Argentina - Década Infame (1930-1943) PDF

# Argentina - Década Infame (1930-1943) ## La década de 1930 - The 1930 civic-military coup began a process of institutional disruptions (golpes de Estado) which aimed to resolve the recurrent political crisis in the country through the interruption of institutions. - In the short term, the coup p...

# Argentina - Década Infame (1930-1943) ## La década de 1930 - The 1930 civic-military coup began a process of institutional disruptions (golpes de Estado) which aimed to resolve the recurrent political crisis in the country through the interruption of institutions. - In the short term, the coup prevented the normal functioning of democratic rules, despite the formal attachment to them by political parties and actors. - In the long term, the political system as a whole went into crisis, allowing institutions such as the Army to take on unprecedented political importance, which initially acted as arbiters, only to later become fully involved in managing political power. ## The global crisis of capitalism (1929) - The global capitalist crisis of 1929 presented challenges and transformations for the Argentine economy and society. - The crisis led to the depletion of the agro-export model and its subsequent replacement by industrialization, initially in a timid manner and later more actively. - Public policies intervened decisively in the economy to counterbalance the effects of the global crisis. - Society was also affected by the magnitude of these transformations, although many of the contemporaries did not notice them. - The growth of the urban population, linked to the increase in industry, was parallel to the reduction of manpower in rural areas. - In time, this movement would generate new social actors and new conflicts. ## José Félix Uriburu's Government (1930-1932) - Uriburu's government was brief but profoundly authoritarian. - He imprisoned Hipólito Yrigoyen and sent him to Martín García Island; repressed communist and anarchist factions from the workers' movement; used mechanisms like the death penalty (applied to anarchists Severino Di Giovanni and Paulino Scarfó) and the full application of the Residence Law to expel "undesirable foreigners". - Under Uriburu's directives, the police inaugurated the Special Section, dedicated to torturing prisoners to obtain information about alleged social and political "agitation" activities. ## The Argentine Economy During Uriburu's Government - The Argentine economy suffered the effects of the 1929 crisis. - With the fall of international prices of goods, the global trade decline, and the flight of capital, the new government, like the rest of the world, applied an austerity policy aimed at restricting state spending until the crisis passed. - State personnel was drastically reduced and new taxes, such as the income tax, were implemented. ## Students Demonstrating in Support of Uriburu's Coup - Students expressed their support for Uriburu's coup in September of 1930. - Like many of the leaders of his time, Uriburu acknowledged his political origins in the 1890 revolution, which he had participated in. ## The Rise of Agustín P. Justo - Despite the significance of the military conspirators who participated in the 6 September coup, they were outnumbered by the forces belonging to General Agustín P. Justo, the most influential military figure of that time. - Justo had not participated directly in the coup, though he agreed with it. - Like the bulk of the civil opposition to Yrigoyen, Justo shared the formal adherence to republican principles and democratic ideals, but he rejected what he considered "demagoguery" and "personalism" of the deposed president. - Justo forged alliances with sectors of the population consisting of conservatives, anti-personalist radicals, and smaller groups who were opposed to the Yrigoyenist experience. - These groups were reluctant to support an institutional outcome imagined by Uriburu, which was based on a system of corporations, which would have excluded the Army from sharing political power. ## “Institutional Normalization” and Electoral Alliances - A group of Army officers pressured Uriburu to demand prompt “institutional normalization,” that is, the calling of elections. - In April 1931, the government authorized the participation of all political forces in the gubernatorial election. - However, the Radicals won despite the warnings and threats from Uriburu, demonstrating the strength of the party’s public support. - The Radical party’s unexpected victory weakened Uriburu's faction and made it impossible for him to impose his corporatist plans. - Uriburu called for presidential elections to be held by the end of that year. - The Radical party's victory encouraged the Radicals who were working towards the unification of the party under the leadership of former president Marcelo T. de Alvear. - In July, a Radical faction under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Gregorio Pomar rose up in arms against the government in Paso de los Libres (Corrientes), but it was quickly defeated. - The government exiled several Radical leaders, including Alvear, banning him from running for president. - Faced with this situation, the Radical party decided to abstain from the election. - In practice, this meant surrendering the presidency to Justo - Groups supporting Justo's candidacy included: - The National Democratic Party, which brought together different conservative groups. - The Independent Socialist Party, which was a split from the Socialist Party. - The Anti-Personalist Radical Civic Union, also a smaller political party. - The opposition grouped together through the Civic Alliance, a coalition between the Progressive Democrat Party and the Socialist Party. - The Civic Alliance put forward the candidacy of Lisandro de la Torre and Nicolás Repetto, which emerged as a left-wing and republican opposition. - Justo’s candidacy won. - Though voter turnout was low, fraud occurred in Buenos Aires and Mendoza. - Justo’s victory stemmed from a lack of nationwide representation among his opponents and the absence of a “machinery’ to challenge the conservatives. ## Agustín P. Justo's Government (1932-1938) - In February 1932, Gen. Agustín P. Justo took office as president. - He was accompanied by Julio Argentino Roca (son of Gen. Roca, who had been commander of the "conquest of the desert" and twice president), as vice president. - Justo remained a central figure in Argentine politics, due to his control over the Army and the main political parties, until his death in January 1943. - He dedicated the first years of his presidency to reviving the Argentine economy and to organizing the parties that were loyal to him, forming an alliance that would later come to be known as *Concordancia*. - Justo hoped to keep the different groups that formed his political support constantly in tension, competing for posts within the government. - He never favored one group over another, ensuring that he functioned as the arbitrator in any dispute. - The Conservatives, with more influence and political power than other parties, were forced to cede power to weaker groups. - “*Concordancia*” was formed by: - Conservatives - The Anti-Personalist Radical Civic Union (UCRA), which emerged from a split within the Radical Party in the 1920s but never garnered significant political power. - The Independent Socialist Party, comprised of a group who broke away from the Socialist Party in the 1920s - The opposition alliance of socialists and Democrat-Progressives grew its parliamentary representation at the expense of the Radicals’ abstention. - The opposition was critical of Justo's government, however, they participated in the political activity during those years. ## The Radical Party’s Dilemma: From Abstention to Participation - The Radicals’ decision to abstain from the 1931 elections, coupled with their participation in some armed uprisings against the government, was interpreted by its members as a revival of the party’s “mystique” of the early years (prior to the passage of the Sáenz Peña law). - Yrigoyen’s funeral in 1933 saw enormous crowds in attendance, reinforcing many Radicals’ certainty that the line they were following was the right one. - However, maintaining this policy over time came at a cost. - Abstention benefited the Radical Party in the early 20th century, as it was made up of a small group of convinced members, but it was more challenging to do so in a time of mass politics, when millions of voters were involved and their behavior was beyond the control of party leaders. - The 1932 presidential election illustrated this trend. - Abstention rates were low, contrary to what the Radicals had aspired to. - Staying out of electoral politics also meant distancing themselves from state resources, which were crucial for maintaining the “electoral machinery” created by the Radicals when they were in power. - Other parties and most media outlets harshly criticized the Radicals’ policy of non-participation and its use of violence. - All of this only fueled the isolation of the Radicals. - Unsurprisingly, many provincial leaders formed alliances or participated in elections without the approval of national party authorities, leading to a situation such as the 1934 legislative elections in Tucumán. - Ultimately, under Alvear's leadership, the Radicals decided to participate in electoral politics in 1935, disrupting the seeming political calm of the period. ## The Reincorporation of the Radicals in the Electoral System - After 1934, the Radical party (UCR) rejoined the electoral system. - It remained to be seen if it would maintain the preeminence it had built up during the 1920s. - The crucial test occurred in 1935 and 1936 with elections for provincial governors and legislators. - Although conservatives made use of electoral fraud, it was not systematic. - Manuel Fresco, a conservative candidate, won the election in Buenos Aires, however, Radical candidates won in Entre Rios, Tucumán, and Cordoba, where Amadeo Sabbattini became governor. - These victories gave the Radicals a significant number of legislators in the Congress. - These victories alarmed Justo, who then began to implement several mechanisms to secure another victory in the 1937 presidential election. ## The "Republic of Fraud" - The official campaign saw the return of the Radicals to the electoral arena. - For the official party, the Radicals’ return represented a major problem: - Respecting electoral rules would legitimize them in the eyes of society, but they ran a serious risk of losing the presidential election. - If they rigged the election, they could guarantee their continued grip on power, but their credibility would suffer greatly in the eyes of the public. - Despite the arguments against this course of action, Justo chose to rig the election. - Shortly before the election, the Congress, under the pressure of the executive branch, approved a reform of the Electoral Law that eliminated the minority voter list. - At that time, the election outcome guaranteed the proportional distribution of votes among the different parties according to the number of votes cast. - Electors, in turn, voted for the president. - The reform aimed to ensure that the winner in each district won all the votes cast in that district. - To force the voters, the police used intimidation, stole voter IDs, and destroyed opposition ballots in each voting booth. - These tactics led to the victory of the “*Concordancia*” formula: Roberto M. Ortiz (an anti-personalist Radical) and Ramón Castillo (a conservative politician from Catamarca), over the Radical ticket led by Marcelo Torcuato de Alvear. - The Radicals saw the election as a trap, having accepted a fraudulent contest, in which they did not have real chances of winning, despite remaining the most popular party. ## The Roca-Runciman Treaty - Argentine trade policy during those times was based on a similar agreement to the D’Abernon Treaty sent by Yrigoyen in 1929. - However, the 1933 signing of the London Treaty, better known as the Roca-Runciman Treaty, was more unfavorable for the country. - The Treaty was signed in London by Vice President Julio Argentino Roca (son of Gen. Roca), and the British delegate, Walter Runciman. - The treaty sought to guarantee, from the Argentine side, the sale of beef to Great Britain. - As a result of the Great Depression, British purchases from Argentina had been significantly reduced, with the British preferring to purchase goods from countries within the Commonwealth. - The 1932 Ottawa Conference confirmed British policy, prioritizing food purchases from Australia and Canada. Faced with a dramatic reduction in global trade, Argentina sought to preserve its markets by offering important concessions to Great Britain in exchange for their commitment to not reducing the 1932 quotas for chilled beef from Argentina. - In return, Argentina agreed to reduce the tariff rates on products of British origin, such as coal, iron, and textiles, despite the fact that these goods were priced higher than those from other countries. - In the non-written clauses, Roca pledged to offer preferential treatment to British companies. - The most emblematic case was the creation of the Buenos Aires City Transportation Corporation, which brought together the subway, tramway, and principal bus lines under the control of British capital. - The corporation benefited from tariff waivers on spare parts and the purchase of fuel and enjoyed the power to set tariffs. - Argentina also ensured the payment of its external debt to the British. - The Treaty had another significant impact on foreign trade as it undermined the country’s “triangular trade”. - Through a connection with the British economy, Argentine trade with the United States was at risk, an especially threatening scenario considering how vital American goods were for some sectors of Argentine industry. ## The Roca-Runciman Treaty: Controversy and Scandal - The agreement with the British generated controversy and division. - The treaty preserved the interests of the cattle ranchers (responsible for fattening the cattle) and meatpacking plant owners (mostly foreigners), who were the most powerful sector of the rural producers, while cattle breeders did not see any benefit from the treaty. - In 1935, Lisandro de la Torre, a senator from Santa Fe, who was related to the cattle breeders by family and friendship, denounced corruption among government authorities, cattle ranchers, and slaughterhouse owners. - He accused them of tax evasion to the detriment of other agricultural producers. - During a parliamentary session, while several government ministers were being questioned, a hitman from the National Democrat Party shot several bullets from a revolver at Lisandro de la Torre. - The senator survived, but Enzo Bordahabere, a senator from the National Democrat Party, was shot and killed. ## A New Economy for a New Argentina - During the 1930s, the State intervened more actively in the economy, in line with the global trend. - Justo chose Federico Pinedo as Minister of Finance, Luis Duhau as Minister of Agriculture, and Raúl Prebisch as economic advisor and liaison between the two ministries. - The three men were trained in neoclassical economics, which favored free markets to set prices and minimal government intervention but, after the 1929 crisis, its effects on Argentina, and the decisions made by the major powers, they lost faith in free trade and moved away from austerity measures such as those implemented by Uriburu. - Instead, they began applying interventionist policies. ## A Protected Economy - Argentina’s main economic problem was the decline in international prices of primary goods, which significantly reduced exports and thus, the foreign currency entering the country, which were crucial for maintaining economic activity and importing essential products. - Imports were crucial for supporting many urban activities. - Between 1928 and 1934, the terms of trade (increase in imports compared to exports) declined by roughly 40%. - The decline in staple goods prices was even more drastic, reaching 64%. - Measures taken by Hueyo (Uriburu’s Finance Minister) proved ineffective because the crisis was not a one-time event, but rather a prolonged depression. ## Government Intervention in The Economy - The first significant measure by Justo’s economists was the intervention of the foreign exchange market. - The government wanted to protect its dwindling foreign currency reserves and allocate them to its priorities. - The government created the Foreign Exchange Office, which mandated the surrender of all foreign currency to exporters, granted import permits, and determined what could be imported and by whom. - Priority was given to paying the external debt and importing essential goods, especially those from Great Britain, Argentina’s traditional trading partner. - Import tariffs on non-British goods were raised by an average of 25%. - Though the government’s intentions may have been different, this move immediately led to a significant decrease in imported goods nationwide. - The government then created the Grain Regulatory Board, followed by the Beef Regulatory Board, the Wine Regulatory Board, and similar regulatory bodies for other commodities. - The goal was to buy crops at a price higher than the prevailing international market prices to ensure minimum profits for producers and prevent their businesses from failing. - The government paid the difference and sold the crops abroad or stored them in silos until prices recovered. - The Central Bank was established in 1935. - At the time, Argentina lacked monetary autonomy, meaning that it did not regulate the amount of currency circulating in the national market (what economists call monetary circulation). - During a crisis like that experienced after 1929, the flight of capital reduced the circulation of currency as banks sought self-protection by accumulating cash reserves, which only worsened the economic situation. - The Central Bank addressed the need to control and regulate banking activity by creating “anticyclical funds”. - This meant forcing banks not to lend too much money during periods of prosperity, so they would have reserve funds to use during crises. - Over time, the Central Bank obtained more power. ## Economic Recovery and Social Changes - Beginning in 1933, the national economy showed clear signs of recovery. - Export prices rose in the years that followed, and by 1937, the terms of trade had returned to the 1913 level, the highest in many decades. - Domestic economic activity also recovered, and unemployment fell to less than 3%. - Historians debate whether the economic recovery was due to public policy or the increase in international prices of primary goods. - Regardless of the cause, significant transformations were taking place in the Argentine economy. - Exports and imports played an ever-decreasing role in the national economy. - A significant portion of primary goods (especially grains, but also meat) were directed to the domestic market. - The percentage of imports in the GDP fell during this period from 25% to 15%, though imports remained essential for some industries. - The volume of imported consumer goods fell by 50% over the decade of the 1930s. - Argentina was “closing” itself off to the outside world, making its economy more autonomous. ## Changes in the Rural Sector - The decrease in grain production favored cattle production. - This was partly due to the terms of the Roca-Runciman Treaty. - The immediate consequence of this was a reduction in the rural workforce, as the area under cultivation shrank. - This led to internal migration from rural areas to major cities such as Buenos Aires, Rosario, and Cordoba. ## Growth of Industrial Production - As we have seen in chapter 6 (page 95), industries existed before the 1930s, providing for the national market. - These industries consisted of a limited number of large firms, mostly foreign-owned, and many small workshops. - The establishment of branches of US, British, and German industrial companies helped to supply the national market with locally-made goods, but the 1930s saw a far greater expansion of industrial production than the previous decade. - Between 1930 and 1934, industry grew by 8% annually, and this growth rate accelerated in the second half of the decade. - During the first years after the crisis, industrial production grew because of the use of “installed idle capacity”, that is, existing factory capacity was optimized to take advantage of opportunities resulting from the decrease in imports. - The purpose was to be able to produce for the domestic market. ## Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) - This process of increasing industrial production due to the substitution of imports, known as Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI), was gaining strength. - A comparison of the years 1914 to 1935 reveals the progress made in this sector: – Employment in the industrial sector rose by 42%. – Industrial production rose by 79%. - One of the main hallmarks of industrial activity at that time was the shortage of available capital for increasing production, which meant industries were reliant on increasing the size of their workforce to boost production volume. ## The 1930s: A Decade of Transition - Toward the middle of the decade, several foreign companies, unable to sell their goods in the Argentine market due to import restrictions and high tariffs, decided to set up operations in the country. - Industrial development then accelerated: – The number of factories rose by 25% between 1935 and 1939. – Industrial employment increased by 35%. – The value of production rose by almost 50%. - The main drivers were American capital, with a focus on textile industries, followed by the petroleum and metal industries. - Significant companies that set up shop in Argentina during this period included: – Sudamtex (1934) – Anderson Clayton (1936) – Ducilo (1937). - The food processing industry remained the largest employer in the country, but its growth rate was far lower than that of other sectors. - By 1939, for the first time, local companies produced all the goods consumed in Argentina, including foodstuffs, edible oils, shoes, wool textiles, cotton textiles, and various cosmetics. - Factories began to manufacture ranges, refrigerators, and motors for tractors, trucks, and automobiles, signaling a growing industry. - However, the growing automobile assembly industry was not driven by government policy. - This happened due to factors outside of its control. - In 1939, the total number of vehicles assembled in Argentina reached 27,000, a record for the time. - The government’s policies never explicitly promoted this growth in industrial production. - The creation of local industries was seen as an inevitable consequence of the Great Depression, but it soon became clear that it could reduce unemployment and help to recover the economy. ## Buenos Aires: A City in Transition - Buenos Aires played a central role in the changes happening in Argentina during the 1930s. - A new generation of urban workers with a different origin than those who had arrived in the city between 1880 and 1914, arrived in the city during those years. - In 1914, only 9% of the city’s population had come from Argentina's interior. - By 1936 that number rose to 15%. - By 1947, it reached 37%, reflecting the importance of internal migration during those years. ## Changes to Buenos Aires’ Infrastructure - The city underwent important changes in its infrastructure to adapt to the demands of the new times. - This was fueled by active state intervention. - The city’s growing population needed more housing. - The number of multi-story buildings increased significantly, and high-rises began to appear, such as the Kavanagh Building (located in front of Plaza San Martin in the Retiro neighborhood). - The increase in the number of cars led to the opening and improvement of streets, the paving of avenues, and the creation of new ones, such as General Paz Avenue, which encircles the city. - Several streams that flowed through the city, contributing to frequent floods, were covered. - Examples include the Maldonado stream. - The city completed construction of the Costanera (shoreline) and built iconic landmarks such as the Obelisk (inaugurated in 1936). - By the 1930s, Buenos Aires had acquired the modern and cosmopolitan look that persisted through most of the 1980s. ## New Public Works - Buenos Aires was a huge government administrative center during this period. - It regulated a vast array of activities. - It hired an unprecedented number of public workers. - The creation of new government ministries, such as the Public Works Ministry, which had several new directors, and the national highway agency, reflected this trend. - For a growing number of residents in the city, a career within the government became a pathway to social mobility, which strengthened the urban middle class. ## Mass Culture in Buenos Aires - The cultural phenomenon of mass culture, which had emerged or developed during the 1920s, continued its expansion during the 1930s. - Literacy rates rose significantly in the city, reaching 1.4% for children under 14 years old in 1943, compared to 35% nationally in 1914. - As historian Alejandro Cattaruzza notes, consumer audiences for cultural goods began to consolidate during this period. - Cheap books, newspapers with large circulations, magazines, and a variety of cultural businesses flourished, reaching a wider audience. - Political and intellectual groups alike held conferences, cultural meetings, and lively debates in the city, discussing national and international events. - This period was far from the apathetic silence often attributed to the 1930s due to political unrest. - It was actually a very creative decade. - Other forms of media, such as cinema (which had adopted sound during the 1930s), saw a rise in theaters and, in the early 1940s, a growth in the local film industry. - Radio was the leading media platform during this period, with sales of radios skyrocketing. - Popular events, such as soccer, were established as mass entertainment. - New stadiums were built, professional leagues were formed, and the audience grew significantly. ## Organized Labor and Urban Sectors - The changing economy and society had a profound impact on workers and their organizations. - The growth of the industrial sector and the resulting increase in the number of workers were linked to a longer-term process, the rise of the middle class. - The emergence of new popular identities, beginning in the 1920s, coincided with the growth of industrial workers and employees in commerce and services. ## Challenges for the Labor Movement - The labor movement’s relationship with the national government and the country’s economic development proved to be decisive. - During the 1920s, national railway unions, such as the Unión Ferroviaria and La Fraternidad, gained recognition from Radical-led governments and the various political forces. - The Socialist-oriented unions (CORA) and the smaller syndicalist-oriented unions (UAS) developed pragmatic strategies to strengthen their organizations and negotiate with the state. ## The Shift Towards Reformist Ideology - By the 1930s, extreme ideologies, such as anarchism and communism, had given way to a reformist ideology. - This was driven by prudence in the face of state repression but also by the changes in Argentine society, which had become more integrated and less confrontational. - Key leaders emerged in the various unions, such as Antonio Tramonti and José Domenech in the railway union, Francisco Pérez Leirós in the Municipal Workers Union, Angel Borlenghi in the Commercial Employees Union, and Luis Gay in the telephone union. - These leaders retained their positions and control over the unions throughout the 1930s, despite the challenges they faced. - Sociologist Juan Carlos Torre referred to this group as the “old guard” of labor unions. - They would play a crucial role in the future of the Argentine labor movement beginning in 1943. ## The Confederation of Labor - In the aftermath of the 1930 coup, the various labor organizations and unions came together to form the General Confederation of Labor, modeled after France's labor federation. ## A Repressive Climate - At the beginning of the 1930s, the repressive climate and unemployment made it harder to organize labor unions. - The groups in government that supported Uriburu reflected the distrust and fear of labor unions among the ruling classes. - This fear had been evident during the *Semana Trágica* (*Tragic Week*) and the persecution and repression of Patagonian strikers in 1920 and 1921. - Workers were one of the main targets of repression during those years. - Many labor leaders were persecuted, exiled, or imprisoned. ## The Labor Movement Under Pressure - The anarchist and communist leadership suffered the most, though the labor movement as a whole was attacked and could only act on the defensive. - The crisis and the ensuing economic depression hindered the organization and activity of labor unions. - The number of strikes fell. - Annual strike averages, which peaked at over 100 per year between 1900 and 1929, dropped to 72 in the first half of the 1930s. - The success rate of strikes and protests was meager. - Through 1934, the percentage of strikes that ended in a loss (meaning the labor unions did not achieve their goals) was higher than 70%. ## The Labor Movement’s Resurgence - The growth of industry, beginning in the mid-1930s, contributed to a decrease in unemployment and an increase in labor unrest. - The establishment of democratic rules, at least in form, brought about changes in the relationship with the political establishment. - Some labor unions, particularly those connected to the Communist Party, began to organize unskilled workers and women workers. - The major strike of construction workers between late 1935 and early 1936 highlighted the power of newly organized workers. - After the strike ended, in part due to state intervention forcing the owners to negotiate, the Communist party successfully established the National Construction Workers Union (FONC). - By the 1940s, the FONC was the second largest union in the country, after the railway union. ## The Significance of Political Ideologies - In some instances, a political ideology played a key role: - The Socialist and Democrat-Progressives in Congress and the City Council were instrumental in helping the Commercial Employees Union and the Municipal Workers Union attain important gains, such as the Saturday afternoon work schedule, but only in Buenos Aires. - Manuel Fresco, the conservative governor of Buenos Aires, took steps to formalize collective bargaining agreements, but these were under state control. - In the late 1930s, the percentage of strikes that ended in defeat fell to 40%. - These partial gains still had severe limitations: – Trade union membership never exceeded 12% of the workforce by 1941. – Organization levels were minimal in the Interior, and labor relations were highly uneven in places like Misiones, where the yerba mate industry was located, or in the area of sugar plantations in the Northeast. – Government presence was virtually non-existent in those areas. – In urban centers, the few agreements signed often went unobserved by employers. – The number of union delegates was insufficient to monitor working conditions in factories. – The main state agency for labor relations, the National Labor Department (DNT), was a small body that lacked the capacity to regulate labor relations. ## The Divisions Within The Labor Movement - The second half of the 1930s was marked by relentless divisions within organized labor. - In 1934, the syndicalist leadership of the CGT was overthrown by Antonio Ramonti, a member of the Communist Party. - The socialist faction, which replaced Ramonti, sought to establish dialogue with other groupings, such as communists, while the CGT-1 was led by the Railway Union and the tramway union. - The CGT-2 was comprised of unions with ties to the Communist Party, the municipal workers union, and the commercial employees union. - The third and smallest faction with strongly syndicalst leanings was the Argentine Trade Union (USA). ## The June 1943 Coup - In June 1943, the country’s political situation took a dramatic turn. - The death of Alvear and Ortiz in 1942 and the death of Justo in 1943 combined to create a power vacuum that the military quickly exploited, through the use of the same electoral fraud that had been a hallmark of the previous years. - The coup leaders removed the opposition and placed Gen. Pedro Pablo Ramírez in the presidency. - As a result of the coup, the military abandoned its policy of neutrality towards the war. - The military leaders had opposed the policies of the conservative government and the effort to impose Gen. Pedro Pablo Ramírez as the new War Minister. - The UCR, having lost its key leaders, sought a political agreement with Ramírez. - Castillo, in a move to discipline his government, demanded the resignation of Ramírez. - Ramírez responded by leading a new coup, removing Castillo from office on 4 June 1943. ## Closing Thoughts - The rise of the military to power, coupled with an alliance with the Church, marked a dramatic shift in the Argentine political landscape that would have lasting consequences. - The process of change within the military started in the 1930s, driven by the search for an alternative to a crumbling liberalism. - Ideas circulating among the officers resonated with the military leadership, with the military establishing a position of dominance. - The 1930s were a period of profound transformation for Argentina, leaving behind a legacy of political instability and economic hardship for future generations.