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1111 2 1 Introduction: what do we 3 41 mean by development? 5 6 7 8 Definitions of development 91 Measuring development 10 Colonialism 1 Development actors 2 Post-development 31 4 5 6 7 8111...

1111 2 1 Introduction: what do we 3 41 mean by development? 5 6 7 8 Definitions of development 91 Measuring development 10 Colonialism 1 Development actors 2 Post-development 31 4 5 6 7 8111 In September 2000 the United Nations agreed to adopt a number of 9 ‘Millennium Development Goals’ (see Box 1.1). Such clearly stated 20 goals could suggest that defining ‘development’ is easy and that what 1 is important is the end point to which a society gets, not how those 2 goals are achieved. 3 4 5 Box 1.1 6 7 8 Millennium Development Goals 9 While these goals were adopted by the UN in 2000, they were the outcome 30 of international conferences throughout the 1990s. There are eight goals, but 1 for each goal there are a number of targets and indicators. The eight goals 2 are: 3 1 eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; 4 2 achieve universal primary education; 51 3 promote gender equality and empower women; 6 4 reduce child mortality; 7 5 improve maternal health; 8 6 combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; 9 7 ensure environmental sustainability; 40 8 develop a global partnership for development. 1 4211 2 Introduction The targets are much more specific and include: 1 between 1990 and 2015, halve the proportion of people whose income is less than US$1 a day; 2 reduce by two-thirds, between 1990 and 2015, the maternal mortality rate; 3 have, by 2015, begun to reduce the incidence of malaria and other major diseases; 4 halve, by 2015, the proportion of people without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation. Source: adapted from Development Goals (2003) In this book we will be considering theories about development and how these theories inform policy formulation and practices to achieve development goals. However, before we embark on this journey, we need to consider what ‘development’ means. Despite the very bold statement about ‘development targets’, this chapter will highlight the contested nature of the term ‘development’. In particular, we will look at how ‘development’ has been defined, who has defined ‘development’ and at what scale ‘development’ has been examined. Modernity For many people, ideas of development are linked to concepts of modernity. ‘Modernity’ in its broadest sense means the condition of being modern, new or up-to-date, so ‘the idea of “modernity” situates people in time’ (Ogborn 1999: 153). Because of social, economic, political and cultural dynamism, what is ‘modern’ will change over time and also spatially. What is ‘modern’ in one place may be ‘old-fashioned’ elsewhere. However, more specifically, ‘modernity’ has been used as a term to describe particular forms of economy and society based on the experiences of Western Europe. In economic terms, ‘modernity’ encompasses industrialization, urbanization and the increased use of technology within all sectors of the economy. This application of technology and scientific principles is also reflected within social and cultural spheres. What has been termed the ‘Enlightenment’ period in Western Europe in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, involved the growing importance of  Introduction 3 1111 rational and scientific approaches to understanding the world and 2 progress. This was contrasted with previous understandings that 3 were often rooted in religious explanations (Power 2003: 72–6). 41 Approaches to medicine, the legal and political systems and 5 economic development were all affected by this shift in 6 perspective. 7 The spatial and temporal context of these ideas about modernity is 8 important in this understanding of what ‘modern’ was, but as we 91 shall see throughout the book, these ideas were taken out of their 10 context and spread throughout the world (Larrain 1999). For some, 1 this diffusion of modernity is interpreted as ‘development’ and 2 ‘progress’, while for others it is associated with the eradication of 31 cultural practices, the destruction of natural environments and a 4 decline in the quality of life. All these themes, and others, will be 5 considered in the following chapters. 6 7 8111 Development as an economic process 9 20 People defining development as ‘modernity’, look at development 1 largely in economic terms. This conception of development 2 underpins much of the work of international organizations such as 3 the World Bank, and also many national governments in both the 4 Global North and Global South. The World Bank, for example, 5 uses Gross National Product per capita (GNP p.c.) to divide the 6 countries of the world into development categories. Low-income 7 countries are defined as those with a GNP p.c. figure in 2001 of 8 US$745 or less, lower-middle-income countries have US$746–2,975, 9 upper-middle-income countries US$2,976–9,205 and high-income 30 countries are those with GNP p.c. of US$9,206 or more (World 1 Bank 2003b: 243) (Figure 1.1). GNP is a purely economically-based 2 measure (Box 1.2). Because countries vary so greatly in 3 population, the total GNP figure is divided by the number of people 4 in the country, giving a per capita (p.c.) figure to indicate economic 51 wealth. The use of a wealth measure to represent development is 6 regarded as appropriate because it is assumed that with greater 7 wealth comes other benefits such as improved health, education 8 and quality of life. 9 40 1 4211  Income aggregates High Medium Low No Data Figure 1.1 World Bank income classifications, 2002. Source: based on data from UNDP (2003)  Introduction 5 1111 2 Box 1.2 3 41 Calculations of GDP and GNP 5 Gross Domestic Product (GDP) This measures the value of all goods and 6 services produced within a particular country. It does not matter whether the 7 individuals or companies profiting from this production are national or 8 foreign. 91 10 Gross National Product (GNP) This measures the value of all goods and 1 services claimed by residents of a particular country regardless of where the production took place. It is, therefore, GDP plus the income accruing from 2 abroad (such as repatriation of profits) minus the income claimed by people 31 overseas. 4 5 Gross National Income (GNI) This is an alternative name for GNP. The 6 World Bank now refers to GNI rather than GNP in its annual World 7 Development Report. 8111 9 20 1 Human development 2 3 The GNP p.c. indicator is still widely used, but this has increasingly 4 been in conjunction with other broader indicators of ‘development’ 5 which have highlighted non-economic dimensions of the concept. 6 The most frequently used of these is the Human Development Index 7 (HDI) which was devised by the United Nations Development 8 Programme (UNDP) in late 1980s. While the measure still has an 9 economic aspect, there are other indicators of development relating 30 to well-being (Box 1.3). Since 1990, the UNDP has published the 1 Human Development Report every year. The HDI is used to divide 2 the world’s countries into those with high, middle and low human 3 development (Figure 1.2). 4 If you compare Figures 1.1 and 1.2 you can see that there are 51 great similarities in the patterns. The countries of Western Europe, 6 the USA and Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand all rank 7 highly on both GNP p.c. and HDI figures. Similarly, most countries 8 of Sub-Saharan Africa are categorized as having low incomes and 9 low HDI. Does this mean that there is no real reason to use the 40 more complex HDI measure if GNP p.c. seems to present us with 1 the same results? There are a number of reasons why this may not 4211 be appropriate. First, there is not complete overlap. For example,  Human development High Medium Low No Data Figure 1.2 Human Development Indicators, 2002. Source: based on data from UNDP (2003)  Introduction 7 1111 2 Box 1.3 3 41 Human Development Index 5 In the late 1980s increased awareness that the commonly-used economic 6 measures of development were far too limited, led the United Nations 7 Development Programme (UNDP) to devise the Human Development Index 8 (HDI). This measure incorporates three dimensions of development in 91 relation to human well-being: a long and healthy life, education and 10 knowledge, and a decent standard of living. The UNDP selected four 1 quantitative indicators to measure these dimensions. 2 31 A decent A long and 4 DIMENSION healthy life Knowledge standard of living 5 6 7 Gross Enrolment 8111 INDICATOR Life expectancy at birth Adult Literacy rate (% aged 15 and over) Ratio (GER) (% in primary, secondary and GDP per capita tertiary education) 9 20 1 2 Adult literacy GER index index 3 4 5 6 A long and A decent DIMENSION Knowledge standard of 7 INDEX healthy life living 8 9 30 Human Development Index (HDI) 1 2 3 Calculation of the HDI 4 51 The indicators then have to be converted to an index from 0 to 1 to allow for 6 equal weighting between each of the three dimensions. Once an index value 7 has been calculated for each dimension, they are averaged and the final 8 figure is the HDI. The higher the value the higher the level of human 9 development. 40 Source: adapted from UNDP (2002: 252–3) 1 4211 8 Introduction while Chile and Argentina are classified as ‘medium-income countries’, their HDI scores put them in the category of ‘high human development’. Using World Bank income figures, India is a ‘low-income country’, but UNDP figures place India in the ‘medium human development’ grouping. In addition to the lack of complete overlap, by using the HDI you are asserting that ‘development’ is more than just economic progress measured at a national scale. For some, however, this discussion of appropriate measures of national status are unimportant, because they feel that such measures do not consider inequalities in either spatial terms (see below) or in social terms. It also does not encompass what the vast majority of the people feel development is, or how they would like their lives to change (if at all) (Friedmann 1992b). The importance of scale Development can be considered at a number of scales. These go from the individual, the local community, the regional, the national and the global (among others). How development is defined may differ by scale and, in addition, the approaches to development may be similarly scale dependent as we shall see in the next section. Inequalities can be revealed if you look at particular spatial scales. For example, if we consider national level development figures we get no idea of whether there are differences between regions within the country. As we shall see throughout the book, spatial inequalities are a key factor in any discussion of development. Some forms of development may lead to increasing inequalities between places, while other development approaches may explicitly attempt to reduce spatial inequalities. At the sub-national scale, it is also important to recognize distributional issues. The Gini Coefficient is a measure of inequality (see Box 1.4). At a national level, while income per capita levels and HDI may be ‘satisfactory’ according to international norms, it is important to recognise that not everyone in the country will have access to that level of income or standard of living (see Table 1.1). As this table shows, these issues of inequality are as important in the Global North as in the Global South – high levels of economic development do not necessarily mean great equality (see Box 1.5). In  Introduction 9 1111 addition, experiences of marginalization, poverty and disadvantage 2 are not restricted to certain parts of the world (Jones 2000). 3 A key sub-national pattern of spatial inequality is between rural 41 and urban areas. If we consider indicators of economic and social 5 well-being, there seems to be a clear trend of rural–urban 6 inequality with rural populations generally being worse off than 7 their urban counterparts (Table 1.2). However, such distinctions 8 must be treated with caution (Wratten 1995). First, poverty 91 10 1 2 Box 1.4 31 4 5 Gini coefficient and Gini index 6 Both of these are measures of inequality and are named after the Italian 7 statistician who formulated the coefficient in 1912. They measure either 8111 income inequality or inequalities in consumption between individuals, 9 households or groups. 20 Gini coefficient This measure varies from 0, which means perfect equality, 1 to 1 which represents perfect inequality. Thus, the nearer the coefficient is to 2 0 the more equal the income distribution. Countries with a Gini coefficient 3 of between 0.50 and 0.70 could be described as having highly unequal 4 income distributions, while those with Gini coefficients of 0.20 to 0.35 have 5 relatively equitable distributions. 6 Gini Index This measure, used by the UNDP ranges from 0 to 100. A 7 figure of 0 means perfect equality and 100 means perfect inequality. 8 Source: adapted from Todaro (2000); UNDP (2002) 9 30 1 2 Box 1.5 3 4 51 Inequality in the USA 6 With a GNP p.c. figure of US$34,870 in 2001, the USA is among the five 7 richest nations in the world. However, these average national figures hide 8 massive inequalities in income and very different life experiences. With a 9 Gini index of 40.8, it is clear that not all Americans have an equal share of 40 the nation’s riches. According to the US Census Bureau, in 1973 the top 20 1 per cent of earners in the US had 44 per cent of the total income. By 2000 4211 this had increased to 50 per cent. Figures for all wealth, not just income, 10 Introduction show a similar pattern of inequality, with the wealthiest 1 per cent of households controlling 38 per cent of the national wealth, while the bottom 80 per cent of households only controlled 17 per cent. This economic inequality is also apparent in social indicators. Amartya Sen in his book Development as Freedom (1999), argues that comparing some groups within the US to societies in the Global South demonstrates that Americans can be in a worse position than their counterparts in poorer countries. While African-Americans in the USA earn far more than people born in China or Kerala (SW India), they have a lower chance of reaching advanced ages. Sen also uses the results of medical research by McCord and Freeman (1990) to state ‘Bangladeshi men have a better chance of living to ages beyond forty years than African-American men from the Harlem district of the prosperous city of New York’ (1999: 23). Sources: adapted from The Economist (2003b); Sen (1999); UNDP (2002); World Bank (2003b) Table 1.1 Measures of income inequality HDI ranking Survey year Richest 10% to Gini index 2003 poorest 10% United States 7 1997 16.6 40.8 Japan 9 1993 4.5 24.8 United Kingdom 13 1995 12.3 36.8 Poland 35 1998 7.8 31.6 Brazil 65 1998 65.8 60.7 Philippines 85 2000 16.5 46.1 China 104 1998 12.7 40.3 India 127 1997 9.5 37.8 Pakistan 144 1998–9 7.6 33.0 Nigeria 152 1996–7 24.9 50.6 Tanzania 160 1993 10.8 38.2 Ethiopia 169 2000 59.7 57.2 Source: adapted from UNDP (2003: Table 13, pp. 194–7) indicators are notoriously problematic. For example, in a rural area, monetary income may be lower than in the towns and cities, but the cost of living is lower and the availability of food from subsistence farming may help save on food costs. Second, the distinctions between rural and urban areas are never as distinct as  Introduction 11 1111 Table 1.2 Rural–urban differences in access to safe drinking water, 2000 2 Population with access to safe 3 drinking water (%) 41 5 Rural Urban 6 Developing Countries 69 92 7 Least developed Countries 55 82 8 Arab States 76 94 91 E. Asia and Pacific 67 93 10 L. America and Caribbean 65 94 1 S. Asia 81 95 2 Sub-Saharan Africa 44 83 31 Central and Eastern Europe and CIS 82 99 4 Middle income 70 95 5 Low income 69 90 6 7 World 71 95 8111 Source: adapted from UNDP (2003: 227, 253) 9 20 1 statistics may imply. In most parts of the world, the linkages between 2 rural and urban areas are multiple, with significant seasonal 3 migration flows between the countryside and the city, for example 4 (Parnwell 1993). As cities have grown, the role of the peri-urban 5 area has also become more important. Finally, it must be 6 remembered, that in some regions of the Global South, particularly 7 Latin America, the population is predominantly urban (Figure 1.3). 8 Thus, while poverty levels may be higher in rural areas, poverty is 9 increasingly an urban phenomenon because the majority of the 30 population is urban. 1 2 As will be discussed in much more detail in Chapter 5, inequalities 3 are not just experienced in spatial terms, social inequalities are also 4 very important. Throughout the world women as a group have 51 tended to be excluded from many of the benefits which 6 development of certain forms brings (Momsen 2004). Particular 7 ethnic groups in regional or national contexts may also be 8 deprived of opportunities, or may be denied decision-making 9 power in the framing of development projects. This can lead to 40 destructions of cultural practices and institutions, as well as a 1 decline in self-respect and self-esteem. How to deal with social 4211 diversity is a key theme in development thought; not only in trying 12 Introduction OECD L. America and Caribbean C. and E. Europe and CIS Arab States E. Asia and Pacific Sub-Saharan Africa S. Asia 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 Urban population 2001 (%) Figure 1.3 Urbanization levels by region, 2001. Source: based on data from UNDP (2003: 253) to implement development practice, but in actually defining what is meant by ‘development’. Measuring ‘development’ It is not only defining ‘development’ which is contested, the way that development, regardless of definition is measured is also problematic. Of course, this assumes that ‘development’ is something which needs to be measured or assessed. For various actors in development (see pp. 24–6) measuring development could be important. For example, policy-makers may want to find out what the social development position (as defined by the policy-makers) of a population is in order to inform policy formulation. Governments or international agencies may want to assess the impact of a particular development initiative and therefore want to have measurements from both before and after the project. Finally, campaigning organizations seeking to improve living conditions for marginalized groups, may want information about the nature of marginalization.  Introduction 13 1111 Measuring ‘development’ requires proxy measures to be agreed. For 2 example, in the case of the World Bank focus on economic 3 development, the indicator used is GNP per capita. This has now 41 been widely adopted as an appropriate measure of economic 5 development, but other indicators or proxies could be used, such as 6 the contribution of non-agricultural activities to GDP. In the case of 7 the HDI, the UNDP decided that its understanding of human 8 development including three main features: health, education and 91 economic status. To measure each of these the UNDP needed to 10 choose indicators (Box 1.3). This choice of indicators is certainly not 1 straightforward. For example, Hicks and Streeten (1979) discuss the 2 issues around trying to find proxy measures for ‘basic needs’ (see 31 Chapter 4). While there may be agreement on what ‘basic needs’ are, 4 including adequate shelter, food, clothing and employment, it is 5 much more difficult to work out how these elements are to be 6 measured. 7 Another problem with measuring development is comparability. This 8111 can be over time, or between different countries. Collecting large 9 amounts of information, for example through national censuses, 20 requires significant resources in terms of trained personnel and 1 technology for analysing the results. These are clearly not equally 2 available to all national governments (Bulmer and Warwick 1993). 3 In addition, data collection can be disrupted by political unrest or 4 war, and some communities or groups may be excluded from 5 surveys and other studies because they are socially, economically 6 or geographically marginal (Chambers 1997). 7 8 Finally, development measures are nearly always quantitative, i.e. 9 they can be expressed in numerical form. This focus is understandable 30 given the need to make comparisons across time and space, and also 1 to deal with large amounts of information. However, by focusing on 2 quantitative measurement, the subjective qualitative dimensions of 3 development are excluded. This means excluding the feelings, 4 experiences and opinions of individuals and groups. This approach 51 also tends to reinforce outsiders’ ideas about ‘development’, 6 rather than what local people think ‘development’ is, or should 7 be (Chapter 4). 8 A good example of this debate is the definition of ‘poverty’ 9 (McIlwaine 2002; White 2002). The Millennium Development Goals 40 have poverty reduction at their core. The definition of poverty used 1 in these targets is an economic one and the measurement used is a 4211 poverty line. People living on less than one US$1 per day are defined 14 Introduction as being in ‘extreme poverty’ and less than US$2 per day are in ‘poverty’. It is against these targets that progress in meeting the Millennium Development Goals is assessed. However, this economic view of poverty is very limited and assumes a clear relationship between income poverty and other measures of disadvantage. Because of this, the UNDP has devised the Human Poverty Index (HPI). There are two slightly different measures; HPI-2 for 17 Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries (Northern countries) and HPI-1 for 88 developing countries, but both encompass indicators of health, education and standard of living (Table 1.3). These measures of poverty tend to be applied at a national scale. These indices of poverty still exclude any qualitative examination of experiences of poverty. McIlwaine (2002: 82) uses quotations to exemplify how poverty can be experienced and understood in different ways: ‘For me, being poor is having to wear trousers that are too big for me.’ (José, 8 years old, Guatemala City) ‘Poverty makes my children get sick and they get worse because we’re too poor to buy medicines.’ (Antonia, 30 years old, Guatemala) ‘It’s poverty that makes me drink until I fall over, and drinking until I fall over makes me poor.’ (Eduardo, 35 years old, Guatemala) Table 1.3 Human Poverty Index Dimension Measure HPI-1 (for developing countries) Long and healthy life Probability at birth of not surviving to age 40 Knowledge Adult literacy rate Decent standard of living % population without access to treated water supplies % children under five who are underweight HPI–2 (for OECD countries) Long and healthy life Probability at birth of not surviving to age 60 Knowledge % adults (aged 16–65) lacking functional literacy skills Decent standard of living % people living below half the median disposable household income Social exclusion Rate of long-term (over 12 months) unemployment Source: adapted from UNDP (2002: 254)  Introduction 15 1111 The qualitative examination of poverty puts the experiences of the 2 people directly affected at the heart of the study. For some 3 approaches to development this people-centred approach is key (see 41 Chapter 4) and represents a move away from national-level 5 considerations. Although the World Bank usually uses quantitative 6 measures of development, in preparation for the 2000/2001 World 7 Development Report which was on ‘Attacking Poverty’, it 8 commissioned a large study entitled ‘Voices of Poor’ which 91 attempted to examine the experiences of poverty throughout the 10 world (Parnwell 2003). While the information gathered in this study 1 was incorporated into the 2000/2001 World Development Report, 2 there seems to have been retreat back to quantitative measures since 31 then (Williams and McIlwaine 2003). This discussion of poverty 4 measurements shows how even the most ‘basic’ of ‘development’ 5 measures is difficult to assess. 6 7 8111 9 Terminology 20 1 The UNDP categorization of countries as having ‘high’, ‘middle’ or 2 ‘low’ levels of human development based on HDI and the World 3 Bank use of GNP per capita to place countries into one of four 4 classes, are two examples of how the world can be divided up 5 according to levels of ‘development’. There are, however, many 6 other forms of classification and a range of terms to describe groups 7 of countries. Rather than merely being a debate about terminology 8 which has no bearing on real life issues, it is important to realize that 9 the way that different parts of the world are described can tell us a 30 great deal about who has the power to decide what should be valued 1 and what denigrated. 2 3 In this book I will generally use the terms ‘Global North’ or ‘North’ 4 to describe the countries of Europe, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, 51 USA and Canada, and the ‘Global South’ or ‘South’ to describe the 6 remaining countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean 7 and the Pacific. While there are clearly problems with using these 8 terms, not least the fact that not all ‘Northern’ countries are north of 9 the equator and not all ‘Southern’ ones south of the equator, I prefer 40 to use these terms rather than other common distinctions discussed 1 below. In addition, the North/South distinction was used by the 4211 Brandt Commission in its report on the nature of global 16 Introduction interdependence (Brandt Commission 1980). The Commission, also known as the Independent Commission on International Development Issues, was set up in 1977 to consider issues of global inequality and poverty. It was chaired by the ex-Chancellor of West Germany, Willy Brandt. The term ‘Third World’ has often been used to refer to the nations of Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. It was originally used to describe those countries which were part of the non-aligned movement, i.e. they did not officially support either the capitalist USA or the communist USSR during the cold war, instead preferring a ‘third way’. Under this interpretation the ‘First World’ consisted of the industrialized capitalist nations of Western Europe, the USA, Canada, Japan, New Zealand and Australia, while the ‘Second World’ was the communist bloc of the USSR and Eastern Europe. However, despite not originally having a sense of hierarchy, the idea of ‘First’, ‘Second’ and ‘Third’ was often interpreted as meaning the countries in the ‘Third World’ were in third place. The collapse of the ‘Second World’ in the late 1980s/early 1990s, with the transition from state-socialism, has meant that the basis for the distinction has been removed (see Chapter 3) (Friedmann 1992b). Another popular form of constructing categories is the ‘developed’/‘developing’ binary. This was felt to be better than distinguishing between ‘developed’ and ‘undeveloped’, as the latter phase implied being unable to escape from the condition of lack of development, rather than the more positive sentiment which ‘developing’ suggests. However, for some theorists (such as Frank 1967) the concept of being ‘fixed’ or unable to escape from a position of disadvantage because of global inequalities means that the term ‘undeveloped’ or ‘underdeveloped’ is crucial (see Chapter 3). In both ‘developed’/‘developing’ and ‘developed’/ ‘undeveloped’ the first term remains the same and seems to imply that ‘development’ is an end point, i.e. once you reach a certain standard of living or economic position then you are ‘developed’. Again, such notions are important in some theorizing (such as modernization approaches discussed in Chapter 2). However, this fails to recognize the dynamism of all societies and the continued desire by populations for improvements (not necessarily in material goods). It also fails to consider the experiences of social exclusion that are found within supposedly ‘developed’ countries or regions (Jones 2000).  Introduction 17 1111 The terms ‘More Economically Developed Countries’ (MEDCs) and 2 ‘Less Economically Developed Countries’ (LEDCs) have also gained 3 in popularity. The explicit reference to economic development does 41 not assume that development is automatically economic, or that 5 economic development is necessarily associated with other forms of 6 development. While this specificity is welcome, the emphasis on the 7 economic, rather than other possible dimensions of development, 8 could be regarded as implying that economic factors are the most 91 important aspects of ‘development’. As with all the categories used, 10 where the boundary between groupings is placed is highly 1 contentious. 2 Finally, some political activists working for greater global justice, 31 refer to Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean as the 4 ‘Majority World’ and the rest of the world as the ‘Minority World’. 5 The New Internationalist magazine uses this terminology, for 6 example, to stress the fact that in population terms, the majority of 7 the world’s population (just over 79 per cent in 2001 according to 8111 UNDP 2003: 253) lives in the nations of what I have termed the 9 ‘South’. This is an important point to make, as it stresses the 20 Eurocentric assumptions which underlie many terms used. 1 2 The concept of ‘Eurocentrism’ will be important throughout the 3 discussions of development theories. It refers to the assumption that 4 European or Western ideas are the only ideas or approaches that are 5 important. In some cases, this is because the theorist does not see 6 that their approach is very context specific and that in fact there 7 could be other interpretations, but in many other cases the 8 Eurocentrism is based on ideas of Western/Northern superiority. Of 9 course the concept of ‘Eurocentrism’ is also based on the assumption 30 that the ‘North’ is homogenous. This is clearly not true given the 1 range of nations making up the ‘North’, but also because of 2 distinctions based on gender, ethnicity, class and many other social 3 characteristics. Eurocentrism implies having power over knowledge, 4 and because of this is regarded as reflecting existing class, gender 51 and ethnic power relations such that the opinions of ‘White’, 6 middle-class or elite men in the North are privileged. 7 It is not only terminology which can reveal biases and assumptions, 8 maps are also important bearers of ideas because they are 9 representations of the world. Because we all have different views of 40 the world, how we choose to present our world in a map can reveal a 1 great deal about our own particular biases (Woods 1994). A map 4211 projection is a way of portraying a three-dimensional globe on a flat 18 Introduction piece of paper. Eurocentric maps, such as those drawn using the Mercator projection, place Europe at the centre of the map and represent the continents in the same shapes as they are in reality (Figure 1.4). However, because the Earth is a sphere this leads to the land masses nearer the poles appearing much larger relative to other continents nearer the equator. The Peters projection is an attempt to challenge this Eurocentric image. The Peters projection is an equal area projection, meaning that the land area represented on the map is correct in relation to other land areas. This means that Africa, Asia and Latin America are much more significant in the Peters projection, reflecting their importance in area terms in reality (Figure 1.5). Because of this, the Peters projection has often been used in development education schemes to try and counter Eurocentric bias (Vujakovic 1989). The Peters projection has, however, been criticized for making the continents appear long and thin, very unlike their shapes on the globe. In this book the world maps are drawn using the Eckert IV projection. This is an equal area projection which tries to minimize distortions to the shapes of the continents. Colonialism At the start of the twenty-first century there are very few colonies left in the world following widespread decolonization processes after the Second World War. Despite this, any consideration of development theories and practices needs to include a discussion of the importance and nature of colonialism. Before elaborating on these reasons, a definition of ‘colonialism’ is needed. Bernstein (2000: 242) defines colonialism as ‘the political control of peoples and territories by foreign states, whether accompanied by significant permanent settlement... or not’. This political control represents global power differentials and is associated with dominance in other spheres such as the economy and cultural practices. Three main reasons for discussing colonialism in the context of development theory can be identified. First, from the middle of the sixteenth century onwards, European colonialism created more and more linkages between different parts of the world. As we shall see throughout the remainder of the book, interactions at a global scale and the bonds between different regions and countries are referred to in a range of ways in a number of development theories. While the linkages between different parts of the world cannot be solely attributed to the operation of colonialism, it was a key element in  Introduction 19 1111 Figure 1.4 Mercator projection. 2 3 41 5 6 7 8 91 10 1 2 31 4 5 6 7 8111 9 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 Figure 1.5 Peters projection. 51 6 developing the basis for what we now call ‘globalization’ (see 7 Chapter 7). 8 9 A second important reason for considering colonialism in a book on 40 development theories is the nature of power relations embedded in 1 colonial processes. The expansion of European political, economic 4211 and social control over other parts of the world represented the 20 Introduction Plate 1.1 The Dutch Church, Melaka, Malaysia. greater power held by these nations (see pp. 21–3). In some development theories, these power inequalities between North and South help explain differential development experiences, and also continue to limit the autonomy of Southern countries and peoples to determine their own futures through processes of what has been termed ‘neo-colonialism’. This term is used to describe global relationships which reflect the dominance of the North over the South, despite legal independence. It is used, for example, in relation to the influence of transnational corporations (TNCs) over the economies of the South, or the ability of Northern governments to intervene in Southern governments’ decision-making through the workings of multilateral organizations such as the World Bank (see Chapter 2). Finally, the colonial experience varied across the world, depending on the colonial power, pre-existing social, economic and political structures in the colony, and the timing of the colonial encounter (Bernstein 2000). Whatever the experience, it is clear that colonialism changed the social structures, political and economic systems, and cultural norms in many places. The legacy of these changes continued into independence. While colonialism is usually considered to be a European-led phenomenon, the dominance of some societies over others dates from before European excursions into Asia, Africa, Latin America  Introduction 21 1111 and the Caribbean. For example, the Aztec and Inca empires in 2 Latin America were able to dominate other groups and territories 3 and use them for resources. Similarly the Mogul empire 41 (1526–1761) in what is now north-west India was built on the 5 gathering of tribute and taxes from peasants (Bujra 2000). 6 Throughout Africa there were significant empires, such as the 7 empire of the Kush in the Nile Valley and a number of Islamic 8 empires in West Africa (Stock 1995). The expansion of Western 91 European influence had, however, much more widespread and 10 long-standing effects. 1 The first main period of European colonial expansion was led by 2 the Spanish and Portuguese in Latin America and the Caribbean 31 following Columbus’ arrival in the Americas in 1492. In the 4 eighteenth century, Spanish influence also extended northwards to 5 what are now the southern states of the USA. During the sixteenth 6 and seventeenth centuries, the Spanish and Portuguese used what 7 they called the ‘New World’ as a source of raw materials, silver in 8111 particular. There was some settlement, but overall the colonial 9 project of both these nations was focused on mercantile activities 20 (trade). 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 40 1 4211 Plate 1.2 Teotihuacán, Mexico. 22 Introduction Plate 1.3 Spanish mission church, San Juan Bautista, California. In the latter part of the seventeenth century, the Dutch and British came to the fore. While they did have some activities in Latin America and the Caribbean, much of their activity was focused in North America and South and East Asia. While the importance of trade for these colonial endeavours was still high, in particular tobacco from North America and spices and silks from Asia, as manufacturing became more important in Britain, the provision of raw materials for these industries took on more significance. Imports of cotton from North America were transported to the burgeoning textile factories of Northern England, and tobacco and sugar were also processed. The slave trade was key in the expansion of cotton, tobacco and sugar production as slaves were the mainstay of the plantation workforce. Within Sub-Saharan Africa, European enclaves were found along the western coast where slave trading took place. For example, the British had bases in Gambia, Sierra Leone, and the French in Senegal. Europeans (British, Dutch, French and Germans) settled in South Africa in 1652 in what is now Cape Town (Stock 1995). This period of colonialism also differed from the earlier  Introduction 23 1111 Spanish and Portuguese phase because there was greater settlement 2 by Europeans and the colonies became important markets for 3 European manufactured goods (Bernstein 2000). 41 5 As industrial expansion took hold in Europe in the eighteenth and 6 nineteenth centuries, colonies became increasingly important as 7 sources of raw materials and markets (see Chapter 3 for a discussion 8 of Marxist interpretations of colonialism at this time). Spain and 91 Portugal were losing their positions as key colonial powers and at 10 the start of the nineteenth century wars of independence broke out 1 in much of Latin America, leading to independence for many of 2 the Latin American nations in the 1820s. Meanwhile, British and 31 French colonies in South and East Asia continued to thrive. Within 4 what became South Africa, the Cape was annexed by the British in 5 1795. This prompted what was known as the ‘Great Trek’ in the 6 1830s and 1840s when thousands of Boers (Dutch White settlers 7 and descendents) moved north and established the Boer republics 8111 of Transvaal and Orange Free State (Stock 1995). European 9 colonization of most of the African continent only really took place 20 in the latter parts of the nineteenth century during what became 1 known as the ‘scramble for Africa’. At the Berlin Conference 2 1884–5, the European powers divided up the continent, agreeing that 3 if countries could demonstrate ‘effective control’, then they could 4 legally claim that territory (Stock 1995). Britain and France were 5 again the key players, but Belgium, Portugal and Germany also 6 gained territories. 7 8 Following the Second World War, the pressure for decolonization in 9 Africa, Asia and the Caribbean increased for a number of reasons. 30 The war had caused major economic problems in Western Europe. 1 The two main colonial powers, France and Britain, had to turn to the 2 USA for assistance (see Chapter 2). In addition, the new global 3 super-powers the USA and Soviet Union (USSR) both advocated 4 decolonization, not least because it would provide new opportunities 51 for the spread of their own influences. These factors external to 6 the colonies were complemented by the increasing calls for 7 independence from the populations of the colonies themselves. 8 Changing economic processes and the growing power of multi- 9 national corporations (MNCs) also helped. Direct political control 40 was no longer necessary for goods to be traded between countries 1 (Potter et al. 2004). The combination of these factors led to a 4211 gradual process of decolonization. 24 Introduction Despite the achievement of political independence, the autonomy of the newly-independent states was certainly not achieved. Economic linkages, in particular, continued to keep the ex-colonies in a subservient or dependent position (see Chapter 3). It can also be argued that this process of neo-colonialism also extends to the continued representation of ‘Western’ or ‘Northern’ ways of doing things as ‘better’. This is a key concern of many development theories outlined in the book and also the concept of ‘post- development’, which is discussed at the end of this chapter. The drawing together of different parts of the world through the political and economic processes associated with colonialism was just the start of the flows of ideas, commodities and people across the globe. This increasing interconnectedness is now referred to as ‘globalization’ (Chapter 7). However, just as during the colonial period certain countries and peoples were able to dominate others, so globalization reflects continuing power inequalities. Globalization is not experienced the same way by all the world’s peoples. For example, certain parts of the world are more ‘connected’ to other regions than others. Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, is markedly less connected to other regions through trade, investment flows and telecommunications (Dicken 2003). This, some have argued (see Chapter 7), leaves the region unable to benefit from foreign investment and industrialization which are associated with economic globalization. The relative lack of connectedness in this sense, does not mean that the governments of Sub-Saharan Africa are necessarily able to adopt the development policies they feel are appropriate for their peoples. The importance of global institutions such as the World Bank (Chapter 2) and Northern governments, especially the United States, influences decisions at a national level. The colonial period may be over in formal political terms, but the inequalities in power and influence remain. Actors in development A key theme of this book is to understand how different definitions of, and approaches to, ‘development’ are linked to particular policy approaches. While the academic debates about ‘development’ are fascinating, it is particularly important to consider how these debates link to actual policies ‘on the ground’ which affect millions of people throughout the world.  Introduction 25 1111 The variety of approaches involves a range of actors, with shifting 2 emphases being placed on these actors depending on the approach 3 adopted. The degree of agency which these actors are perceived to 41 have will also be affected by a particular interpretation of power 5 distributions. Having agency implies that an individual or group is 6 able to make decisions and do things based on their own choices. 7 The other extreme, having no agency, means that there is no free will 8 and individual behaviour is controlled by other actors. 91 There are a range of actors involved in development (Table 1.4). 10 They vary from individuals to large-scale global organizations such 1 2 31 Table 1.4 Actors in development 4 5 Actor Activities 6 Individual Depending on income, class, gender, ethnicity, age and 7 other social variables can have a great deal of choice and 8111 influence, or be left with very little agency 9 Household Group of people who live together and share expenses; not 20 always members of the same family; can operate as a unit 1 to ensure that all household members have their basic 2 needs met 3 Community Group of people with shared interests in some senses; 4 usually based on shared residential location, e.g. a village 5 or urban district, but can also refer to a community based 6 on shared social identity 7 Government Operates at a range of scales from local and municipal 8 government to national government; important in setting 9 economic framework; can be interventionist, or can play a 30 regulatory role in development 1 Non-Governmental Organizations which are neither run by the state nor are they 2 Organizations (NGOs) profit-making companies; can help local communities set 3 up projects to provide services, create income-generating 4 opportunities, or improve social relations; can be very 51 small-scale organizations, or very large global 6 organizations such as Oxfam or Médecins Sans Frontières 7 Private companies Representatives of the market; can be very small 8 businesses or global corporations Multilateral organizations Can set global agenda for economic policies; promote 9 global peace; important sources of aid and technical 40 assistance. Examples: International Monetary Fund, United 1 Nations, World Bank 4211 26 Introduction as the United Nations. The scale differences are apparent, but it is important not to assume that there is an increase in influence as the scale increases. For example, individuals can be incredibly influential on a large scale because of their political or economic position, but individuals can also have very little influence even within their own households. The President of the United States of America and a woman farmer on the slopes of Mount Kilimanjaro in Tanzania are both individuals, but their ability to influence events and their life choices are very different in scope. Approaches to development While one of the aims of this book is to highlight the complexities of the debates about ‘development’, as a starting point it is useful to have some basic framework within which to locate our discussions. Table 1.5 provides a chronology of ‘development’ approaches and understandings. The point of this table is not to suggest that theories of development have evolved in a unilinear way with no contestation or conflict. Instead, as the following chapters will demonstrate, numerous ideas about ‘development’ can co-exist, although some theories will be adopted more widely, partly because they are advocated or supported by more powerful actors. The table only covers development theories in the period after the Second World War. This is not because there were no ideas about social and economic development before then, but because in the 1940s and 1950s there was increasing international discussion about how ‘development’, particularly in the Global South, was to take place. International organizations were set up to try and achieve ‘development’ and a number of strategies were adopted. As you will see, many of the ideas about development in the second half of the twentieth century and the start of the twenty-first had their roots in theorizing in the nineteenth century and earlier. One feature of the chronological approach which should be highlighted is the concept of an ‘impasse’ in development theory (Schuurman 1993). In the 1980s, this idea of an impasse became increasingly common. In the 1960s and 1970s the contrasting approaches of modernization theories and dependency theories represented differing perspectives on development. However, the global economic problems of the 1980s and the awareness that in many senses existing ‘development’ theories had not been translated  Introduction 27 1111 Table 1.5 Main approaches to development, 1950s onwards 2 Decade Main development approaches 3 41 1950s Modernization theories: all countries should follow the European model 5 Structuralist theories: Southern countries needed to limit 6 interaction with the global economy to allow for domestic 7 economic growth 8 1960s Modernization theories 91 Dependency theories: Southern countries poor because of 10 exploitation by Northern countries 1 1970s Dependency theories 2 Basic needs approaches: focus of government and aid policies should be on providing for the basic needs of the world’s poorest people 31 Neo-Malthusian theories: need to control economic growth, 4 resource use and population growth to avoid economic and 5 ecological disaster 6 Women and development: recognition of the ways in which 7 development has differential effects on women and men 8111 1980s Neo-liberalism: focus on the market. Governments should retreat 9 from direct involvement in economic activities 20 Grassroots approaches: importance of considering local context 1 and indigenous knowledge 2 Sustainable development: need to balance needs of current 3 generation against environmental and other concerns of future 4 populations 5 Gender and development: greater awareness of the ways in 6 which gender is implicated in development 7 1990s Neo-liberalism 8 Post-development: ideas about ‘development’ represent a form 9 of colonialism and Eurocentrism. Should be challenged from the 30 grassroots 1 Sustainable development 2 Culture and development: increased awareness of how different 3 social and cultural groups affected by development processes 4 2000s Neo-liberalism: increased engagement with concepts of 51 globalization 6 Sustainable development 7 Post-development Grassroots approaches 8 9 40 1 4211 28 Introduction into practical success, led theorists to stop and think about what development was and how it could be achieved. While neo-liberal thinking now dominates development policy-making (see Chapter 2), the post-1980s period has been associated with a recognition of much greater diversity within conceptions of development. This has included greater awareness of environmental concerns, gender equity and grassroots approaches. All these will be discussed in later chapters. Post-development? Alongside the debates about how ‘development’ can be achieved, since the 1990s, the concept of ‘post-development’ has come to the fore. One of the most well-known proponents of this approach is Arturo Escobar, who uses the case study of Colombia to discuss the development process. By ‘development’ he means the highly technocratic approach adopted by the World Bank, US government and other Northern institutions in the post-Second World War period (discussed in Chapter 2). His argument is that before ‘outsiders’ came into Colombia, there was no such thing as ‘poverty’ and therefore no need for ‘development’. While most people had what would be defined as low life expectancies, many children lacked access to formal education and houses lacked water and electricity, these factors were not usually regarded as problems. Escobar argues that by imposing external norms and expectations on Colombian society and economy, the country was interpreted as ‘lacking development’. This lack could only be addressed by adopting Northern forms of ‘development’; hence numerous types of intervention in the form of aid and technical assistance (Chapter 2). What Escobar and other post-developmentalists (see Rahnema with Bawtree 1997; Sachs 1992) argue, is that the development process as it has been experienced by Southern countries is based on Eurocentric assumptions. ‘Development’ has helped incorporate large areas of the globe into a Northern-dominated economic and political system which has destroyed indigenous cultures, threatened the sustainability of natural environments and has created feelings of inferiority among people of the South (Box 1.6). Post-development theorists stress the importance of the discourse of development. This refers to the way that ‘development’ is defined and discussed. Rather than being neutral, these theorists argue that understandings of  Introduction 29 1111 ‘development’ reflect prevailing power relations and enable some 2 ideas of ‘development’ to be presented as ‘correct’, while others are 3 dismissed. These ideas of post-development will be referred to 41 throughout the book. 5 6 7 8 Box 1.6 91 10 Nanda Shrestha’s perspectives on development 1 in Nepal 2 Nanda Shrestha is now an Associate Professor in the School of Business and 31 Industry at the Florida A&M University, but he grew up in the 1940s and 4 1950s in Pokhara in Central Nepal. His family survived by cultivating 5 non-irrigated crops for subsistence and selling millet liquor. Hunger was 6 common and their small house let the rain in. According to present-day 7 assessments, his family and the wider community would certainly be 8111 classified as very poor and disadvantaged. 9 However, for Shrestha, the perception of their situation was very different: 20 1 To my innocent mind, poverty looked natural, something that nobody 2 could do anything about. I accepted poverty as a matter of fate... I had 3 no idea that poverty was largely a social creation, not a bad karmic product. Despite all this, it never seemed threatening or dehumanizing. 4 So, poor and hungry I certainly was. But underdeveloped? I never 5 thought – nor did anybody else – that being poor meant being 6 ‘underdeveloped’ and lacking human dignity. True, there is no comfort 7 and glory in poverty, but the whole concept of development (or 8 underdevelopment) was totally alien to me. 9 (1995: 268) 30 1 In 1951, after a change of ruler in Nepal, western-funded development 2 projects were introduced. The concept of development in Nepali is bikas. 3 Shrestha describes how people were ‘seduced’ by this concept and saw 4 everything that was associated with bikas as being good and of value, and 51 everything else which was associated with existing ways of life as being inferior. This included forms of traditional medicine, manual labour, 6 language and education. Bikas was regarded as desirable because it bought 7 paved roads, school buildings and technology, even though hunger persisted 8 and self-reliance and autonomy declined. Shrestha interprets this process as a 9 form of colonialism, where European and American ideas and cultures are 40 presented as being superior to indigenous ways of living. 1 Source: adapted from Shrestha (1995) 4211 30 Introduction Summary Development is a highly-contested concept. Multilateral agencies often use economic measures such as GNP per capita to assess development. National-level measures hide important spatial and social inequalities. Despite widespread decolonization, it is important to consider the role of colonialism in understanding development today. Development as a process is not confined to Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean. Development can be understood as a Eurocentric idea which has been forced on the rest of the world. Discussion questions 1 Outline the major patterns of Human Development Indicator scores and suggest reasons for the differences between global regions. 2 In a post-colonial world, why is it important to consider colonialism in the context of development? 3 How do definitions of development vary according to scale? 4 What are the advantages and disadvantages of using quantitative measures of development? 5 Should we worry about the terminology we use to describe regions of the world? Further reading Esteva, G. ‘Development’ in W. Sachs (ed.) (1992) The Development Dictionary: A Guide to Knowledge as Power, London: Zed Books. An impassioned critique of ‘development’ as it has been defined in the twentieth century by policy-makers, particularly in the North. A useful introduction to the ideas of post-development. Friedmann, J. (1992b) ‘The end of the Third World’, Third World Planning Review 14 (3): iii–vii. Clearly-written overview of the use of the term ‘Third World’ and why Friedmann believes it is no longer useful. Jones, P.S. (2000) ‘Why is it alright to do development “over there” but not “here”? Changing vocabularies and common strategies of inclusion across “First” and “Third” Worlds’, Area 32 (2): 237–41. A short article which considers why ‘development’ is often only considered within the context of the Global South  Introduction 31 1111 when there are problems of inequality and marginalization within Northern 2 contexts as well. 3 Potter, R.B., T. Binns, J.A. Elliott and D. Smith (2004) ‘Chapter 1 in Theories of 41 Development, London: Pearson. Useful overview of key ideas about development definitions. 5 6 Thomas, A. and T. Allen (2000) ‘Agencies of development’, in T. Allen and A. Thomas (eds) Poverty and Development into the 21st Century, Oxford: OUP. 7 Clear introduction to different agencies involved in development processes. 8 91 10 Useful websites 1 2 www.developmentgateway.org Development Gateway. Links to a range of 31 development information. 4 www.developmentgoals.org Millennium Goals website. Details on what the goals 5 are and what progress has been made. 6 www.eldis.org Portal for development-related information run by the Institute of 7 Development Studies, University of Sussex. 8111 www.worldbank.org/poverty/voices World Bank information and research on 9 poverty. Includes information about the Voices of the Poor project. 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 40 1 4211  6 Environment and development theory Relationships between population and environment Modernization theory and environment Socialist development and the natural environment Intermediate technology Sustainable development Poverty and environment Ecotourism Many of the theories and approaches addressed so far in the book have included implicit reference to the natural environment, but in this chapter, the ways in which ‘development’ and ‘environment’ have been considered will be at the centre of the discussion. Theories of economic growth are related to questions of resource use and distribution. Many of these resources come from the natural environment and in many cases development processes can lead to the destruction of significant parts of this natural environment. Thomas Malthus’ perspectives on population and resources One of the earliest elaborations in the Global North of the relationship between people and natural resources was that of Thomas Malthus. In his 1798 Essay on the Principle of Population he talked about the effect of rising population on the natural resource base (Malthus 1985 ). While he did not talk specifically about ‘development’, his arguments are important for later development debates on this topic. According to Malthus, populations and food supply expand in different ways. Food supply increases arithmetically, i.e. with every generation food supply increases the same amount, by, for example, bringing new land into cultivation. This leads to a linear pattern of growth. In contrast, even if the number of children each family has remains the same, the population will grow geometrically because in each generation there will be  Environment and development theory 147 1111 more people to have children (see Figure 6.1). As a result of these 2 different growth rates, Malthus argued that the human population 3 was doomed unless limits were put on population growth rates. 41 Eventually, population would outstrip the food supply and there 5 would be massive starvation and famine and so the population would 6 be reduced. For Malthus, therefore, if humans did not control their 7 reproduction, there would be disastrous consequences. In 8 development terms, these ideas (as we shall see later) have been 91 used to shape later development approaches in the Global South. 10 Malthus’ work has been greatly criticized, not least because of 1 his assumptions regarding the growth of food supply. He did not 2 consider the ways in which new technologies may develop to 31 increase food supply at a much greater rate. Boserup (1965) 4 highlighted how new methods and technologies can be developed 5 to address crises such as limited food supplies in response to 6 increasing population densities. Later technological developments, 7 including fertilizers and new forms of seeds have been important 8111 in increasing agricultural productivity. However, just because 9 sufficient food is produced to feed a population does not mean 20 that everyone has access to this food. Issues of distribution are also 1 important. 2 3 4 5 Geometric growth 6 7 8 9 30 Quantity 1 2 wth g ro 3 m etic A rith 4 51 6 7 8 9 40 Time 1 4211 Figure 6.1 Arithmetric and geometric growth. 148 Environment and development theory Environmental determinism In Malthus’ approach, the natural environment acted as an obstacle to population growth. In the environmental determinism approach, the natural environment acts not just as an obstacle, but actually shapes the nature of human society and activity. It is a form of naturalist theory as outlined in Chapter 5. Environmental determinism was popular in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and stressed the ways in which human behaviour was conditioned or determined by the physical environment. Following this form of argument, some argued that the differing levels of prosperity, economic development or what some called ‘civilization’ could be explained with reference to the differences in natural environment (Huntington 1915; Semple 1911). By rooting these explanations in the natural world, some theorists argued that people from the temperate parts of the world were naturally ‘better’ than those from the tropical zones, and so justified the domination of Europeans over the inhabitants of other places. As we shall see in the rest of the chapter, there is wide-ranging evidence of the ways in which human behaviour is influenced by the natural environment, but the crude theories adopted by environmental determinists are certainly out of place. They lost favour in the mid-twentieth century, not least because of the ways in which the ideas were used by certain political groups in Europe to justify racial domination. They have also been criticized because they do not consider the role of individuals, communities and governments, among others, to deal with perceived environmental constraints. Modernization The modernization approach outlined in Chapter 2 was built on the ideas of mobilizing technology to use resources more efficiently, not least through industrialization and the mechanization of agriculture. The basic attitude to the natural environment was one of seeing natural resources as inputs into a human-devised system. Very little, if any, attention was paid to the potential environmental damage or the long-term sustainability of such an approach. During the Industrial Revolution in England, the environmental impacts of rapid urbanization and industrialization were clear. For example, in his descriptions of England’s northern towns during the 1840s, Fredrich Engels in his book, The Condition of the Working  Environment and development theory 149 1111 Class in England, describes the results of over-crowding, poverty and 2 unregulated industrial processes: 3 41 Bradford, which, but seven miles from Leeds, at the junction of several 5 valleys, lies upon the banks of a small, coal-black, foul-smelling 6 stream. On week-days the town is enveloped in a grey cloud of coal smoke, but on a fine Sunday, it offers a superb picture when viewed 7 from the surrounding heights. Yet within reigns the same filth and 8 discomfort as in Leeds.... In the lanes, alleys and courts lie filth and 91 debris in heaps; the houses are ruinous, dirty, and miserable. 10 (1984: 74) 1 2 Not only were these ‘development’ processes affecting the natural 31 environment, they were also indirectly affecting the health of the 4 urban populations. 5 6 Modernization and the attempts to use ever increasing areas of land 7 for agriculture have also had severe environmental impacts. The ‘Dust 8111 Bowl’ of the US mid-west in the 1930s is often used as an example 9 of how modern technology was used to push for increased 20 agricultural production in environmentally marginal zones. With the 1 extension of the railways westwards in the mid-nineteenth century 2 (see Chapter 2), large swathes of prairie land were cultivated using 3 horse-drawn ploughs. Drought-resistant varieties of wheat were 4 planted and farmers were able to make significant profits. However, 5 the agricultural processes meant that during periods of drought there 6 was often insufficient vegetation cover to protect the fine soils and 7 high winds eroded large amounts of topsoil creating severe dust 8 storms. With the Great Depression of the 1930s, farmers tried to 9 increase their yields leading to further damage (Barrow 1995). 30 Approximately 80 million hectares of grain-producing land were 1 destroyed (Kassas 1987, in Barrow 1995). This environmental tragedy 2 also contributed to furthering the misery of the farmers, leading many 3 to flee the area seeking their fortunes in other parts of the USA. It 4 did, however, trigger government action to improve policies to reduce 51 soil erosion and help farmers use appropriate techniques. 6 Despite the known environmental impacts of such approaches to 7 development, similar patterns were encouraged in the Global South; 8 both by donor governments and agencies, and by national 9 governments themselves. The long-term environmental problems 40 were disregarded in favour of the goals of economic growth and 1 development. Top-down large-scale projects such as dam building, 4211 mining, industrialization and rapid mechanization of agriculture were 150 Environment and development theory all promoted as suitable routes to development. The approach was very much one of ‘grow now, clean up later’. Unfortunately the ‘cleaning up’ process is often very long and costly, if it is possible at all. Much environmental damage involves the destruction of ecosystems beyond repair (Box 6.1). ‘One-quarter of the people in developing countries – 1.3 billion in all – survive on fragile lands, areas that present significant constraints for intensive agriculture’ (World Bank 2003b: 59). African populations are particularly affected, with over one third of the total population living on fragile lands (Figure 6.2). Given these figures, a heavy-handed approach to agricultural modernization will lead to rapid environmental degradation and impoverishment of rural populations. Just as in the case of the US Dust Bowl, inappropriate technology has often been used in the name of agricultural progress in the South. The so-called ‘green revolution’ of the 1950s and 1960s was a perfect example of modernization approaches to agriculture. The term was used to describe how scientific principles were applied to Box 6.1 Destruction of mangrove swamps in Thailand Between 1961 and 1992, the area of mangrove forest in Thailand fell from 2,299,375 rai (approximately 365,000 hectares) to 1,096,168 rai (approximately 174,000 hectares) (Jitsanguan, 1993 in Bello et al. 1998: 189). This destruction was due to a number of factors, including factory and household pollution, logging for charcoal and prawn farming. Prawn farming has increased rapidly, with the number of farms rising from 3,572 in 1980 to 15,072 in 1990 (Thailand Environmental Institute 1997, in Bello et al. 1998: 189). However, these numbers are likely to be underestimates given the potential for unlicensed farming. The rise in prawn farming is linked to its high profitability. Mangroves may be cleared for prawn farms, or mangrove ecosystems may be severely affected by the chemicals and antibiotics used in intensive aquaculture. The clearing of mangroves not only destroys that ecosystem, but it leads to increased soil erosion resulting in increased sediment loads being deposited in the marine environment, devastating coral reefs and seagrass forests. Source: adapted from Bello et al. (1998: 187–91)  Environment and development theory 151 1111 2 Total less OECD 3 Total 41 5 Other 6 OECD 7 E. Asia and Pacific 8 91 S. Asia 10 Sub-Saharan Africa 1 2 Middle East and N. Africa 31 E. Europe and C. Asia 4 5 L. America and Caribbean 6 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40 45 7 Population on fragile lands (%) 8111 Figure 6.2 Percentage of population living on fragile lands by global region, 2000. 9 Source: based on data from World Bank (2003b: 61) 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 30 1 2 3 4 51 6 7 8 9 40 1 4211 Plate 6.1 Temporary road bridge, Ortum, Kenya. 152 Environment and development theory Plate 6.2 Slash and burn agriculture, Sarawak. agricultural processes to improve yields in the South. It was clearly an attempt to escape from Malthusian limits on food supply. The main elements of the ‘revolution’ were high-yielding varieties (HYVs) of maize, wheat, rice and barley, as well as developments in fertilizers, herbicides and pesticides. There were some very positive results including India achieving self- sufficiency in wheat by 1980 and Indonesia moving from being a rice importer to a rice exporter. However, environmentally there were problems. These included reductions in genetic diversity, increased demand for water because of irrigation needs and pollution from agrochemicals (Barrow 1995). In addition, the green revolution resulted in increased inequality as those farmers who could afford to participate reaped the benefits, while others were often forced to abandon their own land and become agricultural labourers. Current debates about genetically-modified crops reflect similar positions. For some, GM crops represent a technical solution to food shortages, while for others, they are an environmental threat and will contribute to the growing dominance of the agro-chemical companies and reduced autonomy for small farmers. Socialist approaches to the environment The modernist aims of many communist or socialist governments have also resulted in the implementation of development strategies which are extremely environmentally destructive. The control or taming of nature has often been a key element in the development strategies of centrally-planned economies, with rhetoric regarding the  Environment and development theory 153 1111 superiority of such societies being reflected in the domination of 2 nature. According to Marx, development involved human ability to 3 transform nature to increase standards of living. In Capital, Marx’s 41 perspectives on humans’ dominance of nature is reflected in this 5 description: ‘He [sic] develops the potentialities slumbering within 6 nature, and subjects the play of its forces to his own sovereign 7 power’ (1909: 283). 8 Some of the largest individual development projects have been 91 implemented within centrally-planned economies. This is partly a 10 reflection of the desire to be seen to be achieving greater 1 infrastructure successes, but also because of the ability of 2 governments in such economies to marshal resources to achieve these 31 aims. The USSR provides us with a number of examples of such 4 mega-projects, the environmental effects of which are still evident 5 today. For example, in the 1950s the Soviet leader Nikita 6 Khrushchev sought to increase agricultural production by bringing 7 new lands into cultivation. The so-called ‘Virgin Lands Scheme’ was 8111 launched with the intention of bringing 250,000 km2 of land into 9 wheat cultivation in Northern Kazakhstan and Western Siberia. 20 While cultivation was expanded and production went up, the 1 environmental damage was enormous. Massive areas were exposed 2 to soil erosion leaving vast swathes unusable for any purpose. Soviet 3 attempts to increase cotton production in Central Asia also had 4 disastrous effects, not least on the Aral Sea (Box 6.2). 5 6 The environmental impacts of such mega-projects are still on-going 7 and this has not prevented the continued use of such projects in some 8 centrally-planned countries. The most high profile example today is 9 that of the Three Gorges Dam across the Yangtze River in China. 30 Despite significant evidence suggesting the incredible environmental 1 damage that will be done as part of the project, not to mention the 2 social problems arising from the mass relocation of an estimated 3 1.9 million people, the project progressed. It has not been funded by 4 the World Bank, reflecting some change in multi-lateral agency 51 approaches to such mega-projects (IRN 2003). However, it should 6 also be recognized that electricity generation through hydro-electric 7 power is much cleaner than coal-burning power stations. It is 8 estimated that the new dam will save the annual burning of 50 9 million tons of coal and the release of 100 million tons of carbon 40 dioxide (Xiong 1998, in Woodhouse 2000: 146). 1 4211 154 Environment and development theory Box 6.2 The Aral Sea Basin crisis Since the early 1960s the Aral Sea in former Soviet Central Asia has been shrinking. In 1960 the average volume of water in the Aral Sea was 1,090 km3, but by 1988 this had declined to 358 km3. By 1993 the volume had declined further and the shrinking had led to the sea splitting in two. The large sea contained 279 km3 while the small sea contained 21 km3. This is having a devastating impact on both the natural and human environments. As water levels fall and the lake bed is exposed, salt and dust are blown into rivers and irrigation systems, leading to increases in pollution and a deterioration in human health. In addition, populations earning a living from the Aral Sea are suffering as it shrinks, leaving fishing boats high and dry. For example, the fishing port of Aralsk now lies 60 km from the shore. In addition, the two smaller seas have increased levels of salinity making them unsuitable for many forms of aquatic life. The roots of this crisis lie in the Soviet period (see Chapter 3). The Soviet ideology stressed the power of humans over nature and many large-scale environmentally- damaging schemes were adopted to further economic growth. Vast quantities of water were diverted from the Amu Darya and Syr Darya rivers to irrigate cotton. As these rivers were the main source of water for the Aral Sea, this diversion meant far lower inputs into the Aral Sea and a subsequent shrinking. Cotton acreage in Uzbekistan increased from 1.3 million hectares to 2.1 million hectares in the period 1960–80. This increase and improved yields because of irrigation led to rising Soviet cotton yields from 2.2 million tons in 1940 to 9.1 million tons in 1980. Yields in Uzbekistan are now down to 1960 levels because of land degradation and salinity problems with irrigation waters. With the collapse of the USSR, the problem has not improved. Attempts at coordinating a strategy are limited by the fact that there are now a number of national governments involved. While Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan border the Aral Sea, the other Central Asian states of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikstan also need to be involved as the two main rivers run through their territory. Given the importance of agriculture to all these countries, agreement about controlling water use for irrigation will be difficult. Sources: adapted from Spoor (1998); World Bank (2003b) Limits to growth Modernist projects with their focus on technological solutions to perceived limitations of the natural environment was challenged by the increasing environmental movements in many parts of the world during the 1960s. A number of high profile environmental cases in the North, drew attention to the possible environmental problems which could accrue from particular forms of development. For  Environment and development theory 155 1111 example, in 1962 Rachel Carson’s book Silent Spring was highly 2 significant in drawing the attention of a Northern, particularly US 3 audience, to the environmental side effects of certain forms of 41 modernization. Her book dealt with the environmental impacts of 5 the insecticide DDT, in particular the way that it was stored in 6 organisms that ingested it, and so was passed up the food chain in 7 larger and larger quantities, leading to the deaths of mammals and 8 birds. 91 In addition, in 1972 Meadows et al. published The Limits to Growth 10 commissioned by the Club of Rome, a non-governmental research 1 organization dealing with ‘global problems’. The report placed the 2 relationships between economic growth and the natural environment 31 at the centre of the debate. However, unlike the environmental 4 movement, which stressed the issue of environmental destruction as a 5 problem in its own right, the Club of Rome’s focus was much more 6 on how current development methods would lead to catastrophe for 7 the human population in terms of both rapid declining populations 8111 (as predicted by Malthus) and huge decreases in rates of industrial 9 growth. Meadows et al. stated ‘we can thus say with some 20 confidence that, under the assumption of no major change in the 1 present system, population and industrial growth will certainly stop 2 within the next century, at the latest’ (1972: 126). 3 4 The basis for these doom-laden predications, were the results of a 5 complex systems model which looked at five main processes: 6 population growth, non-renewable resource use, pollution, food 7 supply and industrialization. The relationships between these 8 different factors and the current and predicted levels were also 9 included in the model. By running the model with changes in the 30 levels of the different factors, estimates could be made of when the 1 ‘limits to growth’ would be reached (see Figure 6.3). The authors 2 stressed that while the predicted levels may not be completely 3 accurate, the overall trends were correct. These predictions about 4 future catastrophe led these researchers and others with similar views 51 to be categorized as ‘neo-Malthusian’. 6 As we saw above, Malthus has been criticized for not considering the 7 ways in which technological advances could increase the food 8 supply. Meadows et al. ran their model to include a range of 9 technological advances, such as improved mining techniques to 40 increase access to minerals, but they still came to the same 1 conclusion – if current rates of consumption and economic 4211 development continued, disaster would strike before 2100. The 156 Environment and development theory reso urc e s po pu l at