in terms of its connection to the scientific ideas and discoveries that preceded and followed it. Each school evolved from or revolted against the existing order and in its turn inspired viewpoints that challenged, opposed, and eventually replaced it. With the hindsight of history, we can trace the pattern and the continuity of development of modern psychology. New to the Ninth Edition As we prepared the ninth edition of this textbook many years after writing the first one and still found much to add, to reconsider and revise, we were struck anew by the dynamic nature of the history of xiii xiv Preface psychology. This history is not fixed or finished but in a continuing state of growth. An enormous amount of scholarly work on psychol- ogy’s people, issues, methods, and theories is continually being pro- duced, translated, and reevaluated. Information from nearly 150 new sources has been added to the ninth edition and many additional revisions have been made to the material from the previous edition. Our discussion of the evolution of machines (previously found in chapters 6 and 7) has been combined into one sec- tion. The discussion of the contributions of G. Stanley Hall has been moved from chapter 8 to chapter 7 in order to refocus chapter 8 solely on the three leading areas of applied psychology, namely, mental testing, industrial psychology, and clinical psychology. Research findings published as recently as 2006 are included, such as the discovery of what may be the missing link in evolutionary theory, evolutionary change in Darwin’s finches in the Galapagos Islands, the translation of thought into action (the new area of cognitive neuro- science called “neuroprosthetics”), and new research into animal personality. Some of the other additions to the ninth edition are William James’s concept of the three selves, Harry Hollingworth’s research for the Coca- Cola trial of 1911, Skinner’s method of successive approximation, the IQ Zoo as a real-world application of operant conditioning, and the role of Sigmund Freud’s dog in psychoanalytic sessions. In addition, expanded coverage has been given to the following topics. Lost and suppressed data of history The importance of the Zeitgeist in science Discrimination against minorities in higher education in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries Difficulties and accomplishments of Kenneth Clark and Mamie Clark Automata, clocks, and other mechanical devices as metaphors and guiding principles for the new psychology The importance of promoting, or “selling,” an idea in science in order to found a new movement Henry Babbage and his “thinking machine” Ivan Pavlov’s laboratory as a “physiology factory” and his attitude toward his dogs The Emmanuel Movement as a precursor to psychoanalysis in the United States A reevaluation of the impact of Sigmund Freud’s psychoanalysis including research evidence for and against his approach Alfred Adler’s views on the significance of birth order The contributions of Carl Jung, Alfred Adler, Abraham Maslow, and Carl Rogers Positive psychology and current research on happiness  Preface xv Animal cognition Evolutionary psychology New biographical information on the great figures in the history of psychology including René Descartes, John Stuart Mill, E. B. Titchener, Charles Darwin, Francis Galton, Herbert Spencer, Wolfgang Köhler, Max Wertheimer, Anna Freud, and Carl Rogers. Two popular innovations from the eighth edition have been refined. Expanded and updated History Online boxes, directing students to Web sites that provide additional information on people, theories, and movements, can be found on the Web site corresponding to this book. We have explored hundreds of sites and chosen the most informative, reliable, and current, as of the time of publication. In Their Own Words sections provide original writings by the key figures in the history of psychology, presenting in each theorist’s distinctive style a unique perspective on psychology’s methods, problems, and goals. These sections have been reevaluated and edited for clarity and comprehension. At the beginning of each chapter we offer a “teaser,” a brief nar- rative built around a person or event designed to introduce the major theme of the chapter. These sections immediately define the subject matter and convey to the student that history is about real people and real situations. These topics include, among others: The mechanical duck that ate, digested, and defecated on a silver platter. All the rage in Paris in 1739, it was to become a metaphor for a new conception of the functioning of the human body as a machine. Charles Darwin’s fascination with Jenny the Orangutan, who wore a frilly dress and drank tea from a cup Why Wilhelm Wundt couldn’t multitask, and what that meant for the new psychology The 1909 Tennessee drug bust against the deadly substance caffeine, and the psychologist who proved the government wrong Why John B. Watson held the hammer while his pretty young graduate assistant held the baby The IQ Zoo, Priscilla the Fastidious Pig, and Bird Brain, who beat B. F. Skinner at a game of tic-tac-toe What Wolfgang Köhler was really doing on the most famous island in the history of psychology Sigmund Freud’s boyhood dream about his mother and what it really meant New photographs, tables, and figures have been chosen for this new edition. Chapters contain outlines, discussion questions, and annotated xvi Preface reading lists. Important terms are boldfaced in the text and defined in the margin glossary and at the back of the book. The following supple- ments are available: For instructors: Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank (print) by Wendi Everton of Eastern Connecticut State University Examview, computerized testing software that includes content from the print test bank Book companion Web site for instructors that includes electronic files of the print Instructor’s Manual, PowerPoint lecture slides, and more. For students: Free book companion Web site that provides flashcards, crossword puzzles, tutorial quizzes, and Web links. Acknowledgments We are grateful to the many instructors and students who have contacted us over the years with valuable suggestions. The book has benefited throughout its history from the rigorous and perceptive evaluations of the eminent historian of psychology Ludy T. Benjamin, Jr., of Texas A&M University. We also are pleased to acknowledge the assistance of Charles L. Brewer of Furman University. David Baker, director of the Archives of the History of American Psychology at the University of Akron, provided gracious and valuable assistance with the photographs for the book. The candid photograph of John B. Watson was supplied by his son, the late James B. Watson. His contribution is much appreciated. We wish to thank other reviewers of this edition who offered insightful and timely comments: Lisa Baker, Western Michigan University; Carlos Escoto, Eastern Connecticut State University; Terry Isbell, Northwestern State University; Janet Kottke, California State–San Bernardino; Shirley Pavone, Sacred Heart University; and David Zehr, Plymouth State University. D.P.S., S.E.S. The Study of the History of Psychology Why Study the History C H A P T E R 1 O N E Why Study the History of Psychology? of Psychology? The Development of Modern Psychology The Data of History: Let us begin with a basic question: Why are you taking this Reconstructing Psychology’s course? Because it is offered at a convenient hour? Because Past the course you really wanted was already full? Because you Historiography: How We Study heard that the instructor is an easy grader? Because it’s History required for psychology majors? If that last reason applies to Lost or Suppressed Data Data Distorted in Translation you, then we need to consider some additional questions. Self-Serving Data Why does your psychology faculty believe that it’s Contextual Forces in Psychology important for majors to study the history of the field? What Economic Opportunity possible relevance could the past have for your present The World Wars understanding? Why have psychology departments offered Prejudice and Discrimination such courses since at least 1911—that is, for nearly a century? Conceptions of Scientific History And why do you think two of every three undergraduate The Personalistic Theory The Naturalistic Theory college programs include a course in the history of psy- Schools of Thought in the chology as part of their degree requirements? Evolution of Modern Psychology Of all the sciences, psychology is unique in this regard. Plan of the Book Most science departments do not have such requirements or even offer a course in the history of their field. The inter- est of psychologists in their history has led to its formaliza- tion as an area of study. Just as there are psychologists who specialize in social problems, psychopharmacology, or ado- lescent development, so there are those who specialize in the history of psychology. In 1965, the multidisciplinary Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences began publication under the editorship 1 2 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY of a psychologist. That same year the Archives of the History of American Psychology was established at the University of Akron, Ohio, to serve the needs of scholars by collecting and preserving source materials. The archives holds the world’s largest collection of material on the history of psychology—more than 25,000 books, 15,000 photographs, some 6,000 films (including a home movie of Sigmund Freud), and hundreds of thousands of letters, manuscripts, and other documents. In 1985, the American Psychological Association’s (APA) oral his- tory project began tape-recording interviews with the APA’s past pres- idents and chief executive officers to preserve their memories of the development of scientific and professional psychology. In 1998, a quarterly journal entitled History of Psychology was started, sponsored by the APA’s Division of the History of Psychology (Division 26, founded in 1966), to cover the relationship between history and psychology as well as issues in teaching the history of psychology. In 1969, the International Society for the History of the Behavioral and Social Sciences (the Cheiron Society) was founded. Graduate training in the history of psychology is offered at several universities, including York University, the University of New Hampshire, the University of Florida, the University of Oklahoma, the University of Pennsylvania, and Texas A&M University. The growth in the number of publications, meetings, and repositories reflects the importance psychologists place on the study of the history of psychology. Of course, these developments do not answer the question of how you would benefit from studying the history of psychology. To put it bluntly, “What’s in it for you?” How will your understanding of psychology today—of human behavior and cognitive functioning— be influenced or enhanced if you read what some long-dead psychol- ogist did in a laboratory or said to a patient in the consulting room some 50 or 100 years ago? Consider what you already know from taking other psychology courses: namely, that there is no single form, approach, or definition of psychology on which all psychologists agree. You have learned that there is an enormous diversity, even divisiveness and fragmentation, in professional and scientific specialization and in subject matter. Some psychologists focus on cognitive functions, others deal with unconscious forces, and still others work only with overt behavior or with physiological and biochemical processes. Modern psychology includes many subject areas that seem to have little in common beyond a broad interest in human nature and conduct and an approach that attempts in some general way to be scientific. The only framework that binds these diverse areas and approaches, and gives them a coherent context, is their history—the evolution over time of psychology as an independent discipline. Only by  The DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN PSYCHOLOGY 3 exploring psychology’s origins and studying its development can we see clearly the nature of psychology today. Knowledge of history brings order to disorder and imposes meaning on what appears to be chaos, putting the past into perspective to explain the present. Many psychologists practice a similar technique, agreeing that the influence of the past helps shape the present. For example, some clinical psychologists attempt to understand their adult clients by exploring their childhood, by examining the forces and events that may cause the patients to behave or think in certain ways. By com- piling case histories, clinicians reconstruct the evolution of their clients’ lives, and often that process leads to explanations of present behaviors and thought patterns. Behavioral psychologists also accept the influence of the past in shaping the present. They believe that behavior is determined by prior conditioning and reinforcing experi- ences. In other words, the current state of a person can be explained by his or her history—the way we were can tell us something about the way we are now. So it is with the field of psychology. This book will show you that studying the history of psychology is the most systematic way to inte- grate the areas and issues that constitute modern psychology. This course will enable you to recognize relationships among ideas, theo- ries, and research efforts and to understand how different pieces of the psychology puzzle come together to form a coherent picture. You might also consider this course to be a case study, an exploration of the people, events, and experiences that have made psychology what it is today. We should add that the history of psychology is a fascinating story on its own, offering drama, tragedy, heroism, and revolution— and its share of sex, drugs, and really weird behavior. Despite false starts, mistakes, and misconceptions, overall there is a clear and con- tinuing evolution that has shaped contemporary psychology and pro- vides us with an explanation for its richness. The Development of Modern Psychology Here’s another question: For our study of the history of psychology, where do we start? The answer depends on how we define psychology. The origins of the field we call psychology can be traced to two dif- ferent time periods, some 2000 years apart. Thus, psychology is among the oldest of all scholarly disciplines as well as one of the newest. First, we can trace ideas and speculations about human nature and behavior back to the fifth century BC, when Plato, Aristotle, and other Greek philosophers were grappling with many of the same issues that concern psychologists today. These include some of the 4 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY basic topics you covered in your introductory psychology classes: memory, learning, motivation, thought, perception, and abnormal behavior. Thus, one possible starting point for a study of the history of psychology would take us back to ancient philosophical writings about problems that later came to be included in the formal discipline we know as psychology. Or we could choose to view psychology as one of the newer fields of study and begin our coverage approximately 200 years ago, when modern psychology emerged from philosophy and other early scien- tific approaches to claim its own identity as a formal field of study. How should we distinguish between modern psychology, which we cover in this book, and its roots—that is, the prior centuries of its intellectual forerunners? The distinction has less to do with the kinds of questions asked about human nature than with the methods used to seek the answers to those questions. It is the approach taken and the techniques employed that distinguish the older discipline of philosophy from modern psychology and mark the emergence of psy- chology as a separate, primarily scientific, field of study. Until the last quarter of the nineteenth century, philosophers studied human nature by speculating, intuiting, and generalizing, based on their own experience. But a major transformation occurred when philosophers began to apply the tools and methods already suc- cessful in the biological and physical sciences to explore questions about human nature. Only when researchers came to rely on carefully controlled observation and experimentation to study the human mind did psychology begin to attain an identity separate from its philosophical roots. The new discipline of psychology needed precise and objective ways of dealing with its subject matter. Much of the history of psychology, after its separation from its roots in philosophy, is the story of the continuing development of tools, techniques, and methods to achieve this increased precision and objectivity, refining not only the questions psychologists asked but also the answers they obtained. If we seek to understand the complex issues that define and divide psychology today, then a more appropriate starting point for the his- tory of the field is the nineteenth century, the time when psychology became an independent discipline with distinctive methods of inquiry and theoretical rationales. Although it is true, as we noted, that philoso- phers such as Plato and Aristotle concerned themselves with problems that are still of general interest, they approached these problems in ways vastly different from those of today’s psychologists. Those schol- ars were not psychologists in the contemporary usage of the term. A noted scholar of the history of psychology, Kurt Danziger, refers to the early philosophical approaches to questions of human nature as the “prehistory” of modern psychology. He believes that the “history of psychology is limited to the period when psychology recognizably  THE DATA OF HISTORY: RECONSTRUCTING PSYCHOLOGY’S PAST 5 emerges as a disciplinary subject matter and that it is extremely prob- lematical to talk about psychology as having a history before that” (Danziger, quoted in Brock, 2006, p. 12). The idea that the methods of the physical and biological sciences could be applied to the study of mental phenomena was inherited from both philosophical thought and physiological investigations of the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries. That exciting era forms the immediate background out of which modern psychology emerged. We shall see that while the nineteenth-century philosophers were clearing the way for an experimental attack on the functioning of the mind, physiologists were independently approaching some of the same problems from a different direction. The nineteenth-century physiologists were making great strides toward understanding the bodily mechanisms underlying mental processes. Their methods of study differed from those of the philosophers, but the eventual union of these disparate disciplines—philosophy and physiology—produced a new field of study that quickly earned its own identity and stature. This new field grew rapidly to become one of the most popular sub- jects for college students today. The Data of History: Reconstructing Psychology’s Past Historiography: How We Study History In this book, A History of Modern Psychology, we are dealing with two disciplines, history and psychology, using the methods of history to describe and understand the development of psychology. Because our coverage of the evolution of psychology depends on the methods of history, let us introduce briefly the notion of historiography, which refers to the techniques and principles employed in historical research. Historians face several problems that psychologists do not share. The data of history—that is, the materials historians use to recon- struct lives, events, and eras—differ markedly from the data of sci- ence. The most distinctive feature of scientific data is the way they are gathered. For example, if psychologists want to investigate the cir- cumstances under which people act to help those in distress, or the impact of variable reinforcement schedules on the behavior of labo- ratory rats, or whether children imitate aggressive behavior they see on television, then they will construct situations or establish condi- tions from which data can be generated. The psychologists may conduct a laboratory experiment, observe behavior under controlled real-world conditions, take a survey, or Historiography: The principles, methods, and philosophical calculate the statistical correlation between two variables. In using issues of historical research. these methods, scientists have a measure of control over the situations 6 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY or events they choose to study. In turn, those events can be recon- structed or replicated by other scientists at other times and places. Thus, the data can be verified later by establishing conditions similar to those of the original study and repeating the observations. In contrast, the data of history cannot be reconstructed or replicated. Each situation occurred at some time in the past, perhaps centuries ago, and historians might not have bothered to record the particulars of the event at the time or even to record the details accurately. Today’s researchers cannot control or reconstruct past events to examine them in the light of present knowledge. We must ask if the historical incident itself is lost to view, then how can historians deal with it? What data can they use to describe it? And how can we pos- sibly know for sure what happened? Although historians cannot repeat a situation to generate perti- nent data, they still have significant information to consider. The data of past events are available to us as fragments, descriptions written by participants or witnesses, letters and diaries, photographs and pieces of laboratory equipment, interviews, and other official accounts. And it is from these sources, these data fragments, that historians try to recreate the events and experiences of the past. This approach is similar to that of archaeologists who work with fragments of past civilizations—such as arrowheads, shards of clay pots, or human bones—and try to describe the characteristics of those civilizations. Some archaeological excavations yield more detailed data fragments than others, allowing for more accurate reconstruc- tions. Similarly, with excavations in history the data fragments may be so great as to leave little doubt about the accuracy of the account. In other instances, however, the data fragments may be lost, distorted, or otherwise compromised. History Online A wealth of material is available on all aspects of the history of psychol- ogy through the internet. Some sites of general interest are listed below. http://www.thomsonedu.com/psychology/schultz The Book Companion Website provides important links to the various people and issues that we discuss within this text. www.uakron.edu/ahap The Archives of the History of American Psychology holds an out- standing collection of documents and artifacts, including the profes- sional papers of prominent psychologists, laboratory equipment, posters, slides, and films.  THE DATA OF HISTORY: RECONSTRUCTING PSYCHOLOGY’S PAST 7 psychclassics.yorku.ca/ This amazing site was begun and is maintained by psychologist Christopher Green at York University in Toronto, Canada. The site includes the complete text of more than 200 articles and book chapters as well as some 25 books of importance in the history of psychology. Available are works of William James, Sigmund Freud, and Ivan Pavlov. The site is continually updated. You will find something useful here for every chapter of this textbook. If you “Google” York University History and Theory of Psychology Question & Answer Forum, you can post questions about the history of psychology, answer questions that other people have submitted, or browse the site to find out what people are saying. www.apa.org/archives This link to the historical archives of the APA will help you locate APA- relevant historical material held by the Library of Congress in Washington, DC. This site also provides biographies of past APA presi- dents and obituaries of noted psychologists previously published in American Psychologist. VLP.MPIWG-BERLIN.mpg.de/ The Virtual Laboratory of the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science in Berlin, Germany, provides biographies and photographs as well as information on publications, research laboratories, and experi- mental apparatus relevant to the history of psychology. (To read about this site, see Schmidgen & Evans, 2006.) Lost or Suppressed Data In some cases, the historical record is incomplete because data have been lost, sometimes deliberately. Consider the case of John B. Watson, the founder of the behaviorism school of thought. Before he died in 1958, at the age of 80, he systematically burned his letters, manuscripts, and research notes, destroying the entire unpublished record of his life and career. Thus these data are forever lost to history. Sometimes data have been misplaced. In 2006 more than 500 handwritten pages were discovered in a household cupboard in England. They were determined to be the official minutes of meetings of the Royal Society for the years 1661 to 1682, recorded by Robert Hooke, one of the most brilliant scientists of his time. The papers revealed early work done with a new scientific tool, the microscope, and detailed the discovery of bacteria and spermatozoa. Also included was Hooke’s correspondence with Isaac Newton about the subject of gravity and the movement of the planets (see Gelder, 2006; Sample, 2006). 8 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY In 1984, the papers of Hermann Ebbinghaus, who was prominent in the study of learning and memory, were found some 75 years after his death. In 1983, 10 large boxes containing handwritten diaries of Gustav Fechner, who developed psychophysics, were uncovered. These diaries covered the period from 1828 to 1879, a significant time in the early history of psychology, yet for more than 100 years psy- chologists were unaware of their existence. Many books had been written about the work of Ebbinghaus and Fechner without access to these important collections of personal papers. Charles Darwin has been the subject of some 200 biographies. Surely we can assume that the written record of Darwin’s life and work would be accurate and complete by now. Yet as recently as 1990, well over 100 years after Darwin’s death, large amounts of new mate- rial became available, including notebooks and personal letters not available for consideration by earlier biographers. Thus, uncovering these new fragments of history means that more pieces of the puzzle can be set in place. Other data may be hidden deliberately from public view or altered to protect the reputation of the people involved. Sigmund Freud’s first biographer, Ernest Jones, intentionally minimized Freud’s use of cocaine, commenting in a letter, “I’m afraid that Freud took more cocaine than he should though I’m not mentioning that [in my biography]” (Isbister, 1985, p. 35). We will see when we discuss Freud (chapter 13) that more recently uncovered data confirm cocaine use for a longer period than Jones was willing to admit in print. When the correspondence of the psychoanalyst Carl Jung was published, the letters were selected and edited in such a way as to pre- sent a favorable impression of Jung and his work. In addition, it was revealed that Jung’s so-called autobiography was written not by him but by a loyal assistant. Jung’s words were “altered or deleted to con- form to the image preferred by his family and disciples.... Unflattering material was, of course, left out” (Noll, 1997, p. xiii). In a similar instance, one scholar who catalogued the papers of Wolfgang Köhler, a founder of the school of thought known as Gestalt psychology, was perhaps too devoted an admirer. When he oversaw the selection of materials for publication, he restricted selected infor- mation to enhance Köhler’s image. The papers had been “carefully selected to present a favorable profile of Köhler.” A later historian reviewing the papers confirmed the basic problem with the data of history, “namely, the difficulty of determining the extent to which a set of papers is a true representation of a person or a slanted one, either favorable or unfavorable, biased by the person who selected the papers to be made public” (Ley, 1990, p. 197). These instances illustrate the difficulties faced by scholars in assessing the worth of historical materials. Are the documents or other data fragments accurate representations of the person’s life and work,  THE DATA OF HISTORY: RECONSTRUCTING PSYCHOLOGY’S PAST 9 or have they been chosen to foster a certain impression, whether pos- itive, negative, or something in between? Another biographer stated the problem as follows: “The more I study human character, the more convinced I become that all records, all reminiscences, are to a greater or lesser degree based on illusions. Whether the distorting lens is that of bias, vanity, sentimentality, or simple inaccuracy, there is no Absolute Truth” (Morris, quoted in Adelman, 1996, p. 28). Let us offer one more example of suppressed data fragments. The father of psychoanalysis, Sigmund Freud, died in 1939, and in the nearly 70 years since his death many of his papers and letters have been published or released to scholars. A large collection of papers is held by the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C., and although some of these were exhibited in 1998, other documents will not be made available until well into the twenty-first century, at the request of the Freud estate. The stated reason for this restriction is to protect the privacy of Freud’s patients and their families, and perhaps the rep- utation of Freud and his family as well. A noted Freud scholar found considerable variation in the release dates of this material. For example, one letter to Freud from his eldest son is sealed until the year 2013, another until 2032. A letter from one of Freud’s mentors will not be released until 2102, some 177 years after the man’s death, leaving us to wonder what could be so remark- able about that letter as to require such secrecy for such a long period of time. Psychologists do not know how these archival documents and manuscripts will affect our understanding of Freud and his work. Until these data fragments are available for study, however, our knowledge of one of psychology’s pivotal figures remains incomplete and perhaps inaccurate. Data Distorted in Translation Another problem with the data of history relates to information that comes to the historian in distorted form. Here the data are available, but they have been altered in some way, perhaps through faulty trans- lation from one language to another or through distortions intro- duced deliberately or carelessly by a participant or observer recording the relevant events. We refer to Freud again for examples of the misleading impact of translations. Not many psychologists are sufficiently fluent in the German language to read Freud’s original work. Most people rely on a translator’s choice of the most appropriate words and phrases. But the translation does not always convey the original author’s intent. Three fundamental concepts in Freud’s theory of personality are id, ego, and superego, terms with which you are already familiar. But these words do not represent Freud’s ideas precisely. These words are the Latin equivalents of Freud’s German words: id for Es (which 10 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY literally translates as “it”), ego for Ich (“I”), and superego for Über-Ich (“above-I”). Freud wanted to describe something intimate and personal with his use of Ich (I) and to distinguish it from Es (it), the latter being something distinct from or foreign to “I.” The translator’s use of the words ego and id instead of I and it turned these personal concepts into “cold technical terms, which arouse no personal associations” (Bettelheim, 1982, p. 53). Thus, the distinction between I and it (ego and id) is not as forceful for us as Freud intended. Consider Freud’s term free association. Here the word association implies a connection between one idea or thought and another, as though each one acts as a stimulus to elicit the next one in a chain. This is not what Freud proposed. His term in German was Einfall, which does not mean association. Literally, it means an intrusion or an invasion. Freud’s idea was not to describe a simple linking of ideas but rather to denote something from the unconscious mind that is uncontrollably intruding into or invading conscious thought. Thus, our historical data—Freud’s own words—were misinterpreted in the act of translation. An Italian proverb, Traditore—Tradutore (to translate is to betray), makes this point clearly. Self-Serving Data The data of history also may be affected by the actions of the partici- pants themselves in recounting pivotal events. People may, conscious- ly or unconsciously, produce biased accounts to protect themselves or enhance their public image. For example, the behavioral psychologist B. F. Skinner described in his autobiography his rigorous self-discipline as a graduate student at Harvard University in the late 1920s. I would rise at six, study until breakfast, go to classes, laboratories, and libraries with no more than fifteen minutes unscheduled during the day, study until exactly nine o’clock at night and go to bed. I saw no movies or plays, seldom went to concerts, had scarcely any dates and read nothing but psychology and physiology. (Skinner, 1967, p. 398) This description seems a useful data fragment providing insight into Skinner’s character. But 12 years after this material was pub- lished, and 51 years after the events described, Skinner denied that his graduate school days had been so difficult. He said, “I was recalling a pose rather than the life I actually led” (Skinner, 1979, p. 5). Although Skinner’s school days are of minor importance in the history of psychology, his differing versions illustrate the difficulty historians face. Which set of data, which version of the incident, is more accurate? Which characterization comes closer to reality? Which has been influenced by vague or self-serving memories? And how are we to know?  CONTEXTUAL FORCES IN PSYCHOLOGY 11 In some cases it is possible to seek corroborating evidence from colleagues or observers. If Skinner’s graduate school regimen were sig- nificant for historians of psychology, they could try to locate Skinner’s classmates or their diaries or letters and compare their recollections of Skinner’s Harvard days with his own. One biographer attempting to do this was told by a former classmate that Skinner finished his labo- ratory work sooner than other graduate students and liked to spend his afternoons playing Ping-Pong (Bjork, 1993). Thus, some distortions in history can be investigated and the con- troversies resolved by consulting other sources. This method was applied to Freud’s account of certain life events. Freud liked to depict himself as a martyr to his psychoanalytic cause, a visionary scorned, rejected, and vilified by the medical and psychiatric establishment. Freud’s first biographer, Ernest Jones, reinforced these claims in his books (Jones, 1953, 1955, 1957). Data uncovered later revealed a different situation. Freud’s work had not been ignored during his lifetime. By the time Freud was middle-aged his ideas were exerting an immense influence on the younger generation of intellectuals. His clinical practice was thriving, and he could be described as a celebrity. Freud himself had clouded the record. The false impression he fostered was perpetuated by sev- eral biographers, and for decades our understanding of Freud’s influ- ence during his lifetime was inaccurate. What do these problems with the data of history tell us about our study of the history of psychology? They show primarily that our understanding of history is dynamic. The story constantly changes and grows, and is refined, enhanced, and corrected whenever new data are revealed or reinterpreted. Therefore, history cannot be con- sidered finished or complete. It is always in progress, a story without an ending. The historian’s narrative may only approximate or approach the truth, but it does so more fully with each new finding or new analysis of the data fragments of history. Contextual Forces in Psychology A science such as psychology does not develop in a vacuum, subject only to internal influences. Because it is part of the larger culture, psychology also is affected by external forces that shape its nature and direction. An understanding of psychology’s history must consider the context in which the discipline evolved, the prevailing ideas in the science and culture of the day—the Zeitgeist or intellectual cli- mate of the times—as well as the existing social, economic, and polit- ical forces. Zeitgeist: The intellectual and We will see instances throughout this book of how these contex- cultural climate or spirit of the times. tual forces influenced psychology’s past and continue to shape its 12 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY present and future. Let us consider here a few examples of contextual forces, including economic opportunity, the world wars, and preju- dice and discrimination. Economic Opportunity The early years of the twentieth century saw dramatic changes in the nature of psychology in the United States and in the type of work psy- chologists were doing. Largely because of economic forces, increasing opportunities emerged for psychologists to apply their knowledge and techniques to solving real-world problems. The primary explanation for this situation was practical. As one psychologist said, “I became an applied psychologist in order to earn a living” (H. Hollingworth, quoted in O’Donnell, 1985, p. 225). Toward the end of the nineteenth century, the number of psychology laboratories in the United States was rising steadily, but so was the number of psychologists competing for jobs. By 1900, there were three times as many psychologists with doctoral degrees as there were labs to employ them. Fortunately, the number of teaching jobs was increasing as states throughout the Midwest and the West established universities, but at most of them, psychology, as the newest science, received the smallest amount of financial support. Compared to more established departments such as physics and chemistry, psychology consistently ranked low in annual appropria- tions. There was little money for research projects, laboratory equip- ment, and faculty salaries. Psychologists quickly realized that if their academic departments, budgets, and incomes were ever to improve, they would have to prove to college administrators and state legislators that psychology could be useful in solving social, educational, and industrial problems. And so, in time, psychology departments came to be judged on the basis of their practical worth. At the same time, because of social changes in the American pop- ulation, psychologists were presented with an exciting opportunity to apply their skills. The influx of immigrants to the United States, along with their high birth rate, made public education a growth industry. Between 1890 and 1918, public school enrollments increased 700%, and high schools were being built at the rate of one a day. More money was being spent on education than on defense and welfare programs combined. Many psychologists took advantage of this situation and actively pursued ways to apply their knowledge and research methods to education. This pursuit marked a fundamental shift of emphasis in American psychology, from experimentation in the academic labo- ratory to the application of psychology to issues of teaching and learning.  CONTEXTUAL FORCES IN PSYCHOLOGY 13 The World Wars War is another contextual force that helped shape modern psychology by providing job opportunities for psychologists. We will see in chap- ter 8 that the experiences of American psychologists in aiding the war effort in World War I and World War II accelerated the growth of applied psychology by extending its influence into areas such as per- sonnel selection, psychological testing, and engineering psychology. This work demonstrated to the psychological community at large, and to the general public, how useful psychology could be. World War II also altered the face and fate of European psychology, particularly in Germany (where experimental psychology began) and in Austria (the birthplace of psychoanalysis). Many prominent researchers and theorists fled the Nazi menace in the 1930s, and most of them settled in the United States. Their forced exile marked the final phase of psychology’s relocation from Europe to the United States. War had a personal impact on the ideas of several major theorists. For example, after witnessing the carnage of World War I, Sigmund Freud proposed aggression as a significant motivating force for the human personality. Erich Fromm, a personality theorist and antiwar activist, attributed his interest in abnormal behavior to his exposure to the fanaticism that swept his native Germany during the war. Prejudice and Discrimination Another contextual factor is discrimination by race, religion, and gen- der. For many years, such prejudice influenced basic issues such as who could become a psychologist and where he or she could find employment. Discrimination against women. Widespread prejudice against women has existed throughout psychology’s history. We will see numerous instances in which women were denied admission to graduate school or excluded from faculty positions. Even when women were able to obtain such appointments, they were paid lower salaries than men and encountered barriers to promotion and tenure. For many years, the only academic jobs typically open to women were at women’s colleges, although these schools often practiced their own form of prejudice by refusing to hire married women. The reasoning was that a woman was incapable of managing both a husband and a teaching career. Eleanor Gibson received awards from the APA, as well as several honorary doctorates and the National Medal of Science for her work on perceptual development and learning. When Gibson applied to graduate school at Yale University in the 1930s, she was told that the director of the primate laboratory would not permit women in his 14 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY facility. She also was barred from attending seminars on Freudian psychology. Further, women were not allowed to use the graduate stu- dents’ library or cafeteria, which were for men only. Thirty years later, the situation had not changed very much. Sandra Scarr, a developmental psychologist, recalled her 1960 admis- sion interview for graduate school at Harvard University. Gordon Allport, the eminent personality psychologist, told her that Harvard loathed accepting women. He said, “Seventy-five percent of you get married, have kids and never finish your degrees, and the rest of you never amount to anything anyway!” Scarr added, Then, I did get married, and I had a baby in my third year of gradu- ate school, and I was immediately written off. No one would take me seriously as a scientist; no one would do anything for me—write let- ters, help me find a job. No one believed that a woman with young kids would do anything. So I went and beat on doors and said, “Okay, here I am” until I got hired. Finally, after about 10 years and after I published a lot of articles, my colleagues began to treat me seriously as a psychologist. (Scarr, 1987, p. 26) Despite such examples of obvious discrimination, psychology’s record for equitable treatment of men and women is far more enlight- ened than that of other scholarly disciplines and professions. By the beginning of the twentieth century, 20 women had earned doctoral degrees in psychology. In the 1906 edition of the reference work American Men of Science, 12% of the listed psychologists are women, a high figure considering the barriers to their graduate education. These first female psychologists were actively encouraged to join the APA. James McKeen Cattell, a pioneer in the mental testing movement (see chapter 8), took the lead in urging the acceptance of women in psychology, reminding male colleagues that they ought not “draw a sex line” (unpublished letter quoted in Sokal, 1992, p. 115). At the APA’s second annual meeting, in 1893, Cattell nominated two women for membership. Largely because of his efforts, the APA was the first scientific society to admit women. Between 1893 and 1921, the APA elected 79 women to membership, 15% of the total of new members during that period. By 1938, fully 20% of all psychologists listed in American Men of Science were women, and women accounted for almost one-third of the membership of the APA. By 1941, more than 1,000 women had earned graduate degrees in psychology; one-fourth of all psychologists who held Ph.D.s were women (Capshaw, 1999). As early as 1905, Mary Whiton Calkins became the APA’s first female president. In 1994, Dorothy Cantor became the eighth woman elected to serve as APA president, and in 2001 Norine Johnson became the ninth. Other professional societies denied women full participa- tion for many years. Female doctors were not permitted to join the American Medical Association until 1915 (Walsh, 1977). Female lawyers  CONTEXTUAL FORCES IN PSYCHOLOGY 15 were excluded from the American Bar Association until 1918; the ABA did not elect its first female president until 1995 (Furumoto, 1987; Scarborough, 1992). Discrimination based on ethnic origin. Well into the 1960s, Jewish men and women faced admissions quotas in colleges and graduate schools. A study of discrimination against Jews at that time at three elite universities—Harvard, Yale, and Princeton—found exclusionary practices to be widespread. Admissions officers and col- lege presidents routinely spoke of keeping the “Jewish invasion” under control. Jews who were admitted were often segregated, not allowed to join fraternities or prestigious dining and social clubs. Too high a percentage of Jewish students was seen as a threat; “If Jews get in,” one researcher was told, “they would ruin Princeton” (Karabel, 2005, p. 75). Those Jewish students who did gain admission and eventually earn a doctoral degree in psychology still experienced anti-Semitism. The late 1800s saw the founding of Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, Maryland, and of Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, both important institutions in the early history of psychology. It was their policy to exclude Jewish professors from faculty positions. In other colleges, academic jobs for Jewish psychologists were rare. Julian Rotter, a leading personality theorist who received his doctoral degree in 1941, recalled that he “had been warned that Jews simply could not get academic jobs, regardless of their credentials” (Rotter, 1982, p. 346). He began his professional career working at a state mental hospital instead of a university. When Isadore Krechevsky was unable to find a teaching appoint- ment after he earned his Ph.D., he changed his name to David Krech. Toward the end of his distinguished career in social psychology, he recalled, “I had suffered too many indignities because of the name ‘Krechevsky’” (Krech, 1974, p. 242). David Bakanovsky, a graduate student at the University of Iowa in the 1940s, was told that he would never be able to obtain an acade- mic position. “His progress was blocked by several faculty members who believed that Iowa had graduated too many Jewish students” (Weizmann & Weiss, 2005, p. 317). He changed his name to Bakan and went on to a distinguished career. Harry Israel was Protestant but his name made him an obvious target for discrimination. Two of his graduate professors suggested that he change it. When they later recommended Israel for a faculty position at a large university, the dean of that school replied: “It makes no difference about his qualification. I simply can’t take a man with that name” (Leroy & Kimble, 2003, p. 280). Harry Israel adopted his father’s middle name and had a highly successful psychology career as Harry Harlow. 16 Chapter 1 THE STUDY OF THE HISTORY OF PSYCHOLOGY Abraham Maslow’s biographer reported that Maslow was urged by his professors at the University of Wisconsin to change his first name to “something less obviously Jewish,” so that he would have a better chance of obtaining an academic job (Hoffman, 1996, p. 5). Maslow refused to do so. After receiving his doctorate from Columbia University in 1931, Daniel Harris was told by Robert Woodworth, who proposed a dynamic theory of human motivation, that he could not become Woodworth’s assistant during the next academic year because he was Jewish. Woodworth said Harris “shouldn’t be too hopeful in an academic career” (Harris, quoted in Winston, 1996, p. 33). Writing about one of his graduate students, Harvard psychologist E. G. Boring noted, “He is a Jew, and on this account we have not found it so far easy to place him in a college teaching position in psy- chology, because of the personal prejudice that exists against Jews in many academic circles and possibly especially in psychology” (quoted in Winston, 1998, pp. 27–28). These and similar incidents drove many Jewish psychologists into clinical psychology, which offered greater job opportunities, rather than the more futile pursuit of an academic career. African Americans have faced considerable prejudice from main- stream psychology. In 1940, only four Black colleges in the United States offered undergraduate degree programs in psychology. In those instances when Blacks were permitted to enroll at predominantly White universities, they confronted a variety of barriers to achieve- ment. In the 1930s and 1940s, many colleges did not even allow Black students to live on campus. Francis Sumner, the first Black student to earn a doctoral degree in psychology, received what was considered in 1917 to be a highly positive letter of recommendation to graduate school. His advisor described him as “a colored man... relatively free from those qualities of body and mind which many persons of differ- ent race find so objectionable” (Sawyer, 2000, p. 128). When Sumner enrolled at Clark University as a graduate student, the administration arranged a separate table in the dining hall for him—and those few students who were willing to eat with him. The major university providing psychology instruction for Black students was Howard University in Washington, DC. In the 1930s, the school was known as the “Black Harvard” (Phillips, 2000, p. 150). Between 1930 and 1938, only 36 Black students were enrolled in grad- uate psychology programs in universities outside the American South; the majority of these students were at Howard. Between 1920 and 1950, 32 Blacks earned doctoral degrees in psychology. From 1920 to 1966, the 10 most prestigious psychology departments in the United States awarded 8 doctorates to Blacks, out of a total of more than 3,700 doctoral degrees granted (Guthrie, 1976; Russo & Denmark, 1987).  CONTEXTUAL FORCES IN PSYCHOLOGY 17 Kenneth Clark, noted for his research on the effects of racial seg- regation on children, graduated from Howard University with a BS in psychology in 1935. He was often refused service at restaurants in the Washington, D.C., area because of his race. He organized a student protest demonstration against segregation in 1934 and was arrested and charged with disorderly conduct. He noted that this was the beginning of his career as an activist on behalf of integration (Phillips, 2000). Clark’s application for admission to graduate school at Cornell University was rejected on the basis o