Advancing QuantCrit to Rethink the School-to-Prison Pipeline for Latinx and Black Youth PDF

Journal of Criminal Justice Education ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/rcje20 Advancing QuantCrit to Rethink the School-to- Prison Pipeline for Latinx and Black Youth Nichole M. Garcia, Jonathan M. Ibarra, Rebeca Mireles-Rios, Victor M. Rios & Katherine...

Journal of Criminal Justice Education ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: www.tandfonline.com/journals/rcje20 Advancing QuantCrit to Rethink the School-to- Prison Pipeline for Latinx and Black Youth Nichole M. Garcia, Jonathan M. Ibarra, Rebeca Mireles-Rios, Victor M. Rios & Katherine Maldonado To cite this article: Nichole M. Garcia, Jonathan M. Ibarra, Rebeca Mireles-Rios, Victor M. Rios & Katherine Maldonado (2022) Advancing QuantCrit to Rethink the School-to-Prison Pipeline for Latinx and Black Youth, Journal of Criminal Justice Education, 33:2, 269-288, DOI: 10.1080/10511253.2022.2027481 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/10511253.2022.2027481 Published online: 23 Feb 2022. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 1150 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 4 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rcje20 JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 2022, VOL. 33, NO. 2, 269–288 https://doi.org/10.1080/10511253.2022.2027481 Advancing QuantCrit to Rethink the School-to-Prison Pipeline for Latinx and Black Youth Nichole M. Garciaa , Jonathan M. Ibarrab, Rebeca Mireles-Riosb, Victor M. Riosb and Katherine Maldonadob a Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey, New Brunswick, New Jersey, USA; bUniversity of California Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, California, USA ABSTRACT ARTICLE HISTORY Latinx and Black youth are pushed out of school at a higher than Received 20 December 2021 average rate of 7.7% and 5.5%, respectively, compared to 4.1% of Accepted 24 December 2021 White youth. By “pushed out” we are referring to students who are labeled as “drop outs.” This language shift is important, as, KEYWORDS “dropout” implies a choice made by students to leave school school-to-prison pipeline; QuantCrit; pushout; youth while “pushout” accounts for the various forces that lead to stu- control complex; dents leaving school. One factor that contributes to this alarming counter-stories statistic is that harsh school punishment disproportionately affects racial and ethnic minority students in urban settings, rather than making school more accessible for them. Using data from the California Department of Justice and the Civil Rights Data Collection repository, we provide a descriptive analysis of the school-toprison pipeline in Southern California. This description is based on two innovative critical race methodologies: QuantCrit (quantitative) and Counterstorytelling (qualitative). These method- ologies illuminate the experiences of thirty-nine former high school students who were pushed out of high school through the activity of counter-storytelling, these former high school students speak and remember how racism, sexism, and classism mani- fested in their schooling experiences. This study shows how to use QuantCrit and counter-storytelling in criminal just- ice education. Well, I made it, I guess. I graduated high school, not on time, but I did it, you know? I went on to community college—East Los Angeles College (ELAC). It was crazy. I said I wanted to go for two years, but I went for four. I love school. I’m here. I made it. I’m still smoking weed, but I’m successful and responsible. I stayed up all late last night and I helped around the house. I went to work and I paid the bills. I dealt with my stress by smoking weed. (Carlos, letter entry, age 18, Watts, California) In the epigraph, Carlos, a Mexican student, born and raised in Watts, California, describes that he “made it” by graduating from high school and attending the local community college. One important aspect of his schooling experiences is that he did not graduate in “normative” time while still maintaining his love for school. Carlos alludes to the fact that his schooling experiences were “crazy,” and despite coping ß 2022 Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences 270 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. through the use of cannabis he was still successful and responsible. Carlos, like many other Latinx1 and Black youth across the nation attended school in an area that histor- ically has experienced racial redlining, segregation, poverty, and hyper-criminalization. Yet, regardless of these stringent conditions Latinx and Black youth are expected to perform, and when they do not are disproportionately punished, labeled “at risk” and criminalized (Rios, 2011). At the time of his letter entry, Carlos was one of thirty stu- dents labeled “at-risk.” He had been pushed out of high school because he aged out–he took too long to complete his units and was no longer allowed to return. By “pushed out” we are referring to students who are labeled as “drop outs.” This lan- guage shift is important, as, “dropout” implies a choice made by students to leave school while “pushout” accounts for the various forces that lead to students leav- ing school. Nationally, Latinx and Black youth are disproportionately pushed out of school at a higher than average rate of 7.7% and 5.5%, respectively, compared to 4.1% of white youth (U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 2021). One factor that contributes to this alarming statistic is that harsh school punishment disproportionately affects Latinx and Black students in urban settings, rather than mak- ing school more accessible for them (Kupchik, 2010; Noguera, 2003; Rios, 2017). Often the lived realities and stories behind these statistics are ignored or left open to inter- pretation. Carlos is an example of how a student is labeled “at risk” and demarcated by a statistic, which is only a fraction of the story behind the numbers. We argue that statistics that report on the disproportionate punishment of Latinx and Black youth can no longer be used to maintain and justify the school-to-prison pipeline. We need to radically (re)imagine and rethink the school-to-prison pipeline so that we no longer let numbers speak for themselves (Covarrubias & Velez, 2013). In this article, we examine the relationship between when a student is labeled “at-risk” in the educational system and then becomes a “juvenile delinquent” in the criminal just- ice system. We focus on this relationship through the use of two innovative critical race methodologies–QuantCrit (quantitative) and Counter-storytelling (qualitative) (Garcia, Lopez, & Velez, 2018; Gillborn, Warmington, & Demack, 2018; Solo rzano & Yosso, 2002). In combining quantitative and qualitative methods, we offer critical insights for students, scholars, and practitioners to enhance their learning and practice in undergraduate education in criminal justice. In this article, we use data from The California Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Civil Rights Data Collection repository to provide a descriptive analysis of the school- to-prison pipeline in Southern California. We combine QuantCrit (Garcia et al., 2018; Gillborn et al., 2018) with an analysis of the youth control complex (Rios, 2011) to advance how we (re)imagine and rethink the school-to-prison pipeline to expand our understanding of the voices behind the numbers. More specifically, we utilize a critical race methodology of counter-storytelling of former high school students to examine how racism, sexism, and classism manifested in their schooling experiences which dis- proportionately punished them by pushing them out of the public educational system (Solorzano & Yosso, 2002). Implications of this study will offer how to use QuantCrit 1 We recognize recent linguistic and grammatical moves of “Latinx” and “BIPOC” to challenge gender binaries and ethnoracial homogenization.  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 271 and counter-stories to disrupt purported statistics in mainstream criminal justice in education research for Latinx and Black youth who are hyper-criminalized. Theoretical Frameworks Critical Race Theory in Education In the 1980s, critical legal scholars of color identified that race and racism were perva- sive in the American legal system, and needed to be analyzed and eliminated (Bell, 2004; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). To address this phenomenon, critical legal scholars of color, conceptualized Critical Race Theory (CRT) drawing from disciplines such as civil rights, ethnic studies, feminist epistemologies, gender studies, and critical legal students. Mari Matsuda (1991) defines CRT as: “ … the work of progressive legal schol- ars of color who are attempting to develop a jurisprudence that accounts for the role of racism in American law and that works toward the elimination of racism as part of a larger goal of eliminating all forms of subordination” (p. 1331). Therefore, CRT’s ultimate goal is to achieve liberation by implementing social justice activism to not only abolish racism, but also other forms of subordination based on gender, class, sex- ual orientation, language, and national origin (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solorzano, 1998). A few of the guiding tenets of CRT in law are a reappraisal of history through the perspectives of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC), and interest con- vergence or the belief that racial reform serves to promote whites’ self-interest (Bell, 2004; Delgado & Stefancic, 2001). Adopting CRT, scholars of color in education in the 1990s applied the framework to examine the role of race and racism in educational systems (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solorzano, 1998). Critical race theory in education argues that race and racism are endemic to institu- tions of education which reproduce inequities in informal and formal spaces of learn- ing across time (Solorzano, 1998; Solorzano & Bernal, 2001; Solorzano & Yosso, 2001a, 2001b, 2002). Critical race theory in education has five guiding principles: 1. The need to center and acknowledge that race, racism, and other forms of subor- dination permeate educational systems, 2. The need to challenge dominant ideologies that maintain white supremacy, 3. The need to center the experiential knowledge of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color, 4. The need to commit to a social justice praxis, and 5. The need to approach the study of race, racism, and other forms of subordination through a transdisciplinary perspective. By implementing these five guiding principles, CRT education scholars are able to unveil and transform racist and other forms of subordination in the educational real- ities for BIPOC students, families, and communities. Specifically, CRT as a framework allows for a critical analysis of stories that are not only marginal but combined with stereotypical ideas about criminalized communities. Integrating quantitative and quali- tative analyses using this framework shows a process of developing a counter-story– from the application of these principles, the coding of stories, to how these collective 272 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. stories are contextualized and connected to institutional power and everyday forms of microaggressions. Utilizing CRT’s principles in qualitative research provides analytical tools that name intersectional injustices, while also placing the lived experiences and the perspectives they hold as valuable forms of knowledge. This foundation of CRT framework in qualitative research provides a theoretical and methodological base for quantitative critical race (QuantCrit) research (Garcia et al., 2018). In the next section, we aim to provide a historical snapshot of the seminal work that has provided an anchor for the development of QuantCrit across disciplines. QuantCrit Critical race theorists in education have analyzed how race, racism, and white suprem- acy can be examined using quantitative methodologies— QuantCrit (Garcia et al., 2018; Gillborn et al., 2018). This work draws from empirical and theoretical work by sociologists of color (see: DuBois, 1899; Zuberi & Bonilla-Silva, 2008; Zuberi, 2001). These scholars were some of the first to deracialize statistics, decouple power rela- tions, and urge researchers to recognize that eugenics movement was directly linked to statistical tools (Zuberi, 2001). Recognizing how statistics have long been used as a tool against communities of color, sociologists of color have rectified race and racism to embrace statistics for liberation. Some examples of early iterations of QuantCrit in education focus on the develop- ment of the educational pipeline. Emerging in the early 2000s, Latinx critical theorists introduced the educational pipelines to document the disproportionate attainment rates among Students of Color from K-20þ (So lorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005; Solorzano & Yosso, 2000). Using data from the US Census Bureau, the educational pipelines offered some of the first data visualizations intentionally disaggregating race, ethnicity, and gender to expose the heterogeneity within groups and the various path- ways through educational institutions (So lorzano et al., 2005; Solorzano & Yosso, 2000). Furthering this work, Covarrubias (2011) advanced intersectional inquiry (Collins, 1998; Crenshaw, 1995) to examine interlocking systems of power among Chicanx to display trends of “gender-based discrimination, patriarchy, class inequality, nativist racism and their interconnected effects”(p. 103). Covarrubias and Velez (2013) have also conceptualized “critical race quantitative intersectionality” to cross-examine how descriptive statistical data historically has advanced deficit perspectives affecting research, policy, and practice for People of Color in educational settings. Internationally, Gillborn (2010) informed critical race theorists in the U.S. of the rele- vance of CRT and the misuse of statistics by examining secondary education data in England. Gillborn (2010) offered global interpretations of data implementation and use. Gillborn et al. (2018) argues that critical quantitative work interested in racial justice must start by recognizing that statistics are socially constructed, subjective, and embedded with white supremacy. He offered QuantCrit as a framework defined by the following tenets: (1) the centering of race and racism is multifaceted and challenging to quantify, (2) numbers are not neutral, and need to be interrogated as to know reinforce the interests of white individuals, (3) categories are socially constructed and need to be critically analyzed, (4) data does not speak for itself, but rather needs to be informed by  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 273 the experiential knowledge of disenfranchised communities, and (5) statistical inferences have no intrinsic value, but can leverage struggles for social justice (Gillborn et al., 2018). The principles of QuantCrit provided a guiding framework to produce the first special on critical race theory and quantitative methods. Garcia et al. (2018) in the spe- cial issue provide a cartography of the intellectual genealogy of QuantCrit to examine the methodological possibilities to subvert white supremacy and racism in educational research. While QuantCrit (Garcia et al., 2018; Gillborn et al., 2018) is in its infancy, it has since been applied in the following fields: K-12 education, higher education, public health, public policy, nursing, health sciences and medicine to shift deficit narratives and recontextualize how race, racism, and white supremacy imbued statistical inferences (Cross, 2018; Gerido, 2020; Grooms, Mahatmya, & Johnson, 2021; Knowles & Hawkman, 2020 ; Sablan, 2019; White, Vincent-Layton, & Villarreal, 2020). Youth Control Complex Rios’ (2011) study of Black and Latino youth in California demonstrates how the cou- pling of the punitive arm of the state with institutions tasked with providing support for youth in a youth control complex. The youth control complex is “the combined effect of the web of institutions, schools, families, businesses, residents, media, community cen- ters, and the criminal justice system, that collectively punish, stigmatize, monitor, and criminalize young people in an attempt to control them” (Rios, 2011, p.40). For many Black and Latinx youth, punishment becomes the primary socializing agent experienced within community institutions which not only influences their behavior but often erodes positive expectations as dignity and opportunities are stripped away. However, youth actively rely on their own agency to resist the effects of the youth control complex. Resistance against criminalization, read as counterproductive, often leads to a rejection of the education system. Paradoxically, findings in this study suggest that while young people reject schooling, they embrace education. In other words, when provided with a culturally responsive, critical connection to learning and well-being, students that had so-called abandoned school, embraced the opportunity to learn. A major result of the youth control complex is that hypercriminalization of Black and Latinx youth sets many of them on a path away from education through increased contact with law enforce- ment. As schools have become increasingly punitive, they have also implemented poli- cies which directly contribute to involvement with the juvenile justice system. With the simultaneous expansion of the juvenile justice system and punitive social control in schools–including reliance on school-based police, implementation of surveillance tech- nologies, and zero-tolerance policies–disproportionate numbers of Black, Latinx, and other working-class youth are siphoned away from schools and into the school-to-prison pipeline. Scholars have argued that the large number of Black and Latinx youth repre- sented in the juvenile justice system is a direct consequence of the shift in urban and working-class serving schools towards sites of social control, creating school environ- ments that share significant characteristics with carceral institutions (Feld, 2017; Noguera, 2003; Rios, 2017; Wacquant, 2001). Urban public schools have increasingly become punitive with implementations of sur- veillance technologies like metal-detectors and cameras, drug-sniffing K-9 units, to having 274 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. Figure 1. Youth Control Complex and QuantCrit. school police officers handle on-campus offenses by students (Flores, 2016; Kupchik, 2010, 2016; Morris, 2015; Rios, 2017; Shedd, 2015). For many Black and Latinx youth, an introduc- tion to the juvenile justice system begins on the schoolyard with referrals to law enforce- ment agencies for issues schools previously addressed internally (Noguera, 2003). For instance, fights on campus which could be mediated by school staff have been handed over to school-based police. Now, students who get into an altercation on campus are increasingly charged with assault and leave school with an actual criminal record, whereas in the past, these issues would remain sealed within school records once a student left school. School-related issues have increasingly negative implications on youths’ lives outside of schools as they have become criminalized. Thus, hypercriminalization has directly contrib- uted to the disproportionate number of Black and Latinx youths pushed out of the public education system as those students involved in our study. Simultaneously, being pushed out of schools increases the possibility of involvement with the juvenile justice system. By accounting for the youth control complex and combining QuantCrit methodolo- gies as seen in Figure 1, we argue against simplistic presentations of juvenile justice statistics which fail to demonstrate how race and class-based policies in education and the law contribute to the disproportionate involvement of Black and Latinx youth within the juvenile justice system. In addition, centering process, conditions, and con- texts in quantitative analysis allows researchers, students and practitioners in criminal justice to gain a deeper understanding of the educational experiences and juvenile justice involvement for marginalized youths. It is critical that researchers, students, and practitioners position youths’ voices as focal to how and when they experience the  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 275 youth control complex. As such, we are explicit in our use of the critical race method- ology of counter-storytelling to negate the hypercriminalization of Black and Latinx youth, and center their knowledge, abilities, and skills that go unrecognized in the educational and criminal justice systems. Critical Race Methodology of Counter-Storytelling Solorzano and Yosso (2002) utilize the theoretical framework of CRT to assert a critical race methodology of counter-storytelling in education. A critical race methodology centralizes “race and racism in all aspects of the research process” (Solo rzano & Yosso, 2002, p.24). While race is central in the research process, Solo rzano and Yosso (2002) acknowledge the intersectionality and effects of race, class, and gender on students of color experiences in educational institutions. A critical race methodology challenges and disrupts traditional paradigms of research by focusing on the racialized, gendered and classed experiences of students of color by drawing on their experiences as a source of strength (Solo rzano & Yosso, 2002). Yosso (2006) argues that dominant soci- ety has constructed majoritarian stories that center Eurocentric ideologies and dismiss the skills, abilities, and knowledge of Communities of Color. Majoritarian stories have become naturalized, unchallenged, and position Communities of Color as lacking social, human, and class capital. Yosso (2006) asserts that critical race counter- story- telling, “ … is a method of recounting the experiences and perspectives of racially and socially marginalized people [that] reflect on the lived experiences of People of Color to raise critical consciousness about social and racial injustice” (p.10). Counter-stories center the voices from the margins and disrupt majoritarian stories. It is important to note that counter-stories draw on interdisciplinary sources (i.e. experiential/cultural intuition, historical events, social science/humanities literature, judicial law, quantitative and qualitative data) to “document the persistence of racism from the perspective of those injured and victimized by its legacy” (Yosso, 2006, p.10). Counter-storytelling can be autobiographical, biographical, or composite in recounting and naming the legacy of racism (Yosso, 2006). This method of telling and sharing sto- ries relies on engaging with intersectional analysis of individual and collective experi- ence. For example, some of the methodological steps to collect and share stories through CRT methodology include but not limited to, allowing participants to guide the interview/data collection process (i.e. self-audio recordings), reflect with partici- pants about experiences, analyze with commitment to challenge stigmatizing ideolo- gies and practices (i.e. school to prison pipeline) and push forward a liberatory agenda that centers the needs and perspectives of marginalized students (Solo rzano & Yosso, 2002). This approach constantly engages with interdisciplinary methods that provide critical understanding of stories that are invisible to outsider researchers, policymakers, and politicians. The way these stories are listened to, read, shared, and contextualized becomes an epistemological web of information that centers Brown and Black bodies in the entire research process and beyond. Centering bodies of color as producers of knowledge (Cruz, 2001) grabs from CRT’s tenets to develop praxis that critically engages with the struggle against racism in educational systems and everyday student experience. Therefore, in this study, researchers, students, and practitioners should 276 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. position the youth control complex as the majoritarian story that maintains the school-to-prison pipeline. However, when integrated with QuantCrit and counter- storytelling as methods, the analysis and discourse shifts to honor and uplift these youths’ voices. This study uses biographical counter-stories of thirty-nine former high school students who were pushed out of high school. We draw on data from the California Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Civil Rights Data Collection repository, field notes, letter entries, and semi-structured interviews, to challenge race and racism in all aspects of the research process. California Context Though statewide and local efforts have been implemented to reduce the use of puni- tive suspensions in K-12 schools in California, declines in suspensions have slowed since the 2018-19 school year. The gap in racial and ethnic disparities in discipline has decreased but large disparities remain (Losen & Martinez, 2020). Losen and Martinez (2020) emphasize the educational opportunity costs for students in school which rely heavily on the use of suspensions as a punishment for breaking school rules and the crucial need to utilize alternatives that are more effective at correcting misbehavior and preventing it from happening while not placing students in a more disadvantaged position. Across the state, Black students experienced the most days of lost instruction with an average of 36 per 100 students enrolled. Native American, Pacific Islander, and Latinx students followed with 27, 14, and 11, respectively. In comparison, White, Filipino and Asian students lost an average of 10, 4, and 3 days of instruction each. More importantly, Losen and Martinez (2020) found that disparities in school discipline could not be explained by poverty as large disparities according to race remained when controlling for family income. Our study examines Project GRIT, the relationship between discipline and punishment while critiquing the youth control complex through the use of QuantCrit and counter-stories. Data Collection: Project GRIT (Generating Resiliency and Inspiring Transformation) Project GRIT (Generating Resiliency and Inspiring Transformation), a six-week interven- tion program that worked with a group of former high school pushouts (Mireles-Rios, et.al, 2020) in Southern California. A team of University of California, Santa Barbara fac- ulty and students collaborated with the Director of the community center in a low- income area in Southern California to support students in their mission to reach these students and help them complete their education. The director of the community cen- ter provided access to the center and the participants, the majority who had left high school and were either currently preparing for their GRE, enrolled in alternative school- ing or trying to get back into a high school program. Participants for the study consist of 38.5% females (n ¼ 15) and 61.5% males (n ¼ 24). The mean age is 18.1 years, and the sample consists of 27 Latino and 12 African American/Black youth. Human Subjects approval was granted for this project.  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 277 Data Analysis: Data Sources and Coding Quantitative Data Analysis: We draw on data from the 2020 California Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Civil Rights Data Collection repository, which integrates court and probation activities for a single referral. This data is used to track referrals from once they occur within the juvenile probation system, the progress of the referral through probation and the courts, and then the final disposition. We use these data to provide an example of how statistics tell one part of the story. Our qualitative ana- lysis provides a more complex picture of the numbers. Qualitative Data Analysis: Throughout the six-week intervention, the researchers engaged in participant observation and semi-structured interviews with each student. Additionally, the participants were given audio recorders to share anything they wanted about their life when they were not with us in the program. The interviews consisted of questions related to their educational journey, some of their life struggles, and their hopes and dreams for the future. A total of 118 journal entries were ana- lyzed for this paper. We employed grounded theory in order to explore codes and analyze emergent themes in the interviews and journal entries (Glaser in Walsh, Holton, et. al, 2015). In the second round of coding researchers categorized the data (Maxwell, 2013) based on the tenets of QuantCrit. We used the qualitative data soft- ware Dedoose, to analyze the research. Project GRIT: (Re)Imagining and Rethinking the School-to-Prison Pipeline In (re)imagining and rethinking the school-to-prison pipeline we present our findings through the intersections of QuantCrit and its five tenets to provide counter-stories that challenge the youth control complex. The counter-stories of Latinx and Black youth who were previously pushed out of school provide an asset-based analysis of their skills, abilities, and knowledge that have yet to be uplifted to counter hyper- criminalized practices and majoritarian studies in criminal justice education. Our find- ings begin with current descriptive data portraits of juvenile arrests in California by race and ethnic groups, level of offense and category. We then juxtapose the current data with counter-stories of Latinx and Black youth compiled from various data sour- ces collected in 2014 and Project GRIT to understand the voices behind the numbers. While we understand that these data sources are not matched samples, we argue that statistics for pushout rates that contribute to the school-to-prison pipeline have not changed greatly since 2014. In fact, they have stayed consistent which we argue cannot be taken for granted as statistics are not neutral or objective, but rather help sustain the youth control complex. Given the prevalence and permanence of oppres- sion, it is crucial that educators create and support critical counterspaces (Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000; Solorzano & Villalpando, 1998) wherein Latinx and Black youth who were previously labeled “at risk” can reclaim agency and engage in transformative resist- ance (Solorzano & Bernal, 2001). We also argue that educators working within the field of criminal justice promote such studies, especially, to disrupt uncritical interpretations of juvenile justice statistics among students and policy makers. 278 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. Table 1. Juvenile Arrests, 2020 Race/Ethnic Group by Level of Offense. Tenet: 1) The Centering of Race and Racism is Multifaceted and Challenging to Quantify As seen in Table 1, there are three different categories of juvenile offenses including felonies, misdemeanors, and status offenses. Each category constitutes the seriousness of the violation committed as determined by the law. According to the Juvenile Justice in California, 2020 dataset, there were 25, 710 juvenile arrests reported by law enforcement agencies. Felony arrests made up 11,332 or 44.1% of arrests. Of the 44.1% of arrests Hispanic2 (43.0%) and Black (58.2%) youth faced felony arrests at dis- proportionate rates than their white counterparts. 11,930 youths were arrested on mis- demeanor offenses, accounting for 46.4% of total arrests. Of the 46.4%, white youth were arrested for misdemeanor offenses at 56% compared to Hispanic (46.2%) and Black (33.6%) youth. While this implies a disproportionate rate of punishment for white youth it does not take into account the deep rooted role of race and racism in the juvenile system. In employing the first tenet of QuantCrit, we center on the role of race and racism to disrupt and add complexity to the youth control complex. We argue that while misdemeanor offenses are higher among white youth this is due to the fact that felony offences are higher among Hispanic and Black youth. As described earlier, a major result of the youth control complex is that Latinx and Black youth are hypercriminalized which changes their pathways from education to incarceration. What the data does not capture and what the counter-stories show us is the humanity and lived reality of these students. Counter-storytelling processes involve a collection of data that speaks against stereotypical discourse that dominates understandings of racism, poverty, rzano & Yosso, 2002). As such in ProjectGrit for Latinx and sexism, and inequality overall (Solo Black youth to be labeled “at-risk” came with the notion of fear as mentioned: Something that I am really afraid of is dying and no one remembers me … what if I never get to accomplish my dreams … and I die known as a fuck up … I am really scared. I don’t understand why I don’t overcome my fears. (CB #22) 2 When discussing secondary data that we did not collect we use the nomenclature of how the Juvenile Justice Department identifies race and ethnic variables in their research processes—Hispanic.  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 279 I am afraid that I’m gonna give up on the road [COLLEGE] just because I’m scared to fail maybe. I’m scared things aren’t going to turn out the way I wanted them to, but that’s life right? So you gotta take a chance. There is always this voice in my head that says I don’t believe in myself, that I am not like the others, that I am not smart enough … that that life is not for me, that successful life. (#30) While fear was associated with being “at-risk” Latinx and Black youth also that par- ticipated in ProjectGrit yearned for coping mechanisms to deal with their trauma: It’s cause the street life aint like, it helps you to deal with things, you know like, me personally, when somebody, like when I was stressing out like, I would just go out and just, whoever wanted to bother me,or like,I would just put all my stress in them. Like, desquitarse (Spanish) you know like I don’t know,fight,that was one of my ways to deal with my stress cause I would get off all my stress to fighting you know, that’s basically it you know. Just running whenever I got chased, run. It was just like exercise too, you know, but I don’t know like to me I look at the street life as a sport, because I don’t know, a lot of things that you do, but at the same time you put your life in risk (WF) Well I actually got kicked out because I made a, well it was a hot day and I was wearing a trench coat and I got mad and I don’t, with my I have bad anger issues. And I know that. I don’t really, I rather the things I say I don’t mean but I rather say it rather then get physical. I express my anger verbally rather than doing it physically. So I said um, some threats that even at that point I was aware. I was arrested and I ended up here. Um, but I have to say like even through everything that has happened I am glad it happened. This is a wonderful school, opened my eyes a lot. It taught me things I would never thought I would have even accept (AT) The counter-stories that Black and Latinx youth offer in ProjectGrit demonstrate the pro- cess of the “youth control complex” in which they are subjected to an omnipresent surveil- lance and punishment regime in low-income communities. Schools serve as one institution within this carceral web that includes police, probation systems, and other non-governmen- tal institutions that come into contact with youth, and families. Not all youth in urban areas are equally subjected to this type of surveillance. But those who are most marginalized, expe- riencing poverty or a difficult home life, are more likely to be targeted for surveillance and have increased chances of contact with the juvenile justice system. Rios (2011, 2017) finds that schools play a major role in this process of criminalization. Students subjected to con- stant surveillance, punishment, or police encounters are more likely to feel alienated from the school, feel as though they do not belong, and are ultimately pushed out. Tenet: 2) Numbers are Not Neutral, and Need to be Interrogated as to how They May Reinforce the Interests of White Individuals Based on the second tenet of QuantCrit, it is evident that these juvenile arrests are not neutral, need to be interrogated, and contested for maintaining deficit perspec- tives that serve white racial interests to sustain the youth control complex. One way to interrogate juvenile statistics is to disaggregate data by race, ethnicity, and misde- meanor categories to identify what is occurring at a macro-level for Black and Latinx youth. As seen in Table 2, 54.1% of Hispanic youth are arrested for misdemeanor offenses as compared to their Black (16.1%) and white (23.6) counterparts. When the data is 280 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. Table 2. Race/Ethnic Group by Misdemeanor Offense Level and Category. disaggregated by category, Hispanic youth have the highest rates of assault and bat- tery, theft, drug and alcohol, and malicious mischief as compared to their counter- parts. Latinx and Black youth that participated in ProjectGrit described experiences with underage drinking and drugs mainly as a way to cope from the stresses they experienced daily. A couple of students mentioned: I’m not gonna lie, I smoke weed. It just gets me relaxed. I smoke weed casually too. It started when like my friend in middle school told me like “you wanna smoke weed?” And I was like I guess we can try it then from that day just started smoking then he died, so then I was like” fuck” and started to smoke some more. He got me into smoking in a way. We started smoking at the same age. He got hit by a, he was standing by the bus. I was gonna’ go with him too, to the bus stop but I wanted my mom to pick me up instead. I still think about it too, like sometimes when I’m high I just think like what happens if I would’ve went with him? I could’ve been dead. (AP) I drank so much I blacked out … I did something … Oh lordy my lordy ….i got so much drama going on right now. I got two friends to cheer up … I don’t know why people come to me with their problems. (#26) Much of the underage drinking and drugs led to missing school. One of the insights from young peoples’ counter-stories is that schools and communities have failed at-promise students– who are labeled “at-risk” for facing issues at school—in teaching them how to cope in healthy, productive ways. Furthermore, standard med- ical and therapeutic services are often inaccessible for at-promise youth. Tenet: 3) Categories Are Socially Constructed and Need to be Critically Analyzed In addition to arrests for violating a criminal statute, youth can be arrested for com- mitting a status offense. Status offenses are acts recognized as offenses only when committed by someone under the age of 18, such as curfew violations, truancy, run- ning away, and incorrigibility (Juvenile Justice in California, 2020).While in Table 1, juvenile arrests based on status offenses were reported at a lower rate than felonies or misdemeanors, status offenses among youth of color often initiate contact with law enforcement for behaviors that are noncriminal once they reach adult status which unintentionally influence the use of more serious charges. For Black and Latinx youth, an introduction to the juvenile justice system begins on the schoolyard with status  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 281 Table 3. Juvenile Arrests, 2020 Race/Ethnic Group by Status Offense. offenses for issues schools could address internally (Noguera, 2003). Applying the third tenet of QuantCrit, the reality of these categories are socially constructed and must be critically analyzed. Latinx and Black youth in Project Grit counter-stories reveal that they experienced enforced categories that diminished their humanity to a number as expressed in the following: All we do is fail, like I was told as I was growing up, I was told that I was never going to be nobody in life, I was a failure, I wasn’t gonna make it through high school … and you know? I get what they told, why they said that to me because of my actions that I did, like always fighting, always talking smack to the teachers, I would get kicked out, I wouldn’t listen … get sent to the dean a lot, get referrals, get suspended, but all that … realize that … I just realized that it’s not good for me, doing bad is not gonna do nothing good for me so. that’s why I decided to change my life around. (WF) The hardest thing for me was in high school. Just going to school because I really don’t like school. I don’t feel that I was meant to be you know, go to school or something like thatI never pay attention to class, you know. I’m in gangs and all that so I really don’t like school. (DM) As seen in Table 3, applying the first and second tenets of QuantCrit, when data is disaggregated by race or ethnic category among status offenses, the disparities between Hispanic and white youth are atrocious. Based on status offenses, 64% of Hispanic youth are arrested under this category in comparison to their white counter- parts which is 23%. In addition, the conflation of race and ethnicity as categories needs to be interrogated in the process of secondary data collection and interpreta- tions of self-reporting (Garcia & Mayorga, 2018). Historically, in the late 1800s to late 1940s Mexicans in the southwest were legally classified as “white” on the U.S. Census (Rodriguez, 2000). While this classification and categorization has been challenged throughout the social sciences and education, race and ethnicity for “Hispanic” or what we refer to as Latinx remains in contention during state and national public data collection and reporting. In this case, it is unclear who and how Latinx youth are clas- sified and categorized based on their race or ethnicity upon being assigned an offense in the state of California. 282 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. Table 4. Juvenile Arrests, 2020 Race/Ethnic Group by Status Offenses Category. Tenet: 4) Data Does Not Speak for Itself, but Rather Needs to be Informed by the Experiential Knowledge of Disenfranchised Communities As seen in Table 4, by disaggregating status offenses by category such as truancy, run- away, curfew, incorrigible, and other status offenses, differences among race and eth- nic groups become evident and must be questioned. The Juvenile Justice Department of California (2020) defines these categories on their website as the following:  Curfew violation - Violation of an ordinance forbidding persons below a certain age from being in public places during set hours  Incorrigible, ungovernable - Being beyond the control of parents, guardians, or custodians.  Running away - Leaving the custody and home of parents or guardians without permission and failing to return within a reasonable length of time.  Truancy - Violation of a compulsory school attendance law.  Underage drinking - Possession, use, or consumption of alcohol by a minor (n.p.) In our analysis we chose to focus on status offenses in relation to Latinx and Black youth that participated in ProjectGrit because those offenses are typically how young people end up experiencing their first encounter with the criminal justice system. A typical trajectory in the school-to-prison pipeline includes being suspended and expelled from school, and shortly after, being stopped by police for a status offense such as curfew violation, drinking, or not being in school. For the majority of the stu- dents in this study, punitive truancy control was one of the major reasons for them leaving school. In previous work, we found that it was a violation of school attendance that led to the criminalization of these students, yet their stories and reasons for miss- ing school showed, more than statistics ever could, that their truancy was influenced by negative relationships with teachers, basic issues surrounding transportation, phys- ical and mental health needs, and issues around standardized testing (Mireles-Rios, Rios, & Reyes, 2020). In the following transcribed audio journal entry, we hear a coun- ter-story to the truancy statistics:  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 283 I haven’t recorded for a while, but I finally am because I feel like … I need to let things out. I’ve been recently having a lot of problems where I live, with my sister. Basically money issues. I don’t have a job right now, and I have bills to pay. I also pay rent, and yesterday, I missed school because my sister wanted me to take care of her children. It did hurt me, because no one is ever there for me when I need help. No one is ever there for me to give me rides to go look for jobs, or applications, or to get to school. (BR #19) Through BR’s audio journal entry, we hear the complexities of her counter-story behind her having to miss school. Her reasons for not making it to school are deeply rooted in her need for transportation, caring for family members, and a financial need to pay the bills. Losen and Martinez (2020) found a positive relationship between security staff-to-student ratios and rates of lost instructional time for all students in California high schools with at least 200 students during the 2015-16 school year, even when controlling for poverty levels. An increase in security staff translated into an increased rate of lost instruction time for students. In contrast, they reported a decrease in loss of instructional time with an increase in support-staff and that Black students were most impacted by these trends (Losen & Martinez, 2020). Losen and Martinez (2020) also found issues with data collection as data on school-based arrests were often missing or not uniformly recorded across different school districts. For instance, the Los Angeles Unified School District in which our study was conducted reported zero arrests on campuses for the 2015-16 year. Losen and Martinez (2020) report a higher rate of referrals to law enforcement than suspensions. Essentially, stu- dents in LAUSD were more often referred to law enforcement than having their mis- conduct handled internally by schools. Historically, status offenses have also disproportionately impacted girls (Feld, 2017). Courts responded to girls mainly for status offenses such as incorrigibility, immoral- ity, and being beyond parental control, which mostly aimed to control girls’ sexuality (Sutton, 1988). Additionally, the prohibition of confining status offenders with delin- quent youth implemented in the 1974 federal Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act (JJDPA) and other 1970s mandates to deinstitutionalize status offenders were circumvented by 1980 to allow judges to commit status offenders and delin- quents by charging them with contempt of court for violating terms of probation–di- sobeying parents, missing school, or leaving home (Feld, 2017). This judicial procedure is known as “bootstrapping.” Though status offenses are understood to be minor and make up a small proportion of arrests according to the data, bootstrapping allows and promotes higher usage of charges which transform status offenses into full delin- quency with misdemeanors or felonies. Tenet: 5) Statistical Inferences Have no Intrinsic Value, but can Leverage Struggles for Social Justice While the statistical portraits drawn from the California Department of Justice (DOJ) and the Civil Rights Data reveal a bleak reality for Black and Latinx youth, the use of counter-stories from ProjectGrit leverages the struggle for social justice as these pro- grams are needed across the nation to disrupt the deficit narratives formulated by the youth control complex. Many Black and Latinx counter-stories focused on feelings of alienation from the education system from a young age, however, despite feeling 284 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. pushed out they all had a deep desire for academic and professional achievement. A paradox became apparent through their counter-stories: youths displayed a strong anti-school sentiment combined with a strong desire for academic and professional achievement towards the struggle for social justice. In describing the culturally respon- sive mentors from Project GRIT, VM articulates this paradox: They’re not gringos [white people] coming here to tell me you can do it. Because what I think of a gringo is, you know what, you didn’t grow up the way I did. You did not grow up with a daddy who was borracho every weekend, you did not grow up with domestic violence in your house, you did not grow up with a neighborhood growing up and hearing gunshots and a helicopter in the middle of the night almost every night. This makes me want to be like them, do better in school, become someone in life … While many students initially hesitated to describe their aspirations for future pro- fessions, many articulated educational and professional goals within a few weeks of being enrolled in the program, especially after hearing relevant others describe their experiences of overcoming adversity and obtaining college degrees. VM elaborates, So initially when I started high school I knew I wanted to study law, I knew I wanted to go into law, and you know um study justice um go towards that field. Why? Because I saw so much oppression within my neighborhood and within my family you know so seeing so much injustice, seeing so much and feeling so much fear of immigration you know and how um we feel oppressed because guess what we don’t have the same rights as the [white] citizens (VM #14). Students expressed a desire to achieve success not for personal gain but to use it as a tool to make an impact in their community: … cops from here don’t give a shit about the community and I think that’s pretty bad, you know, and I think we should do something about it. So, that’s something in my community I would like to change; it would be crime, no homeless people, you know, just create more jobs cause the main reason for crime in Los Angeles cause we have no jobs and without jobs, without money, what’s another option? … ….You know, they discriminate against people cause you know, oh well you have never had a job before, so you don’t have what it takes. So you know that causes people to do bad things cause they can’t get a job … this is what makes me want to succeed (DM #23). One theme that was consistent throughout Latinx and Black youth counter-stories was the desire to achieve success in order to make a difference in their communities in the struggle for social justice. Young people recognized they had been failed by a schooling system but still wanted to find educational and career opportunities. This is an important insight in that the program was able to provide resources and opportu- nities that were culturally meaningful to students, allowing them to feel they were gaining traction on the road to prosperity. Their success meant a lot to them because they dreamed of using it for a larger communal purpose: to disrupt the school-to- prison pipeline and to seek sustainable opportunities for others in their community towards social justice aims. Conclusion We began this article with the counter-story of Carlos, who despite all the barriers he was experiencing managed to create his own notion of success after being  JOURNAL OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE EDUCATION 285 hypercriminalized by schooling and punitive systems. He reminds us, “I’m responsible and successful.” Carlos pushes us to rethink and (re)imagine what it means to no lon- ger place the onus on Latinx and Black youths and dismiss race, racism, and structural inequities. In this article, we argue that statistics that report on the disproportionate punishment of Latinx and Black youth can no longer be used to maintain and justify the school-to-prison pipeline rather we need to center these processes conditions, and contexts in quantitative analysis allowing researchers to gain a deeper understanding of juvenile justice involvement for marginalized youths. Researchers, practitioners, and students engaged in criminal justice education can employ critical race methodologies such as QuantCrit and counter-storytelling to negate the youth control complex. In doing so, researchers, practitioners, and students must acknowledge that race and racism are endemic to the educational and juvenile systems, which ultimately affect their pathways to success. We demonstrated that through the application of the five principles of QuantCrit secondary data can be interrogated through the research pro- cess. Each tenet can be applied in criminal justice education when using statistical methods to analyze youth who are moving through the youth control complex. One immediate action that researchers, practitioners, and students can take is a shift in def- icit discourse to assets based discourse. For example, throughout this article we shift from “at-risk” to “at-promise” and from “drop out” to “push out.” As demonstrated from the counter-stories, youth who participated in ProjectGrit were aware of these labels/categories and to interrupt discourse creates anti-racist praxis. It is important to create policies that provide students respite from the school-to- prison pipeline. These policies include restorative justice in all schools, eliminating negative encounters with School Resource Officers or Police Officers by minimizing the presence of law enforcement for non-violent school discipline issues, and creating programming that allows students who have been failed by school in the past an opportunity to define the difference between schooling and education. In other words, allowing students to dream up an ideal education environment and, whenever pos- sible, providing them the resources to make a transformative experience in school a reality. Through the application of a QuantCrit framework, we come closer to disrupt- ing the youth control complex and adding complexities to the purported statistics for Latinx and Black youth. Engaging in a critical race methodology and counter-storytell- ing, these former high school students remind us that the numbers alone do not speak for themselves. Rather we draw on the humanity of these youth to demonstrate that they are not “at-risk” rather there is a need for a radical reimagining of their lived realities in which they are without a doubt “at promise.” Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. Notes on contributors Nichole M. Garcia is an Assistant Professor of Higher Education at the Graduate School of Education at Rutgers, New Brunswick. 286 N. M. GARCIA ET AL. Jonathan Ibarra is a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara and research associate at the Center for Publicly Engaged Scholarship. Rebeca Mireles-Rios is an Associate Professor at the University of California, Santa Barbara’s Gevirtz Graduate School of Education and Director of the Center for Publicly Engaged Scholarship. Victor Rios is a MacArthur Foundation Chair and Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara and the author of Punished: Policing the Lives of Black and Latino Boys. Katherine Maldonado is a doctoral student in the Department of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara and a Ford Foundation and American Sociological Association Minority fellow. ORCID Nichole M. Garcia http://orcid.org/0000-0002-8356-2564 References Bell, D. (2004). Race, racism, and American law/Derrick Bell (5th ed). New York, NY: Aspen Publishers. Collins, P. H. (1998). Intersections of race, class, gender, and nation: Some implications for black family studies. Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 29(1), 27–36. doi:10.3138/jcfs.29.1.27 Covarrubias, A. (2011). 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