CHAPTER 1-8 History PDF

CHAPTER I The Importance of Primary Sources in History A letter especially written by a person during the period one is studying, e.g., the Philippine Revolution is an example of a primary source document. This letter of Andres Bonifacio addressed to Emilio Jacinto sent at the height of the revolu...

CHAPTER I The Importance of Primary Sources in History A letter especially written by a person during the period one is studying, e.g., the Philippine Revolution is an example of a primary source document. This letter of Andres Bonifacio addressed to Emilio Jacinto sent at the height of the revolution is a good of example of a primary source. Primary Source Reproduction of Andres Bonifacio's Letter to Emilio Jacinto News was also received here last month that you had been killed by the Carabineers because, it was said, you had given a bad order, but as this news came from Imus, I did not believe it and I treated it as one of the usual duplicities of these people. As to the collection of money, I believe we need not beg, but should solicit or take it from whoever is wealthy. Brother Don Nakpil wrote me, asking whether the money collected by him, almost four hundred pesos or so, should be given to Mamerto Natividad. Do not allow this to happen, because that man is not sincere in his friendship with us, and he is very close to the Magdalo people. A piece of sickening news I can tell you is the treachery committed by the chiefs of the Magdalo Council who have applied for pardon or gone over to the Spaniards. These are Daniel Tirona, Minister of War; Jose del Rosario, Minister of the Interior; Jose Cailles, Lieutenant-General, and nearly all the Tanza people, even the parish priest there, the whole lot of them henchmen or partisans of Capitan Emilio. For this reason, many people strongly suspect that they strive so hard to get control of the Government in order to surrender the whole Revolution. Last week I ordered our soldiers to tie up another of the Ministers of Capitan Emilio because he was caught as he was about to escape with two Spanish prisoners and a lady. One of these Spaniards told the truth, that they were going to escape. He [the Minister] was tried by a Council of War, but the outcome, as usually happens here, was that everybody covered up for each other, or favoritism. However, the record of the case against the minister mentioned, Don Cayetano Topacio, remains in my possession, as does that against the Spaniards. This is one of the reasons why we desire to leave here, because our life is in danger not only from the Spanish enemy, but still more so from the leaders here, most of whom have wicked intentions. We have taken away everything: the printing press, the necessary books, the big map, and the tools for making cartridges. The spoons you sent for the brother and sisters of Dimas could not be given to them because they have already left in the direction of Silangan (Laguna). We have sent for your mother, who is now in Maragondon, and we are still waiting for her. Receive the close embrace that I send you from here. Limbon, April 24, 1897 The President of the Sovereign Nation And.: Bonifacio Maypagasa Source: Translation by Jim Richardson,Katipunan: Documents and Studies. 5 William Henry Scot Photo courtesy of Alanrecus Warede Commons History is not spared from forgeries or fake documents. In 1912, Jose E. Marco was the source of some fake documents which became part of the collection of the Philippine Library and Museum which was then headed by James Robertson, one of the authors of the multi-volume work, The Philippine Islands. The Code of Kalantiaw figures in the work Las antiguas leyendas de la Isla de Negros by Fr. Jose Maria Pavon, who was assigned in Mamamaylan [sic] in Negros Occidental. Robertson declared the Code as rare, authentic, and valuable according to Scott. Robertson translated the Code of Kalantiaw in English and was published in the H. Morse Stephen and Herbert E. Bolton's The Pacific Ocean in History in 1917. In 1965, William Henry Scott decided to work on the prehispanic sources for the study of Philippine history as his topic for a doctoral degree at the University of Santo Tomas. In his doctoral dissertation defense held on June 16, 1968, Scott demonstrated that the Code was a forgery committed by a Jose E. Marco of Pontevedra, Negros Occidental. Scott's panel was composed of eminent historians of the period: Teodoro Agoncillo, Horacio de la Costa, Marcelino Foronda, Nicolas Zafra and Gregorio Zaide. Scott later published in 1968 his findings in his book Prehispanic Source Materials for the Study of Philippine History. Scott observed that the handwriting used by Fr. Pavon was not similar to the period where it belongs i.e., sixteenth century Spanish. Spanish scholar, Lourdes Diaz Trechuelo stated the "letters present features strange and uncommon in documents of the period." This comment was shared by historian Nicolas Cushner who after consulting a book by Agustin Millares Carlo entitled Album de Paleografia hispanoamericana del Siglo XVI stated that there was no semblance of it to the Spanish script of the 16th century. Moreover Scott observed that there was the presence of the hyphen which was totally absent in the sixteenth century. In addition, Scott observed that the punishments meted out in the legal code such as being put to death by drowning, being cut to pieces and fed to the crocodile, being exposed to the ants and beaten to death were un- Filipino. Checking with other primary sources, Scott asserted that the usual punishments meted out to crimes committed were payment of fine and becoming servant of the aggrieved party. The case of the Kalantiaw Code illustrates that sources perceived to be primary sources may in time be discovered to be hoax and that there are people who may create them for some gain-monetary or political. It is therefore important that primary sources be subjected to the historical method which includes checking the authenticity of the document (internal criticism) and checking the reliability of the document (external criticism). Do you consider the letter of Andres Bonifacio an eyewitness account or a firsthand account of the Philippine Revolution? Explain your answer. Compare the letter with this excerpt from Teodoro Agoncillo's History of the Filipino People. Secondary Source Bonifacio and Jacinto were like brothers who never separated from each other if either one could help it. Separation came late in December 1896 when Bonifacio went to Cavite to mediate between two rival factions of the Katipunan in that province and Jacinto, appointed commander-in-chief of the revolutionary forces in Laguna, went to this province to direct the movements of the revolutionists. Nevertheless, they communicated with each other when time and circumstances permitted. Bonifacio died two years earlier than Jacinto, who while directing a campaign against the Spaniards in Mahayhay, Laguna, contracted fever and died on April 16, 1899. How different is this excerpt from the letter of Andres Bonifacio? Which of the two (the letter of Bonifacio and the excerpt from History of the Filipino People) gives you a direct link to the past? Reading primary sources gives us the opportunity to come into direct contact with the past and experience it. Reading textbook accounts of the past, however, deprives us of this opportunity and make us dependent on the interpretation of the past by textbook authors. Kinds of Historical Sources There are two meanings of history. One meaning is that it is the sum total of what happened in the past - every event, every action, and every thought that a human being has done. Another meaning of history is the act of analyzing and writing about the past. In short history is not only the past but is also the study of the past. In studying the past, there must be evidences to reconstruct the past. For historians, these evidences are classified into two: primary sources and secondary sources. A primary source is defined "as a piece of evidence written or created during the period under investigation.” It is a record left by a person who witnessed the event one is studying. In other words, a primary source can be an eyewitness account or a firsthand account of a particular event. A primary source can come in the form of written sources such as documents, archival materials, letters (e.g., letters of Rizal to his fellow reformists), government records (Hojas de servicios de maestras or Service Records of Teachers), newspapers (Heraldo de la revolucion, Muling Pagsilang), parish records (Libro de bautismo, Libro de matrimonio), court transcripts, and business ledgers. Primary sources can also be non-written. They can come in the form of artifacts such as the Manunggul Jar; edifices like colonial churches; clothes, jewelry, farming implements, and paintings. An individual's firsthand account of a particular event such as the memoirs of the Japanese occupation in the Philippines can be a primary source. Of recent date, photographs, films, and recordings (both audio and video) are also considered primary sources. On the other hand, secondary sources in history are works produced after the event has taken place. Secondary sources are usually an assessment or a commentary of events, people, or institutions of the past. Secondary sources often use primary sources for the aforementioned purpose. The books History of the Filipino People by Teodoro Agoncillo and The Past Revisited by Renato Constantino are examples of secondary sources. Secondary sources may also come in many forms. They come in the form of books which can be popular or scholarly. Usually, textbooks are considered as secondary sources. Secondary sources come in the form of monographs. Monographs are specialized works which are narrow in scope, but are based on primary sources. Monographs provide new historical interpretations and can be vehicles for historical revisionism. Essays or chapters in a book based on primary or secondary sources are considered secondary sources. Articles published in scholarly journals are likewise considered secondary sources. They should not be ignored by students as they provide new findings or interpretations useful for research. Articles published in popular magazines are also secondary sources. Dissertations which offer original analysis and adds to the body of knowledge of a particular historical topic would be another example of a secondary source. Lastly, papers read in conferences are considered secondary sources. Conference papers get their initial scrutiny in conferences but once revised, may be submitted to a scholarly journal. Primary Sources and the Historical Method Primary sources, in whatever form, have to be subjected to what is called the historical method. There are two components in the historical method. The first is called external criticism which aims at checking the authenticity of the primary source. External criticism aims to check whether the source is real or fake. For example, validating the authenticity of a document requires checking if the paper and ink of the document belong to the period being studied. In addition, one checks whether the handwriting in the document belongs to the handwriting of the period one is researching on. The historian in this instance somewhat becomes of a paleographer. In other cases, the historian is constrained to study the style and language of the text in a document. In this case, the historian becomes a philologist. If the primary source would be coins and medals, the historian should have some knowledge of numismatics and if inscriptions in monuments are being studied, epigraphy. Once the source is considered authentic, then primary source goes through internal criticism which checks on the reliability of the source. Not just because the source is primary should one accept its contents completely. There should be some skepticism in accepting the source. The following are some questions that one may pose to check on the reliability of the source: 1. How close was the author to the event being studied? This question refers to the physical location of the author of the document. Did he/she witness the event personally or did he/she rely on somebody's report? How reliable is his account? An example of this is Antonio Pigafetta's account of the Battle of Mactan, which claimed the life of Ferdinand Magellan. Pigafetta was the chronicler of the Magellan expedition. He witnessed the Battle of Mactan and wrote about it in his work Primo viaggio intorno al globo terracqueo written in Italian and later translated in Spanish as Primer viaje alrededor del mundo. By virtue of Pigafetta being a chronicler of the Magellan's voyage, his account is reliable. Archives are repositories of past documentation. We find primary sources in the archives. There are many kinds of archives, such as those maintained by a religious order, which are called religious archives. In the Philippines, the Dominicans have the Dominican Archives which is found in the University of Santo Tomas. The Jesuits have theirs at the Ateneo de Manila University. Some schools have their own respective archives such as the University of the Philippines. Some private entities like business companies or families also have archives. Archives which houses primary sources are important for two reasons. One is the archives organize documents in a systematic manner, making it easier for a researcher to do his work. Another importance is the archives help researchers with their work by producing research aids or finding tools to their collection. Nowadays, countries usually have national archives. The Philippines is one of them. The present Philippine National Archives (PNA) dates back to 1898 when Spain, by virtue of the Treaty of Paris, transferred its archives to the United States. During the American Period, the PNA started as an Office of Archives in 1901 and was placed under the Executive Bureau. In 1901, the Office of Archives was then placed under the Department of Public Instruction, and in 1915 was back as an office under the Executive Branch In 1928, the PNA became a Division under the National Library. At present, the Philippine National Archives is an attached agency under the Office of the President. The PNA houses 13 million Spanish-era documents and 60 million catalogued documents. The holdings are divided into two collections: Spanish Period Collection composed of documents and plans dating back from 1552 to 1900, and the American and Republic Period Collection dating from 1900 to the present, composed of documents from government agencies, civil records, notarial documents, and Japanese War Crime Records. 2. When was the account made? A primary source should be closest or contemporary to the period being studied. The work Urbana at Felisa by Modesto de Castro published in 1864 is an example of a primary source for the study of the norms of conduct of a woman in the nineteenth century. Since the work was published in the nineteenth century (the year 1864 belongs to the nineteenth century), this work of Modestro de Castro on how a Christian woman should behave is a reliable primary source. 3. Who was the recipient of the account? The election results of a gobernadorcillo of the town of Muntinlupa during the Spanish period is an example of a primary source. The recipient of the election result is the provincial governor who makes the final appointment. Hence, the document labeled as Elecciones de Gobenadorcillo would be a reliable primary source. 4. Is there bias to be accounted for? The Tejeros Convention, which ended the existence of the Katipunan and its replacement by a revolutionary government, is covered in the work of Santiago Alvarez entitled Si Andres Bonifacio, Ang Katipunan at Himagsikan; in the memoir of Artemio Ricarte; in Aguinaldo's Mga Gunita ng Himagsikan; in the work of Carlos Ronquillo entitled Ilang Talata Tungkol sa Paghihimagsik nang 1896-1897; and in the Letter of Andres Bonifacio to Emilio Jacinto. Each of the aforementioned authors would have a bias in narrating what transpired in that particular event. All of the abovementioned primary sources have a bias. Thus, it is important that as a reader, one should be conscious of the bias of the work. The bias will be coming from the author of the primary source. People generally write their memoirs in order to explain or justify their actions during a particular event. 5. Does informed common sense make the account probable? The key words here are probable and informed common sense. One cannot get absolutely conclusive answers in history. The test whether a given testimony is believable or not, is when there is an inherent probability of it being true and is supported by appropriate evidence. For instance, abuses committed by encomenderos toward the native Filipinos in the collection of tribute may be probable as evidenced by Bishop Domingo de Salazar, writing the King of Spain about encomenderos collecting tribute without giving the natives proper governance, religious instruction, and defense against their enemies. Bishop Salazar was a defender of native rights and was critical of the injustices received by the Filipinos in the hands of the encomenderos. 6. Is the account corroborated by other accounts? A primary source cannot stand by itself. There should be corroboration from other sources as well. Having established the authenticity and reliability of the primary source, bear in mind the following: When was the document or artifact created? What type of primary source is it? Who created the document or artifact? Why was it written or produced? For whom was the text or image intended? What is the main point the author is trying to make? Is there any unintentional evidence given by the text? Does the text provide an author's point of view bias, or opinion? How does the source stand in relation to other primary sources of the period? CHAPTER II Spiritual Beliefs of the Early Filipinos As the first chapter that will discuss the Philippines and its early history, it is important to introduce the terms Philippines and Filipino, since these will be used widely in the book. The name Philippines came from the navigator Ruy Lopez de Villalobos when he named the archipelago Las Islas Filipinas' in 1542, after the heir of the Spanish throne Prince Phillip II. After almost three decades, the archipelago would then become part of the vast Spanish Empire as one of its colonies. What about the term Filipino? Before the term was widely used to refer the people of the Philippines, Filipino was used to refer to Spaniards born in the colony. However, according to the historian William Henry Scott, Filipino was also used in some friar accounts of early seventeenth century to refer to the natives before they became indios. The term was also used by some Spaniards to call the natives in the eighteenth century, and by Rizal in the late nineteenth century. It may seem confusing but for consistency, Filipino would be used in this book to refer to any native born in the archipelago and those who spoke its languages even before the dawn of Spanish colonization. Unlike its neighbors, the Philippines did not have any thriving and powerful kingdoms or vast empires before the advent of Islam and its sultanates in the fifteenth century, and Spanish colonization in the late sixteenth century. The archipelago was decentralized by then, and was divided into localized settlements called barangay. This term came from the word balangay, an Austronesian sea-going vessel. These barangays were not just small political entities but they could also be seen as economic, social, cultural, and spiritual institutions. The spiritual life in the barangay was led by the local spiritual leader called babaylan in Visayas and catalonan in Luzon, particularly in Tagalog areas. This position was usually obtained by a female but a male could also serve as one; however he must act and dress as a female. The position could be passed from one generation to the next, but being a child or a relative of the babaylan is not enough to become the next spiritual leader, since one must also acquire all the skills and abilities needed to fulfill the position. The babaylan led the barangay in all rituals, particularly those involving sacrifices for the local deities and spirits to gain favors-as she was believed to have the power to transcend to the spiritual realm. Accounts of the terms for these deities due to linguistic and geographical differences. Visayans called them diwata while the Tagalogs used anito. These deities were manifested by the forces of nature but they can also be represented through wooden carvings and other inanimate objects. This chapter focuses on the early Filipino beliefs that would give light on how they worshipped their deities— from the Visayan archipelago to the islands of Luzon and Mindanao. It would also prove that this country already had its own belief systems and world views before the coming of Islam and Christianity. To have better understanding of these different but related forms of early religious manifestation, it is important to discuss and analyze the primary sources coming from religious and non-religious accounts presented in this chapter. Excerpt from Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their Burials and Superstitions by Fray Juan de Plasencia The first document for this chapter is written by Fray Juan de Plasencia, one of the first Franciscan missionaries in the Philippines. He was responsible for the foundation of various towns in Luzon particularly in Laguna and Tayabas areas and the conversion of their inhabitants to Catholicism. He was also the author of numerous religious books such as the Doctrina Christiana, the first book printed in the Philippines; and other works that would eventually preserve early Filipino cultural traditions such as Las costumbres de los Tagalos en Filipinas and Vocabulario de la lengua Tagala. Considered a zealous missionary, Plasencia denied himself of luxuries and was known to be the defender of the natives from the Spanish officials which resulted in the Manila Synod of 1582. Plasencia was also instrumental in the resettlement of the natives as he suggested the reduccion policy in the synod. He died in Liliw, Laguna in 1590. The Relation of the Worship of the Tagalogs, Their Gods, and Their Burials and Superstitions is the second part of his Costumbres de los Tagalos (1589) which was a report to a Spanish noble after receiving His Lordship's letter requesting information about the natives. The Costumbres is Plasencia's account of the traditions, society, marriage, laws, dowries, and spiritual beliefs of the Tagalogs. Primary Source In all the villages, or in other parts of the Filipinas Islands, there are no temples consecrated to the performing of sacrifices, the adoration of their idols, or the general practice of idolatry. It is true that they have the name simbahan, which means a temple or place of adoration; but this is because, formerly, when they wished to celebrate a festival, which they called pandot, or "worship,' they celebrated it in the large house of a chief. There they constructed, for the purpose of sheltering the assembled people, a temporary shed on each side of the house, with a roof, called sibi, to protect the people from the wet when it rained. They so constructed the house that it might contain many people dividing it, after the fashion of ships, into three compartments. On the posts of the house they set small lamps, called sorihile; in the center of the house they placed one large lamp, adorned with leaves of the white palm, wrought into many designs. They also brought together many drums, large and small, which they beat successively while the feast lasted, which was usually four days. During this time the whole barangay, or family, united and joined in the worship which they call nagaanitos. The house, for the above- mentioned period of time, was called a temple. Among their many idols there was one called Badhala, whom they especially worshiped. The title seems to signify "all powerful," or "maker of all things." They also worshiped the sun, which, on account of its beauty, is almost universally respected and honored by heathens. They worshiped, too, the moon, especially when it was new, at which time they held great rejoicings, adoring it and bidding it welcome. Some of them also adored the stars, although they did not know them by their names, as the Spaniards and other nations know the planets-with the one exception of the morning star, which they called Tala. They knew, too, the "seven little goats" [the Pleiades]—as we call them—and, consequently, the change of seasons, which they call Mapolon; and Balatic, which is our Greater Bear. They possessed many idols called lic-ha, which were images with different shapes; and at times they worshiped any little trifle, in which they adored, as did the Romans, some particular dead man who was brave in war and endowed with special faculties, to whom they commended themselves for protection in their tribulations. They had another idol called Dian Masalanta, who was the patron of lovers and of generation. The idols called Lacapati and Idianale were the patrons of the cultivated lands and of husbandry. They paid reverence to water-lizards called by them buaya, or crocodiles, from fear of being harmed by them. They were even in the habit of offering these animals a portion of what they carried in their boats, by throwing it into the water, or placing it upon the bank. Their manner of offering sacrifice was to proclaim a feast, and offer to the devil what they had to eat. This was done in front of the idol, which they anoint with fragrant perfumes, such as musk and civet, or gum of the storax- tree and other odoriferous woods, and praise it in poetic songs sung by the officiating priest, male or female, who is called catolonan. The participants made responses to the song, beseeching the idol to favor them with those things of which they were in need, and generally, by offering repeated healths, they all became intoxicated. In some of their idolatries they were accustomed to place a good piece of cloth, doubled, over the idol, and over the cloth a chain or large, gold ring, thus worshiping the devil without having sight of him. The devil was sometimes liable to enter into the body of the catolonan, and, assuming her shape and appearance, filled her with so great arrogance—he being the cause of it-that she seemed to shoot flames from her eyes; her hair stood on end, a fearful sight to those beholding, and she uttered words of arrogance and superiority. In some districts, especially in the mountains, when in those idolatries the devil incarnated himself and took on the form of his minister, the latter had to be tied to a tree by his companions, to prevent the devil in his infernal fury from destroying him. This, however, happened but rarely. The objects of sacrifice were goats, fowls, and swine, which were flayed, decapitated, and laid before the idol. They performed another ceremony by cooking a jar of rice until the water was evaporated, after which they broke the jar, and the rice was left as an intact mass which was set before the idol, and all about it, at intervals, were placed a few buyos-which is a small fruit wrapped in a leaf with some lime, a food generally eaten in these regions as well as fried food and fruits. All the above-mentioned articles were eaten by the guests at the feast; the heads [of the animals], after being "offered," as they expressed it, were cooked and eaten also. The reasons for offering this sacrifice and adoration were, in addition to whatever personal matters there might be, the recovery of a sick person, the prosperous voyage of those embarking on the sea, a good harvest in the sowed lands, a propitious result in wars, a successful delivery in childbirth, and at happy outcome in married life. If this took place among people of rank, the festivities lasted thirty days. Excerpt from Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas by Antonio de Morga Antonio de Morga was a Spanish high-ranking official in the Philippines from 1593 to 1603. A lawyer by profession, Morga held the position of oidor or judge of the Real Audiencia when he first came to the colony. With little experience in military combat, Morga led the Spanish fleet in its Pyrrhic victory against the Dutch in 1600. However, Morga was best known as the author of Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (Events in the Philippine Islands), one the most comprehensive accounts of sixteenth century Spanish colonization of the archipelago. Sucesos, as it is called by today's students of history, was published in 1609 when Morga was already in Mexico City. The book covers the political, economic, social, and cultural life of the Filipinos and Spaniards from 1493 to 1603. This encompassing work was based on documentary research as well as Morga's personal involvement and observation. This was possible due to his position in the colonial government. The work became more popular when Jose Rizal annotated and critiqued the book in 1890. In the excerpt of the Sucesos below, Morga talks about the "ignorance" and "stubbornness" of the non-Christian Filipinos. Primary Source In matters of religion, the natives proceeded more barbarously and with greater blindness than in all the rest. For besides being pagans, without any knowledge of the true God, they neither strove to discover Him by way of reason, nor had any fixed belief. The devil usually deceived them with a thousand errors and blindnesses. He appeared to them in various horrible and frightful forms, and as fierce animals, so that they feared him and trembled before him. They generally worshiped him, and made images of him in the said forms. These they kept in caves and private houses, where they offered them perfumes and odors, and food and fruit, calling them anitos. Others worshiped the sun and the moon, and made feasts and drunken revels at the conjunction of those bodies. Some worshiped a yellow-colored bird that dwells in their woods, called batala. They generally worship and adore the crocodiles when they see them, by kneeling down and clasping their hands, because of the harm that they receive from those reptiles; they believe that by so doing the crocodiles will become appeased and leave them. Their oaths, execrations, and promises are all as above mentioned, namely. May buhayan eat thee, if thou dost not speak truth, or fulfil what thou hast promised, and similar things. There were no temples throughout those islands, nor houses generally used for the worship of idols; but each person possessed and made in his house his own anitos, without any fixed rite or ceremony. They had no priests or religious to attend to religious affairs, except certain old men and women called catalonas. These were experienced witches and sorcerers, who kept the other people deceived. The latter communicated to these sorcerers their desires and needs, and the catalonas told them innumerable extravagancies and lies. The catalonas uttered prayers and performed other ceremonies to the idols for the sick, and they believed in omens and superstitions, with which the devil inspired them, whereby they declared whether the patient would recover or die. Such were their cures and methods, and they used various kinds of divinations for all things. All this was with so little aid, apparatus, or foundation which God permitted, so that the preaching of the holy gospel should find those of that region better prepared for it, and so that those natives would confess the truth more easily, and it would be less difficult to withdraw them from their darkness, and the errors in which the devil kept them for so many years. They never sacrificed human beings as is done in other kingdoms. They believed that there was a future life where. those who had been brave and performed valiant feats would be rewarded; while those who had done evil would be punished. But they did not know how or where this would be. They buried their dead in their own houses, and kept their bodies and bones for a long time in chests. They venerated the skulls of the dead as if they were living and present. Their funeral rites did not consist of pomp or assemblages, beyond those of their own housewhere, after bewailing the dead, all was changed into feasting and drunken revelry among all the relatives and friends. Excerpt from Relacion de las Islas Filipinas by Miguel de Loarca As one of the first Spanish conquistadores to arrive in the archipelago, Miguel de Loarca observed the native cultural traditions before they were fully acculturated to Christianity. In 1575, Loarca, along with two friars, traveled to China and witnessed grandeur of the "great kingdom." He was also the first Spaniard to conduct the colony's earliest census. As a loyal Spanish military officer, Loarca also became one of the earliest encomenderos in the country. In his Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (1582), Loarca documented the customs and traditions of early Filipinos. His work discussing the natives is significant since it was one of the earliest Spanish accounts coming from a layman. Unlike friar accounts, Loarca's Relacion is a layman's point of view of the affairs of the natives in the early colonial era. This excerpt from his Relacion talks about the beliefs of the people from Panay or the so-called Pintados. Primary Source Also, during their revelries, the singers who have good voices recite the exploits of olden times; thus they always possess a knowledge of past events. The people of the coast, who are called the Yligueynes, believe that heaven and earth had no beginning, and that there were two gods, one called Captan and the other Maguayen. They believe that the land breeze and the sea breeze were married; and that the land breeze brought forth reed, which was planted by the god Captan. When the reed grew, it broke into two sections, which became a man and a woman. To the man they gave the name of Sicalac, and that is the reason why men from that time on have been called lalac; the woman they called Sicavay, and thenceforth women have been called babayes. One day the man asked the woman to marry him, for there were no other people in the world; but she refused, saying that they were brother and sister, born of the same reed, with only one knot between them; and that she would not marry him, since he was her brother. Finally they agreed to ask advice from the tunnies of the sea, and from the doves of the air; they also went to the earthquake, who said that it was necessary for them to marry, so that the world might be peopled. They married, and called their first son Sibo; then a daughter was born to them, and they gave her the name of Samar. This brother and sister also had a daughter, called Lupluban. She married Pandaguan, a son of the first pair, and had a son called Anoranor. Pandaguan was the first to invent a net for fishing at sea; and, the first time when he used it, he caught a shark and brought it on shore, thinking that it would not die. But the shark died when brought ashore; and Pandaguan, when he saw this, began to mourn and weep over it-complaining against the gods for having allowed the shark to die, when no one had died before that time. It is said that the god Captan, on hearing this, sent the flies to ascertain who the dead one was; but, as the flies did not dare to go, Captan sent the weevil, who brought back the news of the shark's death. The god Captan was displeased at these obsequies to a fish. He and Maguayen made a thunderbolt, with which they killed Pandaguan; he remained thirty days in the infernal regions, at the end of which time the gods took pity upon him, brought him back to life, and returned him to the world. While Pandaguan was dead, his wife Lubluban became the concubine of a man called Maracoyrun; and these people say that at that time concubinage began in the world. When Pandaguan returned, he did not find his wife at home, because she had been invited by her friend to feast upon a pig that he had stolen; and the natives say that this was the first theft committed in the world. Pandaguan sent his son for Lubluban, but she refused to go home, saying that the dead do not return to the world. At this answer Pandaguan became angry, and returned to the infernal regions. The people believe that, if his wife had obeyed his summons, and he had not gone back at that time, all the dead would return to life. [...] Baylanas. The natives of these islands have neither time nor place set apart for the offering of prayers and sacrifices to their gods. It is only in case of sickness, and in times of seed-sowing or of war, that sacrifices are offered. These sacrifices are called baylanes, and the priestesses, or the men who perform this office, are also called baylanes. The priestesses dress very gaily, with garlands on their heads, and are resplendent with gold. They bring to the place of sacrifice some pitarrillas (a kind of earthen jar) full of rice-wine, besides a live hog and a quantity of prepared food. Then the priestess chants her songs and invokes the demon, who appears to her all glistening in gold. Then he enters her body and hurls her to the ground, foaming at the mouth as one possessed. In this state she declares whether the sick person is to recover or not. In regard to other matters, she foretells the future. All this takes place to the sound of bells and kettle-drums. Then she rises and taking a spear, she pierces the heart of the hog. They dress it and prepare a dish for the demons. Upon an altar erected there, they place the dressed hog, rice, bananas, wine, and all the other articles of food that they have brought. All this is done in behalf of sick persons, or to redeem those who are confined in the infernal regions When they go to war or on a plundering expedition, they offer prayers to Varangao, who is the rainbow, and to their gods, Ynaguinid and Macanduc. For the redemption of souls detained in the inferno above mentioned, they also invoke their ancestors, and the dead, claiming to see them and receive answers to their questions. Excerpt from Relacion de las Islas Filipinas by Pedro Chirino As one of the most well-known and devoted Jesuit missionaries of the early colonial period, Pedro Chirino certainly has a place in Philippine history as founder of various towns and parishes across the archipelago; as well as his crucial role in recording the ancient Tagalog script baybayin to Latin alphabet. His position in early Philippine historiography is also settled for his numerous works such as the Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (1604) which was later transformed into a massive two-volume History of the Philippine Province of the Society of Jesus. The latter discusses not just the Jesuit missions but also the Catholic conversion of the Filipinos in general. He was also responsible for the elevation of the Jesuit mission in the Philippines as a vice-province, thereby becoming independent from the Mexican mission. Chirino died in Manila on September 16, 1635. The following document is from Chirino's Relacion, an important chronicle of the early colonization period, focusing on the spiritual transformation of the colony based on his experiences in the laborious evangelical missions of the Jesuits. The reading is an excerpt from chapter 21 of this 82-chapter book which narrates the "false religion of the pagans" and superstitions of the Filipino. Primary Source All their government and religion is founded on tradition, and on custom introduced by the Devil himself who spoke to them through their idols and the ministers of these. They preserve it in songs, which know by heart and learn when children, by hearing these sung when they are sailing or tilling their fields. when they are rejoicing and holding feasts, and especially, when they are mourning their dead. In these barbarous songs they relate the fabulous genealogies and vain deeds of their gods-among whom they set up one as the chief and superior of them all. This deity the Tagalos call Bathala Mei capal, which means "God the creator or maker," the Bisayans call him Laon, which denotes antiquity. These songs relate the creation of the world, the origin of the human race, the deluge, paradise, punishment, and other invisible things, relating a thousand absurdities, and varying much the form, some telling it in one way, others in another. To show better what lies and fables these all are, there is one story that the first man and the first woman came from the knot of a cane which burst off from its plant. After that, certain disputes resulted concerning the marriage of these two, on account of the difficulties arising from the first degree of blood-relationship, which among them is inviolable, and thought to be allowed only that first time from the necessity of propagating mankind. In short, they recognized invisible spirits, and another life; also demons, the enemies of men, of whom they were in abject fear from the evils and dread which these, caused them. Accordingly one of ours converted many of them by means of a well-painted picture of hell. Their idolatry is in a word (as with many other nations), an adoration and deification of their ancestors-especially of those who distinguished themselves through valiant deeds, or cruelties, or obscene and lewd acts. It was a general practice for anyone who could successfully do so to attribute divinity to his old father when the latter died. The old men themselves died with this illusion and deception, imputing to their illness and death and to all their actions a seriousness and import, in their estimation, divine. Consequently they chose as a sepulcher some celebrated spot, like one which I saw on the shore of the sea between Dulac and Abuyo, in the island of Leite. This man directed that he should be placed there in his coffin (which was done), in a solitary house remote from any village, in order to be recognized as the god of sailors, who would offer worship and commend themselves to him. There was another, who had caused himself to be buried in a certain place among the mountains of Antipolo; and out of reverence to him no one dared to cultivate them, fearing that he who should go thither might meet his death. In memory of these departed ones, they keep their little idols-some of stone, wood, bone, ivory, or a crocodile's teeth; others of gold. They call these Larauan, which signifies, "idol," "image," or "statue;" and in their necessities they have recourse to these, offering to them barbarous sacrifices. The Tagalogs adored a blue bird, as large as a thrush, and called it Bathala, which was among them a term of divinity. They also worshiped the crow (as the ancients worshiped the god Pan and the goddess Ceres). It bore the name Mei lupa, signifies "master of the soil." They held the crocodile in the utmost veneration; and, whenever they made any statement about it, when they descried it in the water, they called it Nono, which means "grandfather." They softly and tenderly besought it not to harm them; and to this end offered it a part of what they carried in their boats, casting the offering into the water. There was no old tree to which they did not attribute divinity; and it was a sacrilege to cut such a tree for any purpose. What more did they adore? The very stones, cliffs, and reefs, and the headlands of the shores of the sea or the rivers; and they made some offering when they passed by these, going to the stone or rock, and placing the offering upon it. I saw many times in the river of Manila a rock which for many years was an idol of that wretched people. This scandal, which occasioned great evils, lasted until the fathers of St. Augustine (who dwell nearby) with holy zeal broke it to pieces, and erected in its place a cross. Besides these, they had a thousand other superstitions. If they beheld a serpent or lizard, or heard anyone sneeze, they would always retrace their steps, and on no account go further at that time, for such an occurrence would be an evil omen. They had no places set aside for worship, or public days for general festivities. Not until we went to Taitai did I learn that in many of the houses there was another one, but smaller made of cane, as it were a little tower, fashioned somewhat curiously, to which they passed from the main house by a short bridge, also made of cane. In these were kept their needlework and other sorts of handicraft, by means of which they concealed the mystery of the little house. From information that I received from some of the faithful, it was in reality dedicated to the anito, although they offered no sacrifice in it, nor did it serve for other use than as it was dedicated to him- perhaps that he might rest there when on a journey, as Elias said to the other priests. I had all these houses demolished, so that not one remained. I also found in some little hamlets of the Pintados a small house at the entrance of the village with only the roof and ground floor, which served as a place where sacrifices are performed. But, after all, it was not the general practice to have any common place of worship, as did the ancient Pagans, or to come together to any one place for solemn rites, or to have public and general sacrifices offered in the name of the community. Individuals, however, made offerings, each one for his own intention or need, and in his own house or other private place; but they chose jointly their own priest, male or female (of whom there were many), according to their own devotion and taste. In Mindanao, I saw many houses furnished on the outside with small platforms made not unskillfully, of cane, and on these stood some little wooden idols very poorly carved; and in front of the idols was an earthen pot containing some hot coals and a little of some disagreeable aromatic, which must have been a sacrifice to the idols. But although those people had no temples, they had, in the second place, priests and priestesses, whom the Tagalogs call Catolonan, and the Bisayans Babailan. They vied with each who could best contrive with the Devil (who deceived them) to take advantage of the blindness of the people, to deceive them by a thousand frauds and artifices. These priests practice many deceptions upon those blinded infidels--especially in cases of sickness with which the latter are afflicted, which so oppress them that they seek at once a remedy, and whoever gives or promises it to them they revere and worship, and give him their all. Indeed there are some of these priests who have a special compact with the Devil, who lends them signal aid and assistance, Almighty God permitting this for his own hidden purposes. The Devil communicates with them through their idols or anitos, playing the role of the dead man whom they are adoring; and often he enters into the person of the priest himself, for the short space of the sacrifice, and makes him say and do things which overwhelm and terrify the onlookers. "The Creation of the World," a Bicol Origin Myth As an oral tradition, the last reading of the chapter is different from the first four because it is a myth from the natives themselves. As stated by Damiana Eugenio in the first book of the voluminous Philippine Folk Literature Series (1981), "myths are the prose narratives which, in the society which they are told, are considered to be truthful accounts of what happened in the remote past." She added that these myths are the story of mankind and other creatures and their relationship with nature and the deities. Thus, it is significant to include such literature in this textbook to grasp other forms of sources as well as points of view. The following account is the creation myth of the Bicolanos as told by Rosario Bonto, documented in the book Ethnography of the Bicol People. Primary Source Thousands and thousands of years ago, there was a time when the space occupied by the universe was vacant. The moon, the sun, the stars, and the earth wore conspicuous by their absence. Only the vast expanse of water and the sky above it could be soon. The kingdom of the sky was under the rule of the great god Languit, while the water was under the sovereignty of the god Tubigan. Languit had daughter called Dagat, the sea, who became the wife of Paros, the wind, who was the son of Tubigan. Four children were born to Dagat and Paros, three of whom were boys called Daga, Aldao, and Bulan, and one girl called Bitoon. Daga, a strong man, possessed a body of rock; Aldao, a jolly fellow, had a body of gold; Bulan, a copper-made man, was a weakling; while the beautiful Bitoon was made of pure silver. After the death of their father Paros, Daga, being the eldest son, succeeded in control of the winds. Soon after, Dagat, the mother died, leaving her children under the care of the grandparents Languit and Tubigan. After assuming control of the winds, Daga became arrogant and ambitious, desiring to gain more power, so he induced his younger brothers to attack the kingdom of Languit. At first they refused; at Daga's anger, Bulan and Aldao were constrained to join him in his plot. Preparations were made and when everything was ready, they set out on their expedition and began to attack the gates of the sky. Failing to open the gates, Daga let loose the winds in all directions so that the gate was destroyed and the brothers succeeded in gaining entrance. But they were met by the enraged Languit who set out three bolts of lightning after them. All of them were struck by lightning. The copper body of Bulan melted into a ball; so also was the golden body of Aldao. Daga's body fell into the sea and became what is now the earth. Their sister Bitoon, on discovering the absence of her brothers, went out to look for them. But upon meeting the enraged god Languit, Bitoon was also struck by another bolt of lightning which broke her body into many pieces. Then Languit descended from the sky and called Tubigan and accused him of helping their grandsons in their attack on his kingdom. But Tubigan defended himself saying he had no knowledge about the attack for he was asleep far down into the sea. Tubigan succeeded in pacifying Languit and the two regretted and wept over the loss of their grandchildren. Since they could not revive them, they gave each body a light. Tubigan then planted a seed which grew into a bamboo tree. From one of its branches came a man and a woman, who became the first parents of the human race. Three children were born to them. One called Maisog invented a fish trap. One day he caught such a very big and grotesque looking whale that he thought it was a god, so he ordered his people to worship it. The people gathered around and began to pray; but no sooner they had begun, when gods from the sky appeared and commanded Maisog to throw the whale to the water and worship no one but the gods. But Maisog was not afraid and defied the gods. Languit, the king of the sky, struck Maisog with lightning and stunned him. Then he scattered the people over the earth as a punishment. In this way the earth was peopled. Maisog's body was blackened by the lightning and all his descendants are black. But Maisog's son was carried to the north and became the parent of the white people. His other children were brought to the south where the sun was hot and it scorched their bodies so that all their people were of brown color. The other people were carried to the east where they had to feed on clay due to scarcity of food. Because of this diet, their descendants were of yellow color. In this way the earth came into being. Source: Ethnography of the Bicol People, Vol II CHAPTER 3 – EARLY PHILIPPINE SOCIETY AND CULTURE Before the advent of Spanish colonization, the barangay was the primary political, economic, and sociocultural institution in the Philippines. Among other factors, the archipelagic nature of our country allowed these localized, independent, and decentralized communities to exist. A barangay can be composed of 30-100 families living in a not well-defined, but customarily agreed territory. A barangay can also form an alliance with other barangays to become powerful and prosperous. This can be achieved through marriage and blood compact. Meanwhile, the baranganic society can be divided into three socioeconomic classes. First is the ruling class or nobility. They are known as maginoo in Tagalog and kadatoan in Visayan. Second are the commoners or freemen. They formed the majority of the people in the barangay. They are known as maharlika in Tagalog and timawa in Visayan. Last are the slaves. The slavery system in the Philippines was different from other societies since "slaves" were not considered property but a person becomes one through debt bondage, raids and wars, and punishment for a crime. While there are distinctions and differences in these social classes, social mobility was possible in this kind of society. Members of the barangay, particularly the commoners, can even transfer to other barangay if they are against rule of the datu, the highest official of the barangay. As the most powerful person in the barangay, the datu must be from the ruling class because wealth, power, and influence were needed to maintain such position. With help of the elders and other lesser officials, the datu governs the barangay as its primary maker, executor, and adjudicator of laws. He was also responsible in providing protection for the barangay in times of raids and wars as the leader of the bagani, the warriors of the community. While the previous chapter talks about early Filipino beliefs, this chapter would focus on culture and society of these Filipinos to familiarize students of history to different cultural and social patterns such as social stratification, marriage customs, slavery, clothing and ornaments, and even food and dainties of the barangay. This chapter would also dispel the colonial idea of 'uncivilized' Filipinos. Through the discussion and analysis of primary sources coming from the religious and the laity, the students will discover the rich, complex, and unique traditions and customs of early Filipinos. Excerpt from Labor Evangelica: Of the Government and Political Customs of these Peoples, by Francisco Colin, S.J. The first document of this chapter is written by Francisco Colin (1592-1660), one of the most prominent Jesuit missionary and historian of the early colonial period. In his posthumously-published work Labor Evangelica (1663), Colin discusses the customs and traditions of the natives of the Philippines as well as people from other parts of Southeast Asia such as Sumatra and Moluccas. He also studied the local languages which was instrumental in the understanding of early Filipino culture and society. Colin's Labor Evangelica was considered an attempt to expand Chirino's Relacion thereby becoming Jesuit's "official" account in their mission in the Philippines. Colin was a contemporary of other prominent Jesuit writers such as Francisco Combes (1620- 1665) and Francisco Ignacio Alcina (1610-1674). In his Labor Evangelica, the most studied groups are the Tagalogs and the Visayans wherein Colin discussed at length their physical appearance, clothing, marriage, eating patterns, songs and dances, and even their bathing habits. However, the excerpt below would focus on the social structure, government and political customs of these two groups of early Filipinos. Primary Source There were no kings or rulers worthy of mention, throughout this archipelago; but there were many chiefs who dominated others less powerful. As there were many without much power, there was no security from the continual wars that were waged between them. Manila had two chiefs, uncle and nephew, who had equal power and authority. They were at war with another chief, who was chief alone; and he was so near that they were separated from one another by nothing more than a not very wide river. The same conditions ruled in all the rest of the island, and of even the whole archipelago, until the entrance of the faith, when they were given peace-which they now esteem much more than all that they then obtained from those petty wars and their depredations. They were divided into barangays, as Roma into districts, and our cities into parishes or collations. They are called barangays, which is the name of a boat, preserving the name from the boat in which they came to settle these islands. Since they came subject to one leader in their barangay, who acted as their captain or pilot-who was accompanied by his children, relatives, friends, and comrades-after landing, they kept in company under that leader, who is the dato. Seizing the lands, they began to cultivate them and to make use of them. They seized as much of the sea and near-by rivers as they could preserve and defend from any other barangay, or from many barangays, according as they had settled near or far from others. Although on all occasions some barangays aided and protected others, yet the slave or even the timaua or freemen could not pass from one barangay to another, especially a married man or a married woman, without paying a certain quantity of gold, and giving a public feast to his whole barangay; where this was not done, it was an occasion for war between the two barangays. If a man of one barangay happened to marry a woman of another, the children had to be divided between the barangays, in the same manner as the slaves. Their laws and policy, which were not very barbarous for barbarians, consisted wholly of traditions and customs, observed with so great exactness that it was not considered possible to break them in any circumstance One was the respect of parents and elders, carried to so great a degree that not even the name of one's father could pass the lips, in the same way as the Hebrews [regarded] the name of God. The individuals, even the children, must follow the general (custom) There were other laws also. For the determination of their suits, both civil and criminal, there was no other judge than the said chief, with the assistance of some old men of the same barangay. With them the suit was determined in the following form They had the opponents summoned, and endeavored to have them come to an agreement. But if they would not agree, then an oath was administered to each one, to the effect that he would abide by what was determined and done. Then they called for witnesses, and examined summarily. If the proof was equal [on both sides), the difference was split but, if it were unequal, the sentence was given in favor of the one who conquered If the one who was defeated resisted, the judge made himself a party to the cause, and all of them at once attacked with the armed hand the one defeated, and execution to the required amount was levied upon him. The judge received the larger share of this amount, and some was paid to the witnesses of the one who won the suit, while the poor litigant received the least. In criminal causes there were wide distinctions made because of the rank of the murderer and the slain, and if the latter were a chief all his kinsmen went to hunt for the murderer and his relatives, and both sides engaged in war, until mediators undertook to declare the quantity of gold due for that murder, in accordance with the appraisals which the old men said ought to be paid according to their custom. One half of that amount belonged to the chiefs, and the other half was divided among the wife, children, and relatives of the deceased. The penalty of death was never imposed by process of law, except when the murderer and his victim were common men and had no gold to satisfy the murder. In such a case, if the man's dato or maginoo (for these are one and the same) did not kill him, the other chiefs did, spearing him after lashing him to a stake. There are three kinds and classes of people: the chiefs, whom the Visayans call dato and the Tagalogs maginoo, the timauas, who are the ordinary common people, called maharlica among the Tagalogs, and the slaves, called oripuen by the Visayans and alipin by the Tagalogs. The last are divided into several kinds, as we shall relate soon. The chiefs attain that position generally through their blood; or, if not that, because of their energy and strength. For even though one may be of low extraction, if he is seen to be careful, and if he gains some wealth by his industry and schemes-whether by farming and stock-raising, or by trading; or by any of the trades among them, such as smith, jeweler, or carpenter; or by robbery and tyranny, which was the most usual method in that way he gains authority and reputation, and increases it the more he practices tyranny and violence. With these beginnings, he takes the name of dato; and others, whether his relatives or not, come to him, and add credit and esteem to him, and make him a leader. Thus there is no superior who gives him authority or title, beyond his own efforts and power. Consequently, might was proclaimed as right, and he who robbed most and tyrannized most was the most powerful. If his children continued those tyrannies, they conserved that grandeur. If on the contrary, they were men of little ability, who allowed themselves to be subjugated, or were reduced either by misfortunes and disastrous happenings, or by sicknesses and losses, they lost their grandeur with their possessions, as is customary throughout the world; and the fact that they had honored parents or relatives was of no avail to them, or is of no avail to them now. In this way it has happened that the father might be a chief, and the son or brother a slave-and worse, even a slave to his own brother. Excerpt from Relacion de las Islas Filipinas by Miguel de Loarca As discussed in the previous chapter, Miguel de Loarca was one of the first conquistadores to arrive in the Philippines wherein he observed the traditions of the natives before they were converted to Catholic faith. As a loyal Spanish military officer, Loarca also became one of the earliest encomenderos in the country when Miguel Lopez de Legazpi granted him lands in Panay Island particularly in Oton. During his stay in the Visayas, Loarca widely observed and studied the Visayan customs, traditions, and languages. Thus, it is not surprising when Governor-General Ronquillo requested him to write an account of the colony to be sent to King Philip II. This led to the birth of Relacion de las Islas Filipinas (1582). In his Relacion, Loarca documented the native cultural traditions of the early Filipinos. As one of the earliest accounts of the islands, Relacion became the foundation and basis of some succeeding accounts in the early colonial period. His work might be similar to other accounts of the late 16th century but the advantage of this pioneering narrative is its non-religious perspective which was quite different from its contemporaries. This excerpt from Relacion's ninth chapter would talk about the 'laws of slavery' in the Visayas. Primary Source Laws of slavery. No Indian in this country is made a slave or is put to death for any crime which he commits, even if it be theft, adultery, or murder-except that for each crime there is an established fine, which they have to pay in jewels or gold, and if the culprit is unable to pay the fine he will borrow the money, and pledge himself to the man from whom he borrows. As a result he becomes a slave, until he shall repay what was lent to him; after that, he is free again. Therefore, according to the crime committed, they are slaves; and there are three classes of slaves in these islands. The first, and the most thoroughly enslaved, is the bondman of him who is served in his own dwelling; such a slave they call ayuey. These slaves work three days for the master, and one for themselves. Another class of slaves are those called tumaranpoc. They live in their own houses, and are obliged to go to work for their master one day out of four, having the three days for themselves. If they fail to work for their master, in order to cultivate their own fields, they give the master each year ten chicubites of rice, each chicubite being equal to one fanega. There are other slaves, whom these people hold in most respect, who are called tomatabans, these work in the house of the master only when there is some banquet or revel. On such occasions they bring small gifts, and share in the drinking. But when one of these slaves dies, the property left by the slave is shared with his children by the master. During their lifetime, these slaves are bound to work for their master five days in a month; or, if they do not work, they annually give the master five chicubites of rice.  Value of the slave: The ayueys are worth among these people two gold taes of Labin sian, the equivalent of twelve pesos. The tumaranpoques are worth the same sum. The tumatabans are worth one tae, or six pesos. The ayuey women, like their husbands, work in the houses of chiefs. The tumaranpoque women, if they have children, serve half of the month in spinning and weaving cotton, which their masters supply: and during the other half of the month they work for themselves. The tumataban women spin only one hank of cotton each month for their masters, who furnish to them the cotton in the boll. Only the ayueys receive food and clothing from their masters; to the others the masters give nothing. When these slaves die, the masters take away all their property, except from the tomatabans, as we have said above. Those whom these natives have sold as slaves to the Spaniards are mostly the ayueys The rules which they observe for punishing any one so severely as to enslave him are as follows: for murder, adultery, and theft, and for insulting any woman of rank, or taking away her robe in public and leaving her naked, or causing her to flee or defend herself so that it falls off, which is considered a great offense Thieves If a thief commits a great robbery, he and all his relatives (or at least his nearest kin) are fined. If they are unable to pay the fine, they are made slaves. This law applies to all classes, and even to the chiefs themselves; accordingly, if a chief commit any crime, even against one of his own slaves or timauas, he is fined in the same manner. But they are not reduced to slavery for lack of means to pay the fine, as, if they were not chiefs, they would be slaves. In case of a small theft, the punishment falls upon the thief alone, and not on his relatives. In time of famine. When there is a famine, the poor who have not the means of sustenance, in order not to perish, go to the rich and almost always they seek their relatives and surrender themselves to them as slaves in order to be fed. Excerpts from Cronicas by Juan Francisco de San Antonio Juan Francisco de San Antonio is a missionary of the Franciscan order. Coming from the order of zealous and influential missionaries such Juan de Plasencia and Pedro de San Buenaventura, San Antonio's account of early Filipino customs is deserving of its place in the Franciscan's (1738-44) rich contributions to early Filipino historiography. His Cronicas or Philippine Chronicles is a comprehensive study of the early Filipinos as well as the Chinese and the Japanese in the Philippines during the early colonial period. He also discusses some parts of Mindanao and even other parts of Southeast Asia. He gives a detailed discussion of early Filipino beliefs like his predecessors but San Antonio gives a more detailed account on superstitious beliefs and omens. San Antonio also speculates on the origins of the early Filipino people but none of those were well-founded. The native languages, clothing, ornaments, and physical features of the Filipinos were also thoroughly tackled in Cronicas. However, the focus of this excerpt is the Visayans marriage custom. In the account below, San Antonio thoroughly discussed, not just the marriage rituals and ceremonies of the Visayans, but also their dowry system. Primary Source It was not usual for them to have more than one own wife, and one own husband; but those who were chiefs and wealthy were allowed to have some slaves as concubines, especially if their own wives did not prove fruitful. Only among the Visayans did the first religious ministers of the gospel find established the custom of one man having many legitimate wives, and that of large dowries, which was no small obstruction to the planting of the gospel. The general rule was for each man to have one legitimate wife; and they tried to obtain one who was of their own family, and even very closely related to them, barring out the first degree, for that was always a direct impediment to their marriage. Their marriages were not indissoluble, as are those of Christians. For if the consorts returned the dowry, one to the other, the one at fault to the one without blame, that was sufficient for repudiation; and they could marry others, unless the couple had children, in which case all the dowry was given to these. If profits had been made with the lapse of time, while they had lived together, those profits were divided between them both, if the gains were in common but if they wore the secret gains of one of them, then that one kept them. The dowry, which is called bigaycaya, was always given by the man (and it is even yet given), the parents of the girl determining the sum beforehand, at the time when they discussed the marriage. The parents of the bride received that dowry, and neither the bride nor her parents contributed any fund. The dowry was set according to the rank of the contracting parties; and if, perchance, the parents of the bride asked more than the ordinary sum, they were under obligations to bestow some gift to the married couple to suit the occasion as, for instance, a couple of slaves, some small gold jewel, or a bit of cleared land-for cultivation, as I have seen practiced even yet, and which they called pasondr. In this bigaycaya was included what they called panhimuyat, which was the sum that had to be paid to the mother of the bride in return for her care and labor in the rearing and education of her daughter. In it was also included the pasoso, or the sum that was to be paid to the chichiva, or nurse, who had reared her. At present, if perhaps there is no bigaycaya in any marriage, for any reason, they never fail to collect these revenues from the groom, upon which there is generally a suit. This dowry or bigaycaya was and is given before the marriage with all the solemnity that they can muster up, amid a great concourse of maguinoos, relatives, and friends of the lovers. The latter are given the crosses on the money to kiss, which is counted and exhibited in public, in confirmation of the pact; and then the marriage is immediately celebrated with feasting and rejoicing. The employment of this bigaycaya is not the same in all the villages. In some it is all converted into the property of the parents of the bride, by way of trade, they selling their daughter (as do those of Mesopotamia) for a reasonable price. If the men do not possess the wherewithal with which to buy them promptly, innumerable sins follow and the two live in improper relations, even to the knowledge of the parents themselves-the young man serving as a servant in the houses of the latter to do their will, but in the capacity of a son, as far as familiarity and permission for evil are concerned. Many efforts are employed to extirpate this diabolical abuse, but it still costs great toil. Under the title of catipados (thus they call those who are engaged for marriage) are some concubinages legitimate for all time, for which the bigaycaya is not necessary. Having given up the bigaycaya, the poor couple is left destitute, for the parents of the bride take charge of everything. That money is better used in some villages; for it serves to provide all kinds of clothes for the bride, and for one-half the expenses of the wedding (which are generally very great), and the parochial fees of the marriage, so that scarcely any is left for the parents of the couple. This is the practice that I have seen observed where I have been. These and other ogalis (which are customs) can only have their origin in the past, and come from father to son, and even there is variety in them, according to their distinct origins. [...]  The dowry was never returned to the one who gave it, unless the son-in-law were so obedient to his parents-in-law that he should win their affection, in which case they returned him the dowry, at the death of any one; but this was rather a matter of charity than of obligation, as all confess. If the woman who was to be married was alone, and had neither parents nor grandparents, she herself and no other received the dowry. At present, the greed of the Indians must be greater; for this poor lone woman is never without either the chichiva who gave her the breast, who will not be left without her payment, or uncle, aunt, or other relative in whose care she has been because of the loss of her legitimate parents. And since the above consider themselves as her parents in this matter (the pinaca ama, as the Indians call it) they take upon themselves the place of her parents, and get all the money, just as if they were the true parents Philippine Society and Culture All the relatives and friends who go to weddings were also wont to take each some little present. These gifts were set down very carefully and accurately, in an account, noting whatever each one gave. For il Pedro So-and-so gave two reals at this wedding, two reals were also given to him if he had another wedding in his house. All this money is spent, either in paying, if anything is due for the wedding, or as an aid in the expenses. Or if the parents of both the young couple are niggardly, they divide it and keep it. If they are generous, they use it in the pamamuhay, or furnishing of the house of the couple. Consequently, there is no regular custom in this. The nearest relatives give the couple a jewel as a mark of affection, but do not give money. These jewels belong to the bride, and to no one else. Three days before the wedding all the relatives of both parties assemble at the house where it is to be celebrated, to make the palapala, which is a sort of bower, by which they make the house larger so that all the guests may be accommodated easily. They spend three days in making this. The next three days are those customary to the wedding and its feast. Consequently, there are six days of expense, of racket, of reveling, of dancing and singing, until they fall asleep with fatigue and repletion, all helter- skelter without any distinction. Often from this perverse river the devil in turn gets his little harvest-- now in quarrels and mishaps which have happened, and now in other more common sins; the greatest vigilance of the father ministers is insufficient to stop these wrongs, and there are no human forces (although there ought to be) which can banish these pernicious ogalis. In the olden days they employed certain ridiculous ceremonies, which had but little decency attending the intercourse of the couple upon the night of the wedding, customs which have now been totally uprooted. The least indecent was the coming of the catalona or babaylan to celebrate the espousals. They brought a hog for this purpose, and with it and on it performed their rites as in other sacrifices. The young couple seated themselves on their bridal bed, in the laps of certain old women who played the part of godmothers of the espousal. These women fed the young couple with their own hands from one dish, and they both drank from one vessel. The groom said that he loved the bride, and she that she loved the groom. Thereupon the shouts of joy broke out, and cries, and there was singing and dancing and drinking. Then the catalona arose with great gravity, and so many were the blessings that she showered down upon the young couple that, according to some that I have heard among these natives, they would exceed without any doubt the flatteries of our gypsy men and women, when they tell the fortune of one who has given them a large reward. Excerpt from the Boxer Codex The Boxer Codex is a comprehensive account of the Philippines and other parts of Asia-Pacific in the late sixteenth century. Prominently acquired by the British scholar Charles R. Boxer in 1947, the manuscript was then translated by the National Artist Carlos Quirino, and scholars Ma. Luisa Garcia and Mauro Garcia. Anonymously- authored, this work is a significant source of early Filipino belief systems, customs, and tradition. More importantly, the detailed and colored illustrations found in this manuscript set this codex apart from other contemporary accounts which makes it highly important to Philippine historiography. The original manuscript of the Boxer Codex is presently housed by Indiana University in their Lilly Library, one of the largest rare book and manuscript libraries in the United States. The excerpt below is from the fourth chapter of the codex titled "Customs, Ceremonial Usages, and Rites of the Bisayans" wherein the focus is on the tattooing and clothing traditions of the Visayans. Primary Source The Bisayans are accustomed to paint their bodies with some very elegant tattoos. They do this with iron or brass rods, the points of which are heated on a fire. They have artisans who are adept at this. They do this with such order, symmetry, and coordination that they elicit admiration from those who see them. These are done in the manner of illuminations, painting all parts of the body, such as the chest, the stomach, legs, arms, shoulders, hands, muscles, and among some, the posteriors. The women paint only the hands very elegantly. To the men, these paintings serve as clothing, and thus they look alright although they usually go around naked, and wear nothing on the body except a cotton cloth two fathoms long or a bit longer, and three-fourths of a fathom wide, which with a few polished turns, they wrap around the waist and between the legs so as to cover their private parts and posteriors, leaving the rest of the body naked. This cloth they call in their tongue bahaque, and with this and the paintings on their bodies, they look well as if they were dressed very elegantly. They have another type of clothing, which consists of cotton blankets that they make into morning wear. These are closed at the front. The men carry on their heads some very fine multi-colored head-scarfs which they wear as some sort of Turkish turban. They call these in their language purones, and they certainly are nice-looking and elegant. The young men wear them very finely with many inserts of strips of gold. The garments and dresses of Bisayan women consist of some blankets with diverse colored stripes: made of cotton, and others are made from a plant they have; some wear plain tafetta and damask that come from China. These are made as follows: a blanket is sewn in such a way it becomes like a big sack of wheat with two openings; the head is placed through one of opening, folding it down to the waist with both openings of the blanket falling below; a slipknot with the same blanket is made above the waist by grasping it since it is very wide to be able to make the knot, it then hugs the body, with the knot to one side, very elegantly done, and now it appears as if they were wearing a dress with two skirts. One side is longer than the other because of the fold they make, and they appear in this fashion I have described. With this they wear a pezuelo, a chemise with half sleeves that reach the elbows, although some wear them with full sleeves. They are close fitting, without collars, and are low-necked or low-cut and are fastened at the front with braids or cords of silk. Many wear a lot of gold jewelry that they use as fasteners and small golden chains, which they use as best as they can. They do not wear any kind of blouse, nor have they become used to it, because all they wear is next to the skin, the waist and the stomach, together with the legs, are uncovered to palm length. When they go out, they bring a shawl- like wrap made of white cotton, some of colored tafetta. When the women leave their homes to visit others, they walk very slowly, making a thousand movements with their body, with one sleeved arm upraised, because they consider it fashionable to do so. The men likewise do so, and if belonging to the principalia, the women wear crowns and garlands on their heads made of tinsel imported from China, and sometimes when they do not have these, they wear garlands made of roses and flowers from the fields. Excerpt from Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas by Antonio de Morga  Antonio de Morga's massive Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609) was one of the most important account of the Philippines in the early colonial period. This account was made possible because of Morga's access to government documents as a member of the Royal Audiencia. Thus, it is not surprising that numerous aspects of the cultural traditions of early Filipinos were documented in the Sucesos. However, as stated in the last chapter, some of Morga's statements were prominently annotated by Rizal in 1889. Some of the annotations focused on the early Filipino warring traditions and advancement in weaponry, native boatbuilding tradition, tattooing, adornments, weaving, and gastronomy. One of the more famous of Rizal's annotation was regarding the eating of bagoong or fish paste by the Filipinos. Morga stated in Sucesos that Filipinos were fond of eating decayed fish. Rizal, however, correctly argued that when it comes to food, people are easily repulsed with what they are not used to eat especially if it comes from foreign countries. Rizal added that this kind of prejudice is common among all nations even in Europe. The excerpt below is quite related from the example above because it would also discuss an old- age delicacy. While the account of Morga in the second chapter talks about the pagan religion of the early Filipinos, this account would discuss a seemingly irrelevant and outdated parcel of our gastronomic culture; the nganga or betel chew. Presently, the people from the Cordillera and other parts of Mindanao are just some of the few groups in the Philippines who chose to still chew nganga but as one might infer from the excerpt, the dying tradition was very much alive and important in the lives of the people in the pre-colonial and colonial periods. Primary Source The ordinary dainty throughout these islands, and in many kingdoms of the mainland of those more buyo [betel]. This is made from a tree, whose leaf is shaped like that of the mulberry. The fruit resembles an oak acorn, and is white inside. This fruit, which is called bonga, is cut lengthwise in strips, and eac strip is put into an envelope or covering made from the leaf. With the bonga is thrown in a powder quick lime. This compound is placed in the mouth and chewed, It is so strong a mixture, and burns s much, that it induces sleep and intoxication. It burns the mouths of those not used to it, and causes them to smart. The saliva and all the mouth are made as red as blood. It does not taste bad After having been chewed for a considerable time it is spit out, when it no longer has any juice, which is called capa (sapa). They consider very beneficial that quantity of the juice which has gone into the stomach for strengthening it, and for various diseases. It strengthens and preserves the teeth and gums from all inflammations, decay, and aches. They tell other wonderful effects of it. What has been seen is that the natives and Spaniards-laymen and religious, men and women-use it so commonly and generally that mornings and afternoons, at parties and visits, and even alone in their houses, all their refreshments and luxuries consist of buyos served on heavily-gilded and handsomely adormed plates and trays like chocolate in Nueva Espana. In these poison has been often administered from which the persons eating them have died, and that quite commonly The natives (especially the chiefs) take whenever they leave their houses, for show and entertainment, their boxes of buyos-which they call buccetas-ready to use, and the leat, bonga, and quick lime, separately. With these handsome boxes, which are made of metal and of other materials they carry the scissors and other tools for making the buyo with cleanliness and neatness Wherever they may stop, they make and use their buyo. In the parians, or bazars, buyos are sold ready made, and the outfit for making them.  CHAPTER 4 – THE PHILIPPINE BECOMES A SPANISH COLONY During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, Europe saw an age of exploration and expansion brought about by various factors. First, there was the economic motive of finding a direct access to the profitable Oriental trade of luxury goods such as silk and spices. After the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Turks in 1453, commercial routes to the East fell under the control of Muslim traders who, along with the Italian city-state of Venice, monopolized the supply of highly prized Oriental products to Europe. Attempts were made by European monarchs and merchants to break the monopoly by sending voyages of exploration to discover alternative routes to the East. Second, scientific and technological progress specifically in shipbuilding, cartography, and navigational instruments significantly contributed to the success of the exploratory expeditions. This trend was exemplified by the efforts of the Portuguese Prince Henry who established a navigational school that gathered together scholars and sailors from all over the Mediterranean. Third, the quest to explore unknown and distant lands also involved the religious mission of spreading the Christian faith. Spain and Portugal maintained an anti- Muslim attitude emanating from the recent Reconquista of the Iberian Peninsula against the Muslim Moors and a religious zeal to convert the peoples of Asia and Africa. Portugal and Spain initially led the navigational race to the East. Portuguese sailors explored the coast of the African continent and in 1498, Vasco da Gama successfully reached India by rounding the Cape of Good Hope and sailing to the Indian Ocean. The port of Malacca, an important Southeast Asian entrepot, was captured by the Portuguese in 1511. Meanwhile, the Italian sailor Christopher Columbus was able to convince the Spanish crown that he can reach the East through a Western route. In this attempt, he unsuspectingly reached the enormous American continent. These expeditions inevitably led to the acquisition of colonial territories and the founding of new settlements. Spain was able to build a vast empire over the American continent after having defeated the native Aztecs and Mayas. In 1519, the Portuguese sailor by the name of Ferdinand Magellan would try to fulfill Columbus' promise of reaching the East by sailing West. He would anchor on Philippine shores on the other side of the globe two years later; thus, marking the beginning of Spanish presence and influence on the archipelago.  The Philippines was part of the Spanish empire for more than three centuries. During this long period, native societies (especially in Luzon and Visayas) underwent a great transformation; the islands were named Las Phelipinas by Spanish voyagers; the population was organized into pueblos or towns; pagan practices were suppressed and Catholic Christianity was introduced; and a central government was established in the colonial capital of Manila. This chapter goes back to the beginning of Spanish conquest and colonization of the Philippine archipelago by presenting and analyzing primary sources. Excerpts from First Voyage Around the World by Antonio Pigafetta Ferdinand Magellan was a Portuguese sailor who defected to Spain after his services to the Portuguese crown were not properly recognized. He had seen action in the far East when he participated in the capture of Malacca by the Portuguese forces in 1511. Turning to Spain, he managed to persuade King Charles V to furnish him with men and ships for an expedition that would discover a Western route to the East, a feat he would successfully accomplish. This would pave the way for Spanish intrusion into East Asia (primarily China) and the Pacific and the colonization of the archipelago. The chronicle of the famed expedition was aptly entitled First Voyage Around the World; its author was the Italian Antonio Pigafetta who took part in the said expedition. The ambitious expedition led by Magellan was composed of a fleet of five ships and around 250 men who were mostly Castillians. They started off from San Lucar, Spain, navigated through a strait located at the tip of the South American continent, and crossed the vast expanse of the Pacific Ocean. On March 16, 1521, after almost two years of hardship at sea, they saw the island of Samar in the eastern part of the country. They named the newly discovered territory Archipelago de San Lazaro because it was the feast day of the saint. Primary Source At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen, 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leagues from the islands of Ladroni-an island named Zanal [i.e., Samar]... On Monday afternoon, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men in it. Therefore, the captain-general ordered that no one should move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing and so they all came. The captain-general, seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set forth before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine, and other things When they saw the captain's courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine which they call uraca (Le arrack], figs more than one palm long [i.e., bananas], and others which were smaller and more delicate and two cocoanuts.... Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was called Zuuan and it is not very large. We took great pleasure with them, for they were very pleasant and conversable, In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold and all things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship. They made signs to us that the abovesaid articles grew in that place where we were going... The island where we were is called Humunu, (now Homonhon) but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., "the Watering-place of good Signs"], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts... There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazarus.  Magellan also met some local chiefs with whom he had a cordial relationship. Afterwards, on Easter Sunday, the first recorded mass in Philippine history, was held in a small island called "Mazaua." Interpretations of Pigafetta's account have differed as to the place of the first mass; whether it was the small island of Limasawa, south of Leyte or Butuan in northern Mindanao. However, scholars have presented evidences which tended to favor Limasawa over Butuan. Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine), and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from waist to knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold. He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan. When those kings wished to see one another, they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raja Siaui. Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said; together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had killed. When the hour for mass arrived, we landed with about Bity men, without body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes. Before alreached the shore with our boat, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We landed; the taro kings embraced the captain-general, and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water. During the mass we made our offerings. The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer thr sacrifice. When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshipped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion. The expedition then proceeded to the port of Cebu. There they met Cebu's ruler. Raja Humabon, whom Magellan was able to convince to become a vassal of the King and a servant of Christ. Magellan, however, gets embroiled in a conflict between the two chiefs of Mactan. Zula and Lapu-lapu-which was eventually followed by a battle. On Friday April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan, sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief, Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spain. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night so that they might help him fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty balanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight them, but sent a message to the natives by the Muslim to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded. They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. [They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came, forty- nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight. The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about half an hour, but uselessly, for the shots only passes through the shields which were made of thin wood, and the arms [of the bearers] The captain cried to them, "Cease firing! Cease firing!" but his order was not heeded at all. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they [were] determined to stand firm, and redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with their shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain- general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that, the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore, always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firm like a good knight, together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass, which resembled a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true