Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology PDF

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This textbook chapter introduces Sociocultural Anthropology theories and research methods. It details the perspectives of socio-cultural anthropology and the forces that shaped the development of anthropological theories, along with the main characteristics and types of anthropological research methods.

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Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology CHAPTER TWO THEORIES AND RESEARCH METHODS IN SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Learning Objectives After completing this Chapter, students will be able to: Describe the main perspectives or theories i...

Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology CHAPTER TWO THEORIES AND RESEARCH METHODS IN SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY Learning Objectives After completing this Chapter, students will be able to: Describe the main perspectives or theories in socio-cultural anthropology; Understand the forces that shaped the development of anthropological theories; and Describe the main characteristics and types of anthropological research methods 2.1. Theories in Sociocultural Anthropology It may be appropriate here to define what a theory is. “A theory is a statement or statements of how and why specific facts are related” (Macionis, 1997: 15) Scupin and DeCorse (1995) define a theory as a set of interconnected hypotheses that offer general explanations for natural or social phenomena. 38 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology It should also be noted that the terms “perspectives” and “schools of thought” are often used interchangeably with the term “theory”. Below is a brief discussion of the emergence and development of major anthropological theories in terms of their basic premises, explanatory power and weaknesses. 2.1.1. Evolutionism This theory may also be termed as the theory of cultural or sociocultural evolution (Zanden, 1990). Evolutionism dominated anthropological thinking mainly during the latter part of 19th century. In fact, some argue that the growth of anthropology as a science is tied up with the development of the doctrine of evolution; neither could have developed with out the other (Calverton, 1931). The 19th century evolutionary theory in anthropology had especially two prominent proponents, who developed what is termed as unilineal evolution. These were Edward B. Tylor and Lewis Henry Morgan. Unilineal evolution is the view that societies evolve in a single direction toward complexity, progress and civilization. It 39 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology was interested in enplaning why societies are at similar or different stages of evolution and development. Developments in Darwinian evolution also helped a lot in shaping the evolutionary thinking of the early thinkers such as Herbert Spencer, Henry Morgan, George Frazer, among others, although evolutionary thinking predates Darwinian ideas. A generally accepted view about sociocultural evolution is that “it is the process of change and development in human societies that results cumulative change in their stores of cultural information” (Lenski and Lenski, 1982: 60). The basic idea behind evolutionism is that the history of humanity and its socio- cultural systems have developed following unilineal path, from simple to complex. The evolutionary approach was applied to understand the development of culture over time. The basic premise of this theory is that Culture does appear to evolve in a way that is similar in its process to that of biological evolution. And over all, the development of human society from most ancient times to the present has been marked by persistent 40 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology progression from technological and societal simplicity to complexity (Hammond, 1971: 394). This theory contended “those societies [that were] able to develop new social and cultural forms that facilitate a more efficient adaptation to changing environmental circumstances had a better chance of competing for survival. Those that did not risked extinction” (ibid. p 392). The 19th century evolutionary theory was criticized as an ethnocentric one, which regarded western societies as the center of civilization and others as inferior. It paved the way for the colonization processes and racist ideologies which latter dominated political thinking. Their views were contradicting, much speculative and their evidences were second hand (Scupin and DeCorse, 1995). 2.1.2. Diffusionism Diffusionism developed in early part of 20th century; it was also interested in explaining why societies are at similar or different stages of development. This theory 41 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology maintained that societal change occurs when societies borrow cultural traits from one another. Cultural knowledge regarding technology, economy, religious views, etc, diffuses or spreads from one society to another. This may explain the similarities in cultural features between societies. Some extreme line of thought in this theory, called the British diffusionism, argued that all sorts of civilization originated in Egypt and spread to other societies. The weakness of this theory, like evolutionism, was that it was ethnocentric in its assumptions. The diffusionists believed that non- western societies are inherently inferior, saying that these peoples are not innovative in creating civilizations. However, diffusionism has some validity in that it helps to explain the emergence of classical civilizations such as those in Egypt, Greece, and Rome (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992; Scupin and DeCorse, 1995). 2.1.3. Historical Particualrism This theory developed in early 20th century mainly in reaction to unilineal evolution. An American anthropologist, named Franz Boas, pioneered it. This theory provided an alternative to the question of why societal differences and similarities exist. Boas greatly 42 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology influenced the development of anthropology in the 20th century. He strongly opposed the unilineal evolutionary theory, and advanced the need for empirical field-based ethnographic research to explain and understand each society and culture in its historical contexts. Historical Particualrism thus maintains that each society has its own particular historical development. This view led to the development of the idea of cultural relativism (ibid.) 2.1.4. Functionalism This perspective is one of the dominant theories both in sociocultural anthropology and sociology. The theory regards culture as an integrated whole (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992), and tries to explain how the relationships among the parts of society are created and how these parts are functional (meaning having beneficial consequences to the individual and the society) and dysfunctional (meaning having negative consequences). The theory sees society as a complex system whose parts work together to promote solidarity and stability; it states that our social lives are guided by social structure, which are relatively stable patterns of social behavior (Macionis, 1997). 43 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology All social structures contribute to the operation of society. Two dominant British anthropologists in functionalism were Radcliff Brown and Bronslaw Malinowski, representing two strands in the theory: structural functionalism, which stresses the preeminence of society and its structure over the individuals, and how the various elements of the social structure function to maintain social order and equilibrium; and psychological functionalism, which stresses individual needs to be met by society. The weakness of functionalist theory was that it failed to explain why societies different or similar. Functionalist anthropology assumed an orderly world, paying little or no attention to competition and conflict (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992). The theory was ahistorical, neglecting historical processes. (Scupin and DeCorse, 1995) The theory was also unable to explain social and cultural change, as it viewed society as stable and unchanging. Despite these weaknesses, functionalism influenced a great deal of empirical research in anthropology. 44 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 2.1.5. Culture and Personality This perspective, also called psychological anthropology has enjoyed dominance in the history the field, particularly in the first half of 20th century. The proponents of the culture and personality school maintained that the various patterned aspects of culture shape the personality of individuals within a given society, and also personality once developed could in turn affect the further development of culture (Hammond 1971). The theory is an outgrowth of the search for the mechanism of cultural integration (Howard and Dunaif- Hattis, Op cit). The theory was influenced by and neo-Freudian psychology, which emphasized the primacy of infantile and early childhood experience in shaping the personality. Following the development of this school, many anthropologists attempted to study the national characters (representative personality types) across cultures. In so doing, anthropologists have employed the psychological concepts such as conditioned stimuli and responses, drives, rewards, punishments, conflicts, dreams, ego systems, id impulses, attitudes, values, cognitive orientations, ideas, etc (Clifton 1968). Early 45 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology influential contributors to the culture and personality perspective such as Bronslaw Malinwoksi and Margaret Mead attempted to show that psychological traits vary widely across cultures; that societies instill different values by training children differently. Adult personalities reflect a culture’s child-rearing practices (Kottak, 1994). 2.1.6. Neo-functionalism This theory is a variety of theories of conflict in anthropology, which developed after the II World War. It developed in response to the weakness in functionalist anthropology in dealing with the issues of conflict, competition and disequilibrium. Proponents of this theory criticized functionalists for disregarding conflict as an inherent part of social organization. Neo- functionalists succeeded in bringing into light the issue of conflicts and change, but they still failed to deal with the issues of fundamental structural changes. Social order was considered a given, rather than something be explained (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis 1992). 2.1.7. Marxist Anthropology Marxist anthropological theory derives directly or indirectly from the writings of Karl Marx. Basing some of 46 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology his ideas on the 19th century evolutionary thinking, Marx stated that societies pas through different stages of development. This theory is basically materialistic as it assumes that the systems of producing material goods influences and shapes society. Unlike functionalists who stressed order, stability and equilibrium in society, Marxist anthropology argued that society is in constant struggle of social class conflicts among the dominant and minority groups in society. Unlike neo-functionalists, Marxist anthropologists “are concerned specifically with the transformation of social orders and the relationships between conflict and cultural evolution” ( Ibid. P.372). Current Marxian anthropologists reject the unilineal model of societal development suggested by Marx. Some of Marx’s predictions regarding the socialist and communist stages of societal development happened to be wrong. Despite these shortcomings, Marxian analytical approach is valid to understanding societal development (Scupin and DeCorse 1995). 2.1.8. Cultural Ecology The school of cultural ecology, also termed as neo- evolutionism, attempts to explain the human condition 47 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology in relation to the environment. Broadly defined, cultural ecology refers to “the dynamic interrelationship between man and the material and cultural components of his environment” (Hammond, 1971: 397). An extreme view of this school argued that the environment determines culture. However, anthropologists now reject the idea of geographical determinism. The main idea behind the modern school of cultural ecology is that each culture is seen as a specific instance of patterned adaptation to a specie environment; the dynamic interaction between man and his environment is such that culture modifies the environment and the latter also puts its limits to human culture. The cultural ecology perspective emphasizes how human use of nature influences and is influenced by social organization and cultural values (Kottak, 2002). The strength of their theory is that it, unlike the 19th century evolutionism, was not ethnocentric and racist; it also did not assume that socio-cultural evolution toward complexity is always equated with progress; some aspects of small-scale societies are better than those of complex societies. The theory, however, is criticized as neglecting historical and political aspects; stressing the 48 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology environment; the theory tends to reduce human behavior to simple adaptations to the external environment (Scupin and DeCorse, 1995). 2.1.9. Cultural Materialism The theory of cultural materialism may be regarded as an outgrowth of neo-evolutionism or cultural ecology. Anthropologist Marvin Harris mainly advanced it. The theory states that the key factors in and determinants of socio-cultural evolution are the infrastructures that include technology, environment and material conditions. As the infrastructure of a society changes, the other aspects of society also change accordingly. 2.1.10. Structuralism Structuralism is one of a new group of theories in anthropology known as studies of cognitive structure. This schools of thought, including structuralism, ethnosciecne, and symbolic anthropology, give attention to the cognitive or underlying mental structures that provide order to culture. Structuralism, advanced by its famous French structuralist anthropologist, Claude Levi-Strauss, states that “the origin of universal principles that order the ways in which we behave and 49 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology think about the world is to be found in the structure of human thought.”(Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992:373). The problem with this theory is that they view societies as static and do not help very much in explaining variation among societies. The theory treats culture as a given order and fails to explain the adaptive dimensions of culture. 2.1.11. Ethnoscience The search for the underlying structural principles of culture led specially in United States to a variety of studies in cognitive structure known as ethnoscience. This is sometimes referred to as cognitive anthropology (Ibid. p.373). The focus of ethnosciecne is to discover and describe the structural principles of specific culture by detailed ethnographic data analysis. Ethnoscientists are mainly interested in understanding and describing how a specific people view their world; what are the manner in which a specific people perceive and structure their environment through language; and the nature of the rules and principles that guide their decision making (Ibid. p. 374). 50 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 2.1.12. Symbolic Anthropology This theory focuses on the symbolic rather than material aspect of culture. It is the study of culture through the interpretation of the meaning of symbols, values and beliefs in society. The theory disagrees with cultural materialism in that many cultural symbols cannot be reduced to the material conditions and adaptive mechanism of a society (ibid. p 263). The cultural symbols are autonomous of from the material forces. The proponents of this theory regard cultural traditions as texts to be interpreted and described by ethnographers. The criticism leveled against symbolic anthropology is that it focuses exclusively on cultural symbols at the expense of other factors that may shape human behavior and thought. Critics argue that symbolic culture cannot be separately treated from other political, economic, and socio-historical factors. 51 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology Table 2.1. Summary of theories in sociocultural anthropology Ser no. Name of the What is it? What Strengths Weaknesses theory does it state? 1. Unilineal Human society and The first systematic 1.Ethnocentric evolutionism culture develop attempt to explain 2. Racist gradually from simple why societies are 3. Armchair to complex, primitive similar and different speculation to “civilization” 2. Diffusionism Cultures change Useful in explain 1. Ethnocentric through the spread of the development of 2. Assumed that ides and traits from classic cultures non-western centers of innovation societies are to other areas inherently inferior 52 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 3. Historical Each culture is a Rejected racism; Did not take into Particualrism unique entity, it has Promoted the idea account broader to be studied and of cultural factors beyond a documented in its relativism; helped particular culture. historical context; ethnographic, empirical research grow. 4 Functionalism Society and culture Promoted empirical Ahistorical; did not are integrated, ethnographic deal with change, holistic entities research highly conflict; too much focus on stability and order. 5 Culture and Main cultural themes Promoted Too much focus on personality shape individuals’ understanding of Neo-Freudian 53 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology character and the the personality and psychology vice versa culture dynamics 6. Neo- A modification of Filled gaps in Takes social order functionalism functionalist theory, functionalist theory; as a given fact; explaining the issue accommodating the failed to deal with of order in terms of issue of conflict and issues of conflict and competition fundamental competition structural changes 7. Marxist Society is in constant Valid to Some of its anthropology struggle of social understanding assumptions and class conflicts among societal predictions failed to the dominant and development occur; neglecting minority groups in issues of stability society an unity 54 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 8. Cultural The dynamic Is not ethnocentric Neglecting ecology interaction between and rejected historical and culture and the unilineal evolution; political aspects; ecology stated some of stressing the small-scale cultures environment; the are more useful theory tends to and adaptive reduce human behavior to simple adaptations to the external environment 9. Cultural The key factors in Explains well how Too much focus on materialism and determinants of the material forces material socio-cultural help create and dimensions of 55 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology evolution are the change other non- society infrastructures which material aspects include technology, environment and material conditions 10. Structuralism The origin of Promotes the idea Views societies as universal principles that human mind static and do not that order the ways in and nature are help very much in which we behave and fundamentally explaining variation think about the world similar, the same among societies; is to be found in the underlying treats culture as a structure of human universal principles given order and thought help people create fails to explain the their culture and adaptive 56 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology order their lives dimensions of culture 11. Ethnoscience Interested in Promotes the value Too much focus on describing how a of ach people’s specific cultures; specific people view own cognitive neglecting the their world; what are understanding of material the manner in which their world dimensions of people perceive and culture structure their environment through language; and the nature of the rules and principles that guide their decision 57 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology making 12. Symbolic The study of culture Contributed Focuses anthropology through the towards the idea exclusively on interpretation of the that symbolic cultural symbols at meaning of symbols, culture is important the expense of values and beliefs in in its own right. other factors that society may shape human behavior and thought. 58 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 2.2. Research Methods in Sociocultural Anthropology In this section, attempt is made to describe briefly the main issues and components of research methods in anthropology. 2.2.1. The Scientific Method and Inductive vs. Deductive Approaches Anthropology is a science. As such, it is concerned with systematically observing and classifying facts, and establishing verifiable laws. Anthropology, like any other science employs scientific method, which is the source for scientific knowledge. The scientific method is a logical system used to evaluate data derived from systematic observation. The scientific method as a precise way of designing and conducting research consists of the following basic steps: “(1) establishing a hypothesis, a general statement based on observed facts; 2) determining ways to test the hypothesis, incorporating them in research design; 3) testing the hypothesis through research and further observation…” (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992:7) 59 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology Anthropology as a science employs the two very important approaches in research design and in the overall research framework: inductive methods and deductive method. Inductive method is a method by which the scientist first makes observation and collects data, on the basis of which he or she formulates hypothesis and theories (Scupin and DeCorse, 1995). The researcher tries to build theories from particular observations and instances. Induction moves from the particular to the general; where as deduction moves from the general to the particular. In deductive approach, the researcher attempts to derive specific assertions and claims from a general theoretical principle. In short, deductive approach in research goes from general theory to particular claims (Dooley, 1995:65-66). 60 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology Box 2.1. Inductive vs. deductive approaches Inductive method is a method by which the scientist first makes observation and collects data, on the basis of which he or she formulates hypothesis and theories In deductive approach, the researcher attempts to derive specific assertions and claims from a general theoretical principle. 2.2.2. Identification of Research Problem The first step in doing anthropological research (for that matter, any other research) is to come up with a research problem. Identification of research problem basically involves choosing a research topic. The ways and manners in which researchers identify a research problem and choose a topic vary according to various factors. The research interests of anthropologists are, often, triggered by their own life experiences and observations (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992). The initial ideas for research thus may occur at any time and place for a researcher. Walking down a street, reading through newspapers, watching television, etc may 61 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology suggest a topic of research for an observing and curious person (Mann, 1976). 2.2.3. Literature Review: Research work normally proceeds by reviewing earlier works on a specific research problem one has identified. The researcher will need to review past works on the question he or she is raising (Dooley, 1995). The traditionally dominant source for literature review has been libraries and documentation centers where books and various references are found in card catalogued manner. Nowadays, most libraries maintain a computerized filing system, whereby references are made available via electronic online methods. Searching literature has become very easy, thus, with the computerization of library sources; one can easily access them if Internet connection is available (Rosnow and Rosenthal, 1996) Literature review is necessitated by the fact that a researcher is probably not the first person to develop an interest in a particular problem; and hence, he or she need to spend some time in the library reviewing what theories and methods others have used to the topic in 62 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology the past and what findings are there (Macionis, 1997). According to Marshal and Rossman (1989: 35), review of literature has the following four purposes: First, it demonstrates the underlying assumptions behind the general research question…. Second, it demonstrates that the researcher is thoroughly knowledgeable about related research and the intellectual traditions that surround and support the study. Third, it shows that the researcher has identified some gaps in previous research and that the proposed study will fill a demonstrated need. And finally, the review refines and redefines the research questions and related tentative hypotheses by embedding those questions in larger empirical traditions. 2.2.4. Research Design The research design is that section in the research process which gives the details of the ways and manners of conducting the study (Ibid.). It involves the selection of research sites and study subjects, the methods to be employed in collecting data, the 63 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology techniques to be employed in data analysis and other related matters. The anthropologist chooses the research site and the people among whom he or she would conduct the research. Appropriate and relevant data gathering techniques are chosen. The way the researcher designs the overall research process will determine the data quality and the research outcomes. 2.2.5. Data Collection Strategies/ Methods in Anthropology Ethnography is the anthropologists’ distinct strategy in data collection. It is the hallmark of anthropology. Ethnography provides a foundation for generalizations about human behavior and social life. There are various techniques employed by anthropologists when collecting information. The main field techniques in anthropology are discussed below. Participant Observation Observation is central to any anthropological research. The researcher has to pay attention to the many and varied details of daily life among the people. Both 64 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology individual and collectives behaviors and actions should be observed. All relevant events, actions, places, objects, etc must be observed and recorded (Ibid. 1989). One of the key procedures in these techniques is called participant observation, the active involvement in community life while studying it. The researcher participates in a research setting while observing what is happening in that setting (Henslin and Nelson, 1995). Here anthropologists attempt to take part in many of the activities and processes of the community which they study (Kotttak, 1994; Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992). Ethnographic Conversation, Interviewing and Interview Schedule As anthropologists maintain rapport with the people, they begin to record information starting by even the simplest conversation with informants. While simply conversing with community members, the anthropologist can identify and obtain important information for his/her research project. However, the researcher also depends on interviewing techniques. Individuals or groups are identified and may be interviewed on issues of relevance for the anthropologist. While doing so, the anthropologist may use interview schedules, pre- 65 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology planned question items, which the researcher writes down on his/her notebook and uses them as guidelines for the interview process. With the interview schedule, the researcher talks face to face with the informants, asks questions, and writes down the answers (Kottak, op cit). The use of highly structured questions, such as questionnaires, is not often common in typical anthropological researches, although anthropologists also employ these instruments. The Genealogical Method This ethnographic technique was developed by anthropologists to deal with and gather information on principles of kinship, descent, and marriage, which are the social building block of small-scale societies. The genealogical method is important in what anthropologists call “kin-based societies”, where every one is related to every other person; and rules of behavior attached to particular kinship relationships are basic to everyday life. Genealogical information may be found in the form of art, paintings, cemeteries, rituals, etc (Ibid). 66 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology Well-Informed Informants These are also called key informants, and the method is termed as key informant interview. Here, very knowledgeable individuals in the community are identified and the research learns lots of issues about the community life. Every society has well-informed informants, who are natives/ members of the community who can provide the best and rich information about particular areas of life in the community (Kottak, 2002). Life Histories Anthropologists also employ life history techniques. In the process of his/her fieldwork the researcher may come across with individual or groups who present him/ her with interesting cases. So the researcher conducts in-depth investigation on the life histories of the individuals or groups. “Life histories reveal how specific people perceive, react to and contribute to changes that affect their lives” (Kottak, 1994:26) Emic and Etic Research Techniques Anthropologists often employ two contrasting approaches: emic and etic. The emic approach focuses on the native’s or the community’s points of view, trying 67 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology to underhand the world from the perspectives of the natives; whereas the etic view is observer-oriented approach which tries to bring an objective and comprehensive viewpoint to the study of the community’s life. Here, the focus shifts from native views to the views of the researcher. In practice, anthropologists often have to combine the emic and etic approaches in their fieldwork. They make every effort to avoid the biases of their own views as well as those of the people being studied (Howard and Dunaif-Hattis, 1992; Kottak, 2002). Box 2.2. Emic and etic approaches Emic approach: Understanding and describing the world from the insider’s (people’s) view Etic approach: The researcher’s views and interpretation of the subject being studied Problem-Based Ethnography Anthropological field research has usually to address specific problems; the researcher may thus enter a community with specific questions in mind. Anthropologists thus just do not wholly depend on what 68 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology the informants say and do; they also do many other specific things. They consult documents, archives, measure and record data on various phenomena like the environment, weather, diet, land use, etc. Longitudinal Research The anthropologists’ research is not limited to a specific locality or time period; often anthropologists conduct longitudinal researches, with a long-term study of a community, region, society, culture or other unit, usually based on repeated visits (Kotttak 1994:27). Such kind of research reveals important insights on the dynamic and complex factors that affect the lives of people over longer periods of time. Survey Research All of the above research techniques are qualitative in nature; despite anthropologists heavily employ qualitative research techniques, they also use quantitative methods side by side with qualitative ones. One of the dominant quantitative techniques is the survey method, which involves sampling, impersonal data collections, and sophisticated statistical analysis. Of all the social sciences research techniques, survey 69 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology research probably seems to be the most visible and pervasive form research in the social and behavioral sciences (Jones, 1995). Traditionally, the survey techniques has been considered the domain of disciplines such as sociology, psychology, political science, and economics, which often work mainly in large, complex and populous societies, unlike anthropologists, which have traditionally worked among small-scale societies. In survey research, people who provide information are termed as respondents, (unlike in anthropology, where we call them informants); these respondents are often selected on random sample basis, wherein all members of a population have equal chances of being included in the study population. A brief discussion of the difference between survey research and ethnography may be appropriate here. The following are some points of difference (Kottak, op cit, P. 31): In survey research, the object of study is usually a sample chosen randomly or otherwise by the 70 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology researcher. Ethnographers normally study whole, functioning communities. Ethnographers do firsthand fieldwork, establishing dirt relationships with the people they study. Survey researchers often have no personal contact with respondents. Ethnographers usually get to know their informants are interested in their welfare; often a social survey focuses on a small number of variables, rather than on the totality of peoples’ lives. Survey researcher normally works in modern nations, where most people are literate; ethnographers are more likely to study people who do not read and write. The results of survey research must analyzed statistically, a s it deals with large and diverse groups; while ethnographers have not often detailed knowledge of statistics, as the societies 71 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology they study are less diverse and smaller in number. In general, survey researchers such as sociologists are often interested in causal relationships between limited number of variables and they mainly study samples to make inferences about a larger population. Ethnographers, on the other hand, do their fieldwork in communities and study the totality of social life and they are more typically concerned with the interconnectedness of all aspects of social life. Box 2.3. Major qualitative research strategies Participant observation In-depth interviewing Key informant interview Problem – based ethnography Ethnographic conversations Longitudinal study Life histories Genealogical method 72 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology 2.2.6. Data Analysis After the data are gathered, the next important step is analyzing the data. Various ways of analyzing data are used both in qualitative and quantitative methods (Henslin and Nelson, 1996). For quantitative data (which are mainly expressed in terms of numbers, percentages, rates to measure size, magnitude, etc) researchers use sophisticated statistical techniques using computer models. Plans for data analysis are often made as early before the data are collected (Mann, 1976). Analysis of qualitative data (those which expressed in terms of descriptive statements, about the depth, details and sensitive dimensions of information which are difficult to express in terms of numbers) thus actually begins while the researcher is in the field recording his/ her field notes, tape recording and transcribing the interviews. Tape-recording the interview process and transcribing are the essential components of analysis (Jones 1995). In analyzing the data, the anthropologist must distinguish between his own views and the views of the people being studied (Scupin and DeCorse, 1995). There are many possible analytic schemes and 73 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology some computer models for analyzing qualitative data are also available. Box 2.4. Qualitative vs. quantitative data Qualitative data: Data expressed in terms of statements, focusing on depth, details, sensitivities, underlying beliefs and attitudes; collected via intensive fieldwork Quantitative data: Data expressed in terms of numbers and statistical figures focusing on size, amount, frequencies and magnitude of information; collected via mainly surveys 2.2.7. Research Report Writing and Dissemination The research process is not complete until the results are reported in a written document (Rosenow and Rosenthal, 1996). Research report writing in anthropology, as in all other sciences, follows a specified standard ways of writing. The research findings are disseminated through various mechanisms such as seminars, conferences, and symposiums. With minor variations, all social and behavioral sciences research reports have similar components, though it may be with varying titles, in the same order. The report 74 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology characteristically has four major sections: introduction, methods employed, and presentation and discussion of results (Dooley, 1995) 2.3. Chapter Summary Anthropological theories used to explain human culture, why and how culture work, are similar and different etc, have been developed since the early years of the discipline. The first anthropological theories that th th developed in late 19 and early 20 centuries in Europe and America include: social evolutionism, diffusionism, historical particualrism, culture and personality school and functionalism. Evolutionism assumed the unilinear development of cultures and society from simple, primitive stages to complex, “civilized” stages passing thorough different levels. Diffusionism sated that culture change occurs due to the borrowing and spread of cultural traits from centers of invention to other areas. Historical particularism rejected the unilinear evolution and argued that each culture should be empirically studied in its own historical context, while functionalism focused on culture and society as integrated wholes, 75 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology where each part in the social structure functioned to maintain order and stability. The conflict schools of though such as neo- functionalism and Marxist anthropologist focused on conflict and competition and processed of social transformation. Neo-evolutionism or cultural ecology focused on the interaction between culture and ecology and tied to explain cultures as adaptations to specific environments. Studies of cognitive science such as structuralism, ethnoscience and symbolic anthropology focused on understanding and describing the underlying, non-material mental structures that shape cultures. Anthropology as a science employs the scientific method that involves systematic collection and analysis of data to test hypotheses. Anthropology also depends on the deductive and inductive approaches in research, where the former focused on testing hypothesis on the basis of general theoretical principles where as the latter tries to build theories based on particular observations. Anthropologists employ a variety of methods of data collection such as interviews, ethnographic 76 Introduction to Sociocultural Anthropology conversations, key informant interviews, genealogies, case studies and surveys. The most vital anthropological method of data collection is extensive fieldwork, in which the researchers live among the societies studied and observe their ways of life intimately. A typical anthropological research method is participant observation, in which the researcher learns about a society living among them and participating in their daily lives. Anthropological research is comparative and cross- cultural. Anthropology emphasizes an insider's view of a society. This is what anthropologists call the emic view; here, the anthropologist gives value to what the people he is studying know, think, believe, and view; how they explain and understand the world around them, and the logic and rationale of their beliefs, actions, practices, behaviors and institutions. However, the anthropologist also, as a scientist, gives equally much value to the etic view; this is what the scientist or the researcher as an outsider thinks about the thing being studied. 77

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