Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers PDF

Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers brings together a range of e­ vidence drawn from psychology to answer a number of critical educational questions, from basic questions of readiness – for example, when is a child ready for s...

Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers brings together a range of e­ vidence drawn from psychology to answer a number of critical educational questions, from basic questions of readiness – for example, when is a child ready for school, through to more complex matters, such as how does a teacher understand and promote good peer relationships in their classroom? The answers to these and other questions dis- cussed draw on the interplay between a teachers’ craft expertise and their knowledge of evidence and theory from developmental and educational psychology. Presenting a range of classic theories and contemporary research to help readers understand what the key issues are for teachers and other professionals, this book aids informed educational decisions in situations such as: inclusion; ability grouping; sex differences; developing creativity; home and peer influences on learning; and developing effective learners. Teachers in early years, primary, and secondary settings are routinely faced with questions regarding the development of children. This not only relates to the planning and delivery of lessons, but also to the mental and physical well-being of the children and adolescents who they teach. The pedagogical features of this book are accessible and clearly pre- sented, including question points that direct the reader’s attention to key issues, activity posts that point the reader to meaningful and relevant research and show the practical applications of material covered, and extension material that gives depth to many of the topics covered. This book aims to inform the practice of both in-service and trainee teachers, addressing issues that are relevant to their practice. With no other detailed and acces- sible text presenting this evidence and theory specifically for an audience of practicing and trainee teachers currently on the market, this book will be essential reading to practicing and trainee teachers for early years, primary, and secondary education and other related educational contexts such as educational psychologists, counsellors, ­paediatric and child doctors and nurses. Dennis M. McInerney is honorary professor at the Australian Catholic University and an honorary professor at the Education University of Hong Kong. He is a veteran a­ cademic who has been a primary teacher, secondary teacher, teacher trainer, as well as professor specialising in educational and developmental psychology. David W. Putwain is professor at the Liverpool John Moores University. He started his career as a teacher of psychology, sociology and personal, social and health education, and worked in a number of secondary schools and sixth form colleges in England. Developmental and Educational Psychology for Teachers An applied approach Second edition Dennis M. McInerney & David W. Putwain Second edition published 2017 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2017 D. M. McInerney & D. W. Putwain The right of D. M. McInerney & D.W. Putwain to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. First edition published 2006 by Allen & Unwin. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Names: McInerney, D. M. (Dennis M.), 1948- author. | Putwain, David, author. Title: Developmental and educational psychology for teachers : an applied approach / Dennis McInerney & David Putwain. Description: 2nd edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa Business, | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2016013657| ISBN 9781138947702 (hbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781138947726 (pbk : alk. paper) | ISBN 9781315669953 (ebk) Subjects: LCSH: Educational psychology. | Developmental psychology. Classification: LCC LB1051.M398 2017 | DDC 370.15—dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016013657 ISBN: 978-1-138-94770-2 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-138-94772-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-66995-3 (ebk) Typeset in Giovanni by Swales & Willis Ltd, Exeter, Devon, UK Contents About the authors xv Acknowledgmentsxvii Prefacexix Chapter 1 – Developmental psychology: themes and research1 Introduction1 Studying development 2 Themes in developmental psychology 5 Heredity and environment 5 Physical growth and motor development 6 Cognitive development 6 Conceptions of intelligence and creativity 8 Cognition and information processing 9 Personal and social development 9 Moral development 10 Psychology and the scientific method 11 Basic and applied research 13 Research methods 13 Experimental research 14 Quasi-experimental research 14 Correlational research 15 Qualitative research 16 Integrative reviews and meta-analyses 17 General principles of good research 18 Validity in measurement 18 Reliability in measurement 20 vi  Contents Ethics and research 20 Internet resources 21 Chapter 2 – Heredity and environment and special learning needs23 Introduction23 Basis of heredity – a simplified overview 23 Dominant and recessive genes 24 Personality characteristics and genes 27 Sex related characteristics 28 Polygenetic determination 29 Diagnostic tests of the foetus 31 Interactions between heredity and environment 32 Genetic engineering 34 Family studies 34 Twin studies 35 The environment 35 Prenatal Influences 36 The impact of the environment on early development 36 Teratogens37 Maternal diseases and disorders 37 Drugs38 Maternal diet 39 Parental age 39 Birth factors and development 40 Deprived postnatal environments 40 Developmental problems in childhood and educational implications 42 Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) 42 Intellectual disability 44 Autism44 Cerebral palsy 45 Visual impairment and hearing impairment 45 Other disabilities 46  Contents  vii Streaming and ability grouping 47 Inclusion and teaching 47 The importance of early intervention 48 Chapter 3 – Physical and motor development: infancy to late childhood51 Introduction51 Principles of development 52 Orderly and sequential development 52 Developmental milestones 53 Cephalocaudal and proximodistal growth 53 Overview of developmental stages 58 Prenatal development and the newborn 59 Infancy60 Early childhood 61 Is there a ‘critical period’ for brain development? 62 Middle and late childhood to puberty 64 Principles of motor development 66 Maturation67 Motivation68 Experience69 Practice69 Individual differences in motor development 69 Motor development norms 70 Sex differences in motor development 70 Chapter 4 – Physical and motor development: puberty to adulthood and developmental health73 Introduction73 Puberty and adolescence 73 Growth spurts and interpersonal comparisons 74 Differences in physical growth, muscle growth, and motor development. 74 Implications for education 75 Multicultural issues 75 viii  Contents Developmental trajectories: early and late maturation 76 Early maturing males 77 Early maturing females 77 Adolescents and body image 81 Eating disorders 82 Bulimia nervosa and anorexia nervosa 83 Body shape and personality 83 Educational implications of body shape 85 Health issues and the school environment 86 Potential health problems 86 Hearing and sight 87 Dietary deficiencies – undernourishment and obesity 87 Other issues 89 Physical safety and legal requirements 90 Chapter 5 – Cognition and cognitive development: infancy to late childhood91 Introduction91 Continuity and change in cognitive development 91 Jean Piaget 92 Biological model of cognitive development 92 Balance between assimilation and accommodation 93 Operative knowledge 94 Stages of intellectual development 95 Sensorimotor stage 95 Preoperational stage 97 Development of perception, language, reasoning, and problem solving skills 98 Size and shape constancy 99 Classifying objects into sets 100 Perception and judgements of quantity 100 Number concepts and time concepts 101 Concepts of time: past, present, and future 103  Contents  ix Concrete operations stage 104 Seriation and classification 105 Implications of Piaget for education 108 Developmentally appropriate education 108 Social interaction and cognitive development 108 Spiral curriculum and curriculum integration 109 Lev Vygotsky 109 Sociocultural dimensions of learning 109 The importance of cultural context 110 Holistic education 111 Mediating learning 112 Classroom applications of Vygotskian theory 113 Jerome Bruner 113 Concept development 113 The course of cognitive growth 114 Ways of thinking 115 Discovery learning 116 Language development 117 Features of language 118 Theories of language development 118 Interactionist perspective 120 Stages of language acquisition 120 The school connection 121 Chapter 6 – Cognitive development: adolescence to adulthood123 Introduction123 Piaget and adolescent cognition 123 Formal-operations stage 123 Combinatorial logic 124 Propositional thinking 124 Proportional reasoning 124 Hypothetical reasoning 126 x  Contents Using formal thinking processes 126 Cross-cultural implications 128 Current status of Piaget’s theory 128 Further thoughts on Vygotsky 131 Culture and the zone of proximal development 131 Metacognition135 What is metacognition? 135 Does metacognitive training improve student learning? 135 Cognitive and situated learning 137 Distributed cognition 138 Chapter 7 – Conceptions of intelligence and creativity in childhood and adolescence141 Introduction141 Psychometrics and intelligence 141 One and two factor theories of intelligence 142 Primary mental abilities 143 Guilford’s structure of the intellect 143 Gardner’s ‘Frames of Mind’ 145 Multiple intelligences 145 Educational implications of multiple intelligences 146 Psychometric approaches to cognitive measurement 147 Intelligence testing 147 Key principles of the Binet-Simon test 148 Wechsler tests 148 Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence 149 Group tests of intelligence 150 What do intelligence tests measure? 151 Non-verbal intelligence tests 152 Variables that may influence IQ 152 Is Intelligence increasing?  155 Creativity156 The nature of creativity 157  Contents  xi Personality characteristics 157 Creativity as a way of thinking 158 Creativity as a product 160 The assessment of creativity 161 The validity of creativity tests 162 Relationship of creativity to intelligence 163 Chapter 8 – Cognition and information processing in childhood and adolescence165 Introduction165 Information processing 166 Cybernetics and information processing 167 Information processing theory and computer models 167 The components of the human information processing system168 Sensory receptors, working memory, and long-term memory 168 Remembering and forgetting 172 Meaningfulness and encoding 172 Strategies to help learning 173 Learning non-meaningful material 175 Number of units of information that can be processed 176 Mental imagery 176 Mnemonic images 176 Why do mnemonics work? 177 Classifying to help learning 178 Concept mapping 178 Networking179 Remembering and Forgetting 181 Factors affecting remembering 182 Whole and part learning 182 Repetition and drill 183 Overlearning and automaticity 183 Distributed practice 184 Serial position effect 184 xii  Contents Why do we forget? 185 Interference effects 186 How do experts differ from novices in information processing?187 Using the information processing approach in the classroom189 Chapter 9 – Personal and social development in childhood191 Introduction191 Sigmund Freud 191 Stages of psychosexual development 193 Anxiety and personal development 194 Current status of Freud’s theory 197 Classroom implications of Freud’s theory 198 Erik Erikson 199 Erikson’s stages of personal development 199 Trust and mistrust 200 Autonomy and shame 200 Initiative and guilt 200 Industry and inferiority 202 Parental and grandparental involvement in school 203 Humanism and personal development 205 Carl Rogers 206 Abraham Maslow 207 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs 207 Classroom implications of humanistic perspectives 211 Realness, acceptance, and empathy 211 Open education 211 Social and emotional development in childhood 215 Attachment215 Social and emotional development 217 The peer group 217 Sociometry218  Contents  xiii Chapter 10 – Personal and social development in adolescence223 Introduction223 Social and emotional development, social identity, and adolescence 223 Family relationships, social development, and relationship to academic adjustment 224 Parenting styles 224 Connectedness to parents 225 Autonomy and independence 225 Erikson: identity formation 226 Erikson: young adulthood and beyond 227 Classroom applications of Erikson’s theory 228 Importance of teachers and peers 228 Identity crisis 228 James Marcia 229 Parental involvement and identity formation 232 Conflict with parents 233 The importance of the peer group to adolescents 235 Positive and negative peer effects 237 Friendships237 Adolescent grouping 238 Adolescent sexuality 239 Social development and alienation 240 Social skills, antisocial behaviour, and academic achievement241 Adolescent suicide 241 Ethnic differences 242 Risk factors in adolescent suicide 242 Preventing mental health problems 243 Self-concept, self-esteem, and effective learning 245 How is self-concept formed? 245 Developmental changes in self-concept 246 Big-fish–little-pond effect 247 xiv  Contents Self-regulation and adolescence 248 Self-efficacy and adolescence 249 High school environments and the development of adolescents 251 Mismatch between school and adolescent needs 252 Chapter 11 – Moral development in childhood and adolescence253 Introduction253 Moral development 254 Jean Piaget’s stage theory of moral development 255 Critique of Piaget’s theory 257 Lawrence Kohlberg’s stage theory of moral development 258 Kohlberg’s methodology 258 Kohlberg’s stages of moral development 262 Current status of Kohlberg’s theory 265 Elliot Turiel’s domain theory of moral development 267 Moral actions and conventional actions 268 Moral reasoning and moral action 269 Carol Gilligan and gender differences in moral development269 Morality of care 270 Neo-Kohlbergian approaches to moral development 272 Defining Issues Test (DIT) 272 Moral schemas in the DIT 272 Classroom applications of moral development theory 274 Approaches to teaching moral values 274 Four-component framework of moral education 275 Nel Noddings and caring schools 275 Glossary277 References289 Index325 About the authors Dennis M. McInerney. Dennis is a veteran academic who has been a primary teacher, secondary teacher, teacher trainer, as well as professor specialising in educational and developmental psychology. He has had senior positions in Australia, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Dennis is well published and has a number of authored and edited books including Educational psychology: Constructing learning (sixth edition, Pearson, Australia); Helping kids achieve their best (Information Age Publishing, USA), and Publishing your psychology research: A guide to writing for journals in psychology and related fields (Allen & Unwin and Sage, Australia and USA). He is also editor of two research monograph series, Advances in self research and Research on sociocultural influences on motivation and learning (both Information Age Publishing, USA), and publishes widely in refereed journals and book chapters. Dennis is an honorary professor at the Australian Catholic University and an honorary professor at the Education University of Hong Kong. David W. Putwain. David started his career as a teacher of psychology, sociology and personal, social and health education, and worked in a number of secondary schools and sixth form colleges in England. Having completed a PhD, David took up a position at Edge Hill University in 2006 where he established an undergraduate programme in educational psychology, before moving to his current position at Liverpool John Moores University in 2016. David has co-authored a number of pedagogical texts, revision guides and articles on A level psychology (Taylor & Francis, Nelson-Thornes, Letts, and Philip-Allan), and has published widely on research into the psychological factors that influence learning and achievement. Acknowledgments We are deeply indebted to Bruce Roberts from Routledge who strongly supported this project from its beginning. We would also like to thank Roseanna Levermore, Sarah Sleath and Kristin Susser for their guidance throughout production. We would like to thank Sally Beesley for her beautiful book design, and Kelly Winter for her very thor- ough copyediting. We would also like to sincerely thank Joelle Enver for her wonderful artwork that enlivens the text. Finally, we would like to thank the anonymous reviewers of an earlier draft who provided us with insights that have enriched the text. Preface There are many excellent developmental psychology texts available, but there are few that take teaching and learning as their specific focus. Developmental psychology texts are often quite encyclopedic, and readers can be overwhelmed. In this text we have selected material that we believe is of most relevance to students preparing to be teachers across the broad spectrum from early childhood through to early adulthood. Our selection is based on our extensive practical experi- ence of teaching, learning, and researching, with a clear focus on effective education. Key themes in the text are: Heredity and environment, with a particular emphasis on how this information is useful for understanding normal development as well as special learning needs. Physical and motor development from early childhood to early adulthood, with a special emphasis on features that separate the different growth stages, and developmental health issues of relevance to teachers. Cognition and cognitive development from early childhood through to early adulthood, with an emphasis on contemporary approaches such as metacognition. Psychometric intelligence, alternative views of intelligence, and creativity. Contemporary views of intellectual development, particularly information processing. Personal, social and moral development from early childhood through to early adulthood, with particular emphasis on contemporary themes of importance. We have developed each theme in an educational context so that the links between the information, teaching and learning are clear and explicit. We have also situated these themes within a research context so that the reader can critically evaluate research find- ings as well as be inspired and enthused to conduct research. Chronological approach No organisational structure of a developmental psychology text is ideal. One can take a topical approach or a chronological approach. We have organised the text chronologi- cally within topics. For this reason, we ask readers to ensure that they read all chapters, even though they might be specialising in one or other level of teaching, such as early childhood, primary, secondary, or tertiary. It is essential, particularly when considering some of the big theories of development, to read the beginning, middle, and end of the theories! xx  Preface Pedagogical features We have endeavoured to write the text in clear and easy-to-understand English. We hope we have succeeded. To facilitate learning, we have included the following pedagogical features: An introduction to each chapter that serves as an advance organiser for the material to be covered. Focus questions that direct the reader’s attention to key issues for elaboration. Practical activities that engage the reader in meaningful and relevant research and show the practical applications of material covered. Selected focus on extension material that gives depth to many of the topics covered. Captions, and drawings that illustrate key concepts covered. Internet references throughout. Glossary of key terms and a list of references. We hope that this mix of pedagogical features helps the book to be both fun and ­interactive, and encourages you to deepen your understanding of themes covered.  1 Developmental psychology: CHAPTER themes and research Introduction In this book, we are concerned with human development from early childhood through to adulthood. What is development and what are the types of development that are of particular interest to psychologists, teachers, health care professionals, and others concerned with the healthy growth of children? In essence, development refers to systematic, age-related changes in physical and psychological functioning. Systematic physical changes include basic biological devel- opments that result from conception, as well as those that are the result of the interaction of biological and genetic processes and environmental influences. Systematic changes in psychological growth encompass a whole host of characteristics such as cognitive, personal, social, emotional, and moral characteristics. Developmental changes may be qualitative, such as an infant progressing from crawling to walking, or quantitative, such as an infant becoming more and more adept at walking. Some developmental theorists, such as Piaget, believe that only qualitative changes are the real markers of development. In Piaget’s stage theory of cognitive devel- opment, which is described in detail in Chapter 5, children go through four discrete cognitive stages of development each characterised by different cognitive capacities. Other psychologists, such as information processing psychologists put more emphasis on quantitative changes, such as the improved speed with which an individual can process and encode specific information. While information processing psychologists believe that qualitative changes do occur in children’s thinking as they grow older, the elements of information processing are available to children at an early age and they acquire increased sophistication in their use as they grow older (see, for example, Veenman & Spaans, 2005). QUESTION POINT Draw a timeline of major features of your development until adulthood. Which of the changes were qualitative in nature? Which of the changes were quantitative? Which type of change do you consider as a more significant marker of your personal development? 2  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH Another characteristic of development is continuity. Many developmental psy- chologists consider that once development has commenced for an individual there is a regularity and predictability about it that allows us to predict the future course of development for that individual. For example, if a child demonstrated a low academic or physical ability early in life, this will probably continue as a trend throughout the child’s development. Freud’s theory, which we consider later in the book is a good example of a theory that holds that personal development shows continuity based on early life experiences of the individual, which is relatively impervious to change. Of course, many other developmental psychologists argue that there is just as much evidence for discontinuity in development whereby individuals experiencing environ- mental interventions of various types may begin on a developmental trajectory quite different from predicted. Foremost among these psychologists were the early behav- ioural theorists such as John. B. Watson and Burrhus. F. Skinner who believed that an individual’s behaviour was malleable depending on environmental experiences, and in particular, the reinforcing experiences an individual had for particular behaviour. Continuity in development allows prediction and intervention, however, as we have indicated, many theorists believe that a considerable number of human characteristics show discontinuity in developmental trends. QUESTION POINT Consider your own development since you were a youngster. Which of your characteristics show continuity across your life? Are there characteristics that have changed? If so, what were the circumstances for the change? Knowledge of physical and psychological development patterns and milestones, qualitative and quantitative changes, continuity and discontinuity, prepares profession- als for their daily interactions with children and adolescents as they grow to maturity. Such knowledge guides teachers, social workers, nurses, psychologists, and doctors in their development of effective educational and health programmes to maximise the development of each individual. Typical patterns of development that characterise most children and adolescents allow such professionals to design programmes that may be applied generally. In contrast, knowledge of atypical patterns that vary from norms allows professionals to individualise health and educational programmes to suit the needs of particular individuals. In this book, we will consider each perspective. Studying development Psychology, as a discipline of science, refers to the study of human behaviour, and in particular, the study of the behaviour of individuals and groups. Psychologists study behaviour in order to understand human nature and why people do the things  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  3 they do. Behaviour may be overt, as in a child demanding attention, or covert, as in a person’s stomach contracting. Behaviour has both cognitive and affective elements. Much behaviour appears logical, orderly, and constructive. At other times, behaviour might appear irrational, strange, and bizarre. Behaviour might be simple or complex. Developmental psychology, as the name implies, studies, in particular, the develop- ment of human capacities such as thinking, feeling, and behaving. Developmental psychologists are interested in the various stages and elements of development, the principles of maturation, the effects of early experience and later practice on develop- ment, and a host of other issues. In order to obtain valid and reliable information on child and adolescent develop- ment it is necessary to study development closely. Developmental psychology has had a long history of systematically obtaining, through rigorous observation and controlled studies, essential information on the regularities and exceptions to development that have guided professionals, and which forms the basis of information in books such as this one (see, for example, Hergenhahn & Henley, 2014). Two elements are important in the study of development, first, describing development, and second, explaining development. In our treatment of development throughout this book we will both describe the key elements of development over physical and psychological domains, and where appropriate, attempt to explain the nature and course of development. There has also been centuries of theoretical and philosophical speculation on the nature of human development, and in particular, whether development is innately ‘hot wired’ into the system at conception, an approach often referred to as nativist or hereditarian, or whether development is much more malleable and subject to envi- ronmental influences, often referred to as empiricist, or environmentalist. This issue is often referred to as the nature–nurture debate, which we discuss in Chapter 2. If you were to look through the history of psychology, you would also see that over the last two centuries there has been a considerable shift from identifying a few basic stages of human development such as childhood and adulthood, through to an ever- increasing identification and refinement of stages. These refined stages include not only infancy, early childhood, middle childhood, late childhood, adolescence, and adulthood, but also an entire life span approach encompassing old age as a separate developmental stage (see, for example, Santrock, 2009). In this book we divide our examination of most topics into discrete time frames such as early, middle and late childhood, and adolescence. However, you should be aware that these divisions are somewhat arbitrary and you should read across the topics in order to get a complete picture of developmental processes, their regularities, and idiosyncrasies. There has also been an increase in interest in studying the interaction of various devel- opmental systems (such as physical, cognitive, emotional, and social), and an increasing emphasis on the complexity of the influences (such as biological and social) that influ- ence development. A strong exponent of this approach, Urie Bronfenbrenner, developed an ecological model of human development, which includes an ever-widening set of influences on development (Bronfenbrenner, 1979; Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006). While we do not specifically deal with the ecological approach in this book, it is worth your while to read up on it. Nevertheless, we do emphasise throughout the need to put development in its full context, which includes cultural and socioeconomic contexts. While observation of human behaviour began with early philosophers such as Aristotle, St Augustine, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau, dramatists such as Shakespeare, 4  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH and scientists such as Charles Darwin, careful scientific observation of human nature from which emerged great theories of human development began in the early 1900s (see, Hergenhahn & Henley, 2014). Major contributions were made by people such as, Jean Piaget, Lev Vygotsky, and Alexander Luria in the development of cognition; John Watson, Edward Thorndike, and Burrhus Skinner, in behavioural development; William James, Granville Hall, Sigmund Freud, and Carl Jung in self and personality development; Alfred Binet and James Cattell on mental testing; and Arnold Gesell on physical development. From this early systematic theorising and observational, clinical, and experimental research emerged a body of knowledge that forms the core of developmental psychology (and other branches of psychology) and from which emerged the contemporary scientific study of child and adolescent development. Throughout the study of psychology, various research approaches have fallen in and out of favour. Many early studies were based on the clinical method. By the clinical method we mean a procedure whereby a psychologist probes for information by ask- ing a respondent questions in an interview setting, and supplementing the information obtained in this manner with observations, projective techniques (such as interpreting pictures), and perhaps some activities (such as completing a relevant task). The clini- cal method formed the basis of the research of a whole host of early masters such as Piaget and Freud. However, other psychologists considered such approaches too subjective, open to interpretation, and relatively non-scientific. These researchers preferred a scientific method based on controlled experiments in which cause and effect could be exam- ined. Experimental approaches formed a major component of the research techniques of some early giants of psychology such as Watson, Thorndike, and Skinner. Whether research is clinical or experimental, good research is based on theory and hypothesis testing. In other words, researchers attempt to answer questions related to development such as ‘are there critical times for the development of speech?’, ‘is bonding with parents essential for the emotional health of children?’, ‘does cognitive development proceed in stages?’, and ‘does viewing violent television make children more violent?’. Theories, hypotheses, and research questions are essential as they drive the investigative process, and from well-designed studies is generated the information upon which psycho­ logists, teachers, nurses, psychiatrists, and other professionals make informed judgements. There is no right way to study child development; both the clinical method and controlled experiments allow us to discover useful information. However, it is essen- tial that whatever method is used, is used correctly. In a later section of this chapter we discuss some common research techniques utilised by psychologists. QUESTION POINT During your study at school or at university were you a participant in a research study? If so, what was the nature of the study? What were you required to do? Were you given prior information on the purpose of the study? Were you given feedback on the results of the study?  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  5 Themes in developmental psychology What are the major themes in developmental psychology? Typically, developmental psychology examines physical development, cognitive development and cognitive processes, intelligence, personal, social, moral and emotional development, lan- guage development, as well as learning and motivational processes (see, for example, Cairns & Cairns, 2007). Biological and environmental influences on development, which include the family and peers, as well as cultural influences form a major focus of attention. In this book we consider most of these issues from the perspective of what is useful and necessary for teachers and other related professionals to know. In the following sections we give a brief overview of content to be covered in each of the subsequent chapters. Heredity and environment Why are we like the way we are? This question has intrigued psychologists since the beginning of the study of the development of human nature. There are two key fac- tors involved in the development of human beings; heredity and environment. In Chapter 2, we examine the relative influence on development of heredity and envi- ronment and illustrate concepts that are important for teachers and others facilitating the development of children. Many aspects of our physical growth and motor devel- opment are canalised, that is, highly dependent on genetics such as getting bigger, walking, and talking that occur in most situations at about the same time for most children universally. It takes a significant environmental event, such as gross mal- nutrition or birth problems, to alter the course of canalised development (Masel & Siegal, 2009; Waddington, 1957). Other aspects of our development, such as the development of cognition, per- ception, emotions, and personality, are far less canalised and more strongly under the influence of environmental influences. These lead to a range of developmental trajectories and outcomes for individual children. While the basic material of these developments is laid out in the genes of each child the environment plays an impor- tant role in moderating the effects of genes. Perhaps intelligence and temperament are two such qualities subject to considerable environmental influence. And along a con- tinuum of human characteristics there are probably a host that are highly susceptible to environmental influences including the development of talents and skills, moral and political perspectives, and social, intrapersonal and interpersonal attributes. It is therefore essential that professionals dealing with children have a good understanding of how the environment may work to shape and mould individuals. Chapter 2 examines the role genes play in directing the development of specific human characteristics (our genotype) as well as the role played by the interaction of genes with environment in shaping our characteristics (what is termed our phenotype). Behavioural genetics seeks to explain the potential interactions between heredity and environment and we explore this in some detail. In order to explore relative influences of heredity and environment further, the chapter also examines atypical development 6  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH resulting from both genetic defects and environmental forces and draws out implica- tions of these for teachers and other professionals. Physical growth and motor development In Chapters 3 and 4 we consider physical and motor development from childhood through to adolescence. Physical development refers to physical and neurologi- cal growth, and motor development refers to age-related changes in motor skills. We consider the importance of physical growth and motor development from the broadest perspectives: as part of the normal growth of individuals, to establish good life habits, and to facilitate the development of other systems (such as cognitive, social, and personal) that are intrinsically entwined with the physical development of the person. We also look closely at cycles of physical development and the orderly and sequen- tial nature of development, and in particular we look at cephalocaudal (head to tail development) and proximodistal (inner axis out development) growth patterns. We look specifically at motor development in the light of four key principles: matura- tion, motivation, experience, and practice. Significant developmental milestones are discussed and their relevance to effective education considered. Individual and sex dif- ferences in both physical growth and motor development are highlighted. Finally, we consider a range of issues related to general physical health and safety issues from early childhood to adolescence with which teachers and other related professionals need to be familiar. An accurate picture of developmental patterns is fundamental to an understanding of children and adolescents, and knowledge of what causes variations in development is essential to an understanding of each individual. Cognitive development In Chapters 5 and 6 we consider cognition and cognitive development from early childhood through to early adulthood. Broadly, cognition refers to the intellectual activity of an individual, i.e. the mental processes; involving all aspects of thought and perception including imagining, reasoning, and judging. A knowledge of cognition and cognitive development is essential for teachers and related professionals. As with physical and motor growth, the growth of a child’s mind shows continuity as well as change, and as the child grows older there is an increasing differentiation of cogni- tive capacities. Young children are emersed in learning about the world around them. Concepts such as number, time, weight, measurement, space, and existence are the everyday subjects being mastered by children through their world of experiences. As children grow older they develop more mature cognitive processes which enable them to adapt increasingly efficiently to the world around them. In these two chapters we consider four important, and contrasting, views on ­cognitive development, those of Jean Piaget, Lev Vygotsky, and Jerome Bruner, and metacognition. Each believes that learning is an intentional process of constructing meaning from experience, but the means by which this knowledge construction occurs is considered differently. Three questions are raised which guides our analysis:  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  7 1 What is the best way to characterise children’s intellectual functioning at various key points in their growth? 2 What is the best way to characterise the process by which children progress from one of these points to the next? 3 How can the developmental process be optimised? Our first focus is on Piaget’s theory of intellectual development. For Piaget cognitive development involves an interaction between assimilating new facts to old knowledge and accommodating old knowledge to new facts, and the maintenance of structural equilibrium. Furthermore, as children mature they develop a series of operations or thought processes through which they become increasingly able to handle inferential thinking. The first Piagetian concept discussed is structuralism, which relates to Piaget’s notion that cognitive growth occurs through a series of stages: sensorimotor, preopera- tional, concrete-operational, and formal, each characterised by qualitatively different cognitive structures. The second Piagetian concept discussed is personal constructiv- ism, which relates to Piaget’s notion that individuals construct their own meanings through the interacting processes of assimilation, adaptation, accommodation, and equilibrium, and the extension of schemes, or ways of thinking. Piaget’s theory is quite complex, so we have selected elements to elaborate that we believe have applied significance for educators. We discuss the current status of Piaget’s theory and indicate that there is presently a de-emphasis on the structuralist com- ponents and an emphasis on the constructivist components. Important cross-cultural implications of Piaget’s theory are also highlighted. The second focus is on Vygotskian theory, which presents a contrast to Piagetian theory. According to Vygotsky’s theory, children are born with a wide range of per- ceptual, attentional, and memory capacities which are substantially transformed through socialisation and education, particularly through the use of cultural inven- tions such as tools, social structures, and language, to develop human cognition. While Vygotsky emphasises the active role played by the learner in constructing meaning, he focuses on the role of social factors within the external environment. In particular, his theory of social constructivism stresses the interplay between a supportive learning environment, represented by parents, teachers and peers, and the individual’s cogni- tive manipulation of information to facilitate meaningful learning. Key elements of Vygotsky’s theory, such as the zone of proximal development, holistic education, and mediated learning through social interaction, are described. We draw contrasts between Piaget and Vygotsky regarding the nature and function of discovery in learning, the role of social interaction in learning and the relationship between language and learning. Bruner provides another view of cognitive development. For Bruner the process of intellectual growth and learning consists in children gradually organising their environment into meaningful units by a process called conceptualisation and the for- mation of cognitive categories. Bruner theorised that children go through three major stages of intellectual development; enactive, iconic, and symbolic, and use two types of thinking; analytic and intuitive. We discuss elements of each of these stages and the specific characteristics of analytic and intuitive thinking, and the role of discovery learning in cognitive development. 8  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH In the final focus of these chapters, we deal with some important recent develop- ments in cognitive psychology, namely metacognition, learning strategies, and situated cognition. The ability to plan, monitor, and regulate our cognitive processes while constructing knowledge is considered by many to be essential to effective learning. This is referred to as metacognition. In order to learn effectively learners also need knowledge about how they learn, called metalearning. Many psychologists believe that metacognitive knowledge appears early and continues to develop at least throughout adolescence. We consider elements of metacognition and metalearning and some pro- grammes that may enhance the development of metacognition. Conceptions of intelligence and creativity In Piagetian theory a child’s capacity to reason at various levels is believed to be biolog- ically linked, and the development of increasing cognitive abilities depends on natural development in an interactive, supportive environment. While Piaget would agree that there are individual differences in mental capacity, his theory emphasises the need to develop each individual’s mental capacity through appropriate experiences, rather than merely identifying bright and less bright children. Vygotsky’s view emphasises the social dimension of learning and the zone of proxi- mal development. Hence, Vygotsky’s focus moves beyond what the child currently knows to what is possible, and to the processes most relevant to stimulate this growth. Furthermore, because of the very strong social and cultural components of Vygotskyian thought, what is considered ‘intelligent’ behaviour is more broadly viewed than simply being good at school and having a lot of ‘knowledge’. In Chapter 7 we look at alternative views on intelligence and cognition. In this chap- ter we consider the psychometric approach to intelligence. The psychometric approach is quite different from Piagetian and Vygotskian perspectives as the emphasis is one of measuring the intellectual capacity of individuals relative to others of the same age. It seeks to define and quantify dimensions of intelligence, primarily through the col- lection of data on individual differences and through the construction of reliable and valid mental tests. We consider views of intelligence as a unitary construct, and as a multifaceted construct, and the valid and reliable measurement of intelligence. We deal with intelligence testing in some detail and we introduce the notions of mental age, intelligence quotient, and individual and group tests of intelligence. We describe limitations of the psychometric approach to intelligence testing, especially problems emanating from cultural differences. We also highlight theories that describe intelligence as multifaceted, and defined by such qualities as flexibility of thought, efficient working memory, adaptability, crea- tive productivity, insight skills, social skills, and effective use of domain knowledge. In particular, we explore Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences and Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence. In both of these approaches one’s culture and specific contexts are considered to be important determinants of intelligent behaviour as indi- viduals interact with their external world. Intelligence tests are designed so that there is usually one and only one right answer to a question, if you answer divergently then you will not get a score on that  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  9 question. But is there a place for different answers and solutions, and what is the rela- tionship between divergent thinking and measures of intelligence that usually require convergent thinking? We look in some detail at creative and divergent thinking, its measurement, and its relationship to convergent thinking measured through conven- tional intelligence tests. Cognition and information processing Part of cognitive development is the increasing capacity for individuals to manipulate and remember information. In Chapter 8 we focus on information processing as a model for explaining human learning. We explore in detail the computer as an anal- ogy for the learning process by examining the way in which information is attended to, encoded, processed, stored, and retrieved. Results of information-processing research apply in three areas of learning. First, information processing research suggests that there are limits to the amount of infor- mation that learners can attend to and process effectively. If we overload our processing system, the working memory is unable to cope with the demands, and processing becomes inefficient. In Chapter 8 we present many ideas on how long and complex, or new and potentially difficult, information can be restructured so that mental demand is reduced. The second finding from information-processing research is that learners must be actively engaged in processing the information in order to transfer it from the working memory to the long-term memory. We refer to this as learning for reten- tion and discuss a number of methods to facilitate retention of information. The third implication from information-processing research for learning is that learnt material should be encoded in such a way as to facilitate recall and facilitate transfer to new but related situations. Meaningful material is learnt more easily, retained more effectively, and recalled more efficiently than non-meaningful material. We discuss methods for enhancing meaningful learning. Personal and social development In Chapters 9 and 10 we consider personal and social development and, in particular, how individuals develop as people: how they relate to others and to themselves; how they develop personal goals and ambitions in life; and how they react to the many problems and challenges they meet in life. The major foci in these two chapters are on the personality theories of Freud, Erikson, Rogers, and Maslow. Each of these theorists has made a valuable contribution to our understanding of how individuals develop a sense of self. We describe elements of Freudian theory that are of interest to educators and related professionals in order to show how perspectives from psychoanalytic theory have infused much personality psychology, and how key concepts from the theory are still useful today in our analysis of children’s and adolescent’s behaviour. In particular we describe and discuss defence mechanisms which are commonly used by children and adolescents. 10  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH In the description of Erikson’s psychosocial theory of personality development we cover the eight stages of psychosocial development and the important process of iden- tity formation. We emphasise, especially, the importance of caregivers, teachers, and peers in an individual’s personality development. We contrast Freud and Erikson, and in particular, the continuity implied in Freud’s theory in contrast to that of Erikson. We also consider the humanistic theories of Rogers and Maslow. Our major focus here is on the role that parents, caregivers, and teachers play as facilitators of children’s per- sonal and intellectual development by supplying appropriate opportunities, resources, support, and non-evaluative feedback to them. We spend some time discussing attachment theory. It is essential that a strong, affectionate bond is established between children and caregivers and that this con- tinues through to adulthood. Attachment theory gives a basis for considering the important and continuing role played by parents and caregivers in the personal, social, and emotional development of children. In particular, we consider the nature of fam- ily relationships and their effects on the child’s self-reliance and independence. We describe three parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, and laissez-faire and their potential impact on children. We also consider in detail the importance of peer group interaction for personal development and group acceptance. In this context, we look at the function of groups, gangs, cliques, and friendships. In our rapidly changing world many children and adolescents become alienated. The roots of youth alienation are very complex and may include family background, personality characteristics (such as self-esteem), and school influences. We look closely at adolescent alienation and the issue of adolescent suicide in particular. The importance of social skills to children and adolescents in order to avoid antisocial and delinquent behaviour is considered as an important element of social and personal adjustment. Another important aspect of personal, social and emotional development is the development of a sense of self as a worthwhile human being. We consider the nature and development of the self-concept, how it is structured and formed, whether (and how) it changes over time, whether there are group differences in self-concept, and what effect it has on motivation and behaviour. We also consider the nature and importance of self-regulation and self-efficacy. Self-regulation is important because it refers to the regulation of one’s own cognitive processes in order to learn effectively, and to monitor a range of other personal processes. A feeling of positive self-efficacy is essential for an adolescent’s feeling of well-being because efficacy beliefs influence how they feel, think, motivate themselves, and behave. Moral development In all societies, a framework of rules exists to govern and control human behaviour. Many of these rules are determined to be moral obligations and moral rules can be quite complex. Given the complexity of rules, mores, and morality, how do growing children learn morality? The process of development of moral concepts arises from children’s personal cognitive growth and experiences in the social world. The apprecia- tion of the moral component of social experiences depends upon the cognitive level at which the child is functioning. In Chapter 11 we consider moral development in detail  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  11 and examine closely the work of Piaget, Kohlberg (and neo-Kohlbergian approaches), Gilligan, and Turiel. We discuss Piaget’s stages of moral reasoning, together with the notions of a morality of constraint and a morality of cooperation. In line with recent thinking about Piagetian stage theory, we provide a critique of his approach to moral development. Kohlberg’s stages of moral development – preconventional, conventional, and postconventional – are described and the current status of the theory is explored. In particular, we examine sex differences in moral development, the relationship between moral reasoning and moral behaviour, and cross-cultural implications. Neo-Kohlbergian developments of Kohlberg’s theory are also examined. Gilligan’s critique of the male bias in Kohlberg’s theory is examined, as well as her call for a revision which gives greater focus to a morality of caring. Turiel’s domain theory of moral development is also described. Within domain theory a distinction is drawn between the child’s developing concepts of morality, and other domains of social knowledge, such as social convention. According to domain theory, the child’s concepts of morality and social convention emerge out of the child’s attempts to account for qualitatively differing forms of social experience associated with these two classes of social events. Hence, there are considerable differences in perspectives between Turiel’s views and the stage theories of Piaget and Kohlberg. Throughout the book these physical, cognitive, and personal themes of develop- mental psychology are related to the educational experiences of the children so that you as a practitioner are better prepared to facilitate the development of children. In the next section we consider important qualities of research that provides the informa- tion on child growth and development throughout this book. Psychology and the scientific method Progress in many fields depends upon asking questions and seeking answers. It is no different for psychology. Why do people behave the way they do? How do people learn? How do we form emotions? What are the relative effects of heredity and envi- ronment on human development? What mechanisms are involved in walking, talking, and perceiving? In order to answer questions effectively psychological researchers must adopt scientific methods that allow for accuracy, objectivity, scepticism, and open- mindedness. Unless researchers are accurate, what store can be placed in the answers? Unless researchers are objective, how can they argue that the answers do not reflect overt and covert biases? Unless researchers are willing to be sceptical, how can their answers be challenged? Finally, unless researchers are open-minded how can they cope with answers that appear ‘out of field’? (see for example, Bryman, 2012; Creswell & Clark, 2007; Robson, 2011). To investigate questions psychologists often hypothesise effects and relationships between phenomena, and test these out through well-constructed experiments. At other times, psychologists pose questions about phenomena that allow for research approaches that are more open. When effects and relationships are found psycholo- gists seek to discover ‘why’. Most often, the ‘why’ is related to a t­ heoretical perspective 12  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH that underpins the research. Theory, rather than being something vague, is based on principles independent of observations and provides the structure for investigations, as well as a framework for analysing and interpreting data and applying findings appropriately. All good psychological research reflects theoretical principles and you will become familiar with many theories as you complete your study in psychology. There are many under investigated research questions in developmental psychol- ogy. It is important for researchers to ascertain whether a particular research question has already been identified and answered by other researchers. It is futile to spend time and resources on a problem that has already been highly researched unless there are some puzzles still remaining. A literature review is conducted in a research area to find out what is already known about an issue of interest. The literature review will also suggest potential avenues for further investigation, partial solutions to the problem under consideration, and appropriate methodologies, tools, and analyses for further research. In other words, a background literature review provides researchers with a good foundation upon which to construct their studies. Research literature is also an essential resource for professionals wishing to keep abreast of their field. When addressing a research question a researcher develops an appropriate research design. The research design will be comprised of the research questions, an identifica- tion of the appropriate data, the sample of participants that are needed to obtain these data, and the method for gathering these data, and the analytical tools and approaches to be used for analysing these data. Again, each of these elements must be consistent with the research aims. In addition to these components of research are associated concerns such as whether the researcher has access to the type and size of sample needed, how long will the study take, how expensive will data entry and analysis be, what special equipment is needed, and so on. For example, two basic designs used in psychological research are cross-sectional designs and longitudinal designs. Cross- sectional designs study a large number of participants at a given point in time, hence are efficient in providing much data. Longitudinal designs usually study a smaller number of participants continuously over a longer period of time that might stretch over years. However, both of these designs have strengths and limitations, and it is important to maximise the strength of a methodology so that it most clearly addresses the research issue under examination. QUESTION POINT Consider cross-sectional and longitudinal research designs. What are their strengths and weaknesses? Suggest two projects, one in which it would be important to have a longitudinal approach and one in which it would be important to have a cross-sectional approach. Give reasons for your decision about the appropriateness of the research design. In the next section we describe some common forms of research design in psychology.  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  13 Basic and applied research Before we consider specific methodologies, it is necessary to consider basic and applied research (see, Mayer, 2008; Spiel, 2009; Stokes, 1997). It is common to make a distinction between what is called basic (sometimes called ‘pure’) and applied research. What is basic research? What is applied research? At its most simple level, basic research deals with the generation of new knowledge or the extension of exist- ing knowledge. It might be an experiment examining the impact of x on y, or a study of the attitudes of individuals to a particular issue. The focus is clearly on the provi- sion of new information without regard to immediate practical application of the knowledge. The research may even appear somewhat unrelated to ‘real world’ issues and the solving of specific problems. An example of this might be the tracking of eye movement in newly born children. There are many examples of basic research having a dramatic impact on our everyday lives through the clever application of new infor- mation to old problems. For example, the discovery of recency and latency effects regarding recognition and recall resulted in communication theory advocating that the delivery of information is more or less effective when given in chunks using the seven, plus or minus two, rule. Applied research, as its name implies, is concerned with the application of knowl- edge to solve specific practical problems. For example, once it is discovered that x has a particular effect on y, other researchers may attempt to use this information to solve a relevant problem. Indeed the progress of much scientific practice proceeds in this way. Hence, applied research in psychology may study the effectiveness of a self- esteem programme on academic achievement. In many cases, research studies may have basic and applied components. QUESTION POINT Discuss with other students some potential basic psychological experiments that relate to education. Discuss some potential applied psychological experiments that relate to education. Can you easily tell the difference between a study that has a basic focus and a study that has an applied focus? Research methods Below the level of basic and applied research are the research methods that research- ers choose to conduct their research. We have already mentioned two designs of importance: cross-sectional and longitudinal. Research reported throughout this book will represent both types. Three methodological approaches commonly used in psychology are experimental research, quasi-experimental research, and correla- tional research. Each approach has its specific requirements and is suited to particular research questions and settings. These methods can be used with either cross-sectional or longitudinal designs. 14  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH ACTIVITY POST Consider a range of research articles suggested by your lecturer. Can you identify the research method used in each? Experimental research In experimental research the researcher manipulates one or more independent variables (those chosen as important by the researcher) in order to observe their effects on one or more dependent variables (outcomes seen to be important by the researcher) (Hole, 2012; Robson, 2011). All other variables that might have a confounding effect on out- comes are controlled. Confounding refers to the situation where the researcher cannot effectively tease out what are the ‘real’ causes owing to the possible effects of other ele- ments not controlled for. For example, the researcher might be interested in the effects of reaction time of individuals to blinking red and green lights. Variables that might have an impact such as sex, age, disabilities, and so on, are either built into the experiment as independent variables so that their effects may be examined, or controlled so that they do not confound the results. Control of these variables may be achieved through ran- domising or counterbalancing the variables, if the sample is large enough, or matching and holding them constant across groups. Extraneous elements that might also have an unwanted effect (such as time of day, room distractions, etc.) are also controlled so that the direct effect of red and green lights on reaction time is validly measured. QUESTION POINT Discuss, with examples, randomising and counterbalancing in experiments. Why would a large sample be desirable for randomising and counterbalancing? There are a number of experimental designs used by researchers. These deal with issues such as the number and arrangement of independent variables. They also deal with the way subjects are selected and assigned to conditions, how confounding vari- ables are controlled for, and finally a description of the statistical analyses used to evaluate the results of the experimental manipulation. These elements of research design are very important for the researcher and others to establish whether the results of the experiment are generalisable to other situations, and so that other researchers can replicate the research if they want to. Quasi-experimental research At times, it is not possible to control all potentially confounding variables. Furthermore, the interactive effects of a whole range of variables (such as socio-economic status,  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  15 educational level of parents, culture, and prior educational experiences) might not eas- ily be controlled or manipulated in an experimental design. This is particularly the case when the researcher conducts an experiment with human participants in intact groups. In other words, the researcher has less control over matching and randomisation. It is common for classroom experiments to be quasi-experimental as the researcher has little control over who is in each class. For example, if a researcher wants to examine the effects of an ‘old’ and ‘new’ way of teaching by comparing the outcomes in two classes there is a more limited possibility for experimental control. Nevertheless, well- planned quasi-experimental research can have many of the hallmarks of experimental research, by incorporating as many principles of scientific control as possible given the circumstances. Well-planned quasi-experimental research can allow for pre-post comparisons when groups are tested at the beginning and end of some treatment in order to examine any differential outcomes. Any initial differences in groups owing to lack of randomisation can be partially controlled for by statistical techniques. For example, if a researcher was examining the effects of a new reading programme on an experimental classroom compared with a control classroom and there were pre- existing initial differences in intelligence and reading ability in the two classes, both prior reading ability and intelligence can be added to the statistical analyses so that these are controlled. Any residual differences remaining between the experimental and control groups can be attributed to the experimental treatment. In other quasi-experimental research, some level of randomisation to groups, some matching, and various statistical controls over the data to eliminate variance due to extraneous features of the design and sample can be utilised. In fact, in some cases, the distinction between true experimental and quasi-experimental research is tenuous in much psychological research. Quasi-experimental research may also have greater ­ecological validity than experimental research when dealing with human subjects. Correlational research Both experimental and quasi-experimental research is concerned with demonstrating causal relationships. That is, the experimenter sets out to demonstrate that if variable x is manipulated in a particular way it will have a causal effect on what happens to variable y. Not all psychological research is amenable to such an approach, nor is all research clearly able to isolate causality. The focus of much psychological research, therefore, is to demonstrate relationships between variables, such as when variable x varies, variable y varies in some predictable way. This type of research is called cor- relational research. If two variables completely covary, that is as one variable increases by one unit, the other variable also increases by one unit the coefficient of relationship is 1.0. If there is absolutely no covariation the coefficient of relationship is 0.0. If the covaria- tion is in the same direction, that is, as one variable measure increases the other also increases, the coefficient is positive (+). If the covariation is in the opposite direction, for example, as one variable measure increases the other variable measure decreases, the coefficient is negative (–). There are statistical tests that measure whether the covariation is significant. A rule of thumb suggests that coefficients above 0.4 are generally considered meaningful relationships between variables. Much educational 16  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH and developmental research is correlational in nature. There are many excellent texts around on quantitative research and you should consult some of these (see, for ­example, Field, 2013; Miles, 2012). ACTIVITY POST Select three research articles from the journal Child Development, or other developmental psychology journal. Select one example of experimental, quasi-experimental, and correlational research. Write a brief overview of each article illustrating the specific qualities of the methodology that identifies it as experimental, quasi-experimental or correlational. What are the relative strengths of each approach? Can you identify three potential research questions in developmental psychology that could be answered by each approach? QUESTION POINT Do you think any one method of research (experimental, quasi-experimental, correlational, qualitative) is better suited to psychological research than another? Why? Qualitative research The research designs we have considered so far are largely quantitative designs in which statistical analyses play a large role. One difficulty with such approaches is that they can be somewhat removed from the real world of human experience. Increasingly in psychology, researchers are using alternative methods to address questions in more naturalistic contexts. Sometimes these alternatives are used in the early stages of research to examine a problem in its ‘real’ or ‘normal’ context in order to generate plausible hypotheses, or appropriate tools (such as survey questions) for later experi- mental or correlational research. This research is referred to as qualitative research (Eatough, 2012; Robson, 2011). Qualitative studies are also used to understand or check on findings, that is, they can be used to test hypotheses and provide information to supplement, validate, explain, illuminate, or reinterpret quantitative data. At other times, qualitative approaches are considered the essential means by which a problem can be most effectively addressed because they allow the examination of a problem holistically, taking account of real life in all its complexity and depth. In this latter case, for example, the researcher might be specifically interested in the perceptions of the participants ‘from the inside’ which could not be effectively addressed experimentally. In general, ­qualitative methods use  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  17 relatively little standardised instrumentation and do not depend on extensive statistical analyses. Qualitative research has a long and illustrious history in psychology. Many key theo- retical perspectives guiding psychology were derived from qualitative analyses. We only need to mention Freud, Piaget, Vygotsky, Jung, Kohlberg, and Kuhn for you to realise the rich informative contribution made by these theoreticians to our understanding and awareness, and importantly, our view of human personality and development. Qualitative research may be biographical involving an intense study of an indi- vidual, ethnographic involving the intensive study of groups of people, naturalistic such as observing children in classrooms and adults in shopping malls, survey based such as questionnaires and interviews, and case study based in which detailed infor- mation is gathered on particular individuals. In many cases, qualitative research is positivistic, that is based on a priori theorising seeking for answers to research questions. At other times qualitative research is more open and based on grounded theory approaches in which questions, themes and issues arise from the analysis of the data themselves. Data may be obtained through archival records, oral histories, interviews, autobiographies, studies of individuals and their lived experiences, surveys, obser- vations, fieldwork studies, and so on. The aim of the researcher is to reduce the data (and with qualitative research this can be quite extensive) into meaningful patterns. For each approach, therefore, there will be related data reduction and analysis techniques, such as coding, content and cluster analyses of documents and scripts. Increasingly there are computer software packages available that facili- tate the coding, reduction, analysis, and interpretation of qualitative data. As with good quantitative research, the researcher needs to control extraneous variables and ensure that spurious results are not generated by faulty analyses. There are many excellent qualitative research texts around and you should consult a number of these if you are interested in conducting qualitative research (see, for example, Bannister et al., 2011; Smith, 2015; Wilig, 2013). QUESTION POINT Consider a number of research issues in psychology that you believe could be studied most effectively through a qualitative approach. Why is a qualitative approach most appropriate? How would you control for the accuracy of your research in generating valid and reliable results? Integrative reviews and meta-analyses While you might not typically think that a literature review is a form of research, reviews that involve a secondary analysis and synthesis of data across related studies is, in fact, a very valuable form of research commonly used in psychology. All researchers depend 18  CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH on both integrative reviews and meta-analyses to describe what findings are already available on particular topics and how other researchers conducted their studies. An integrative review is one that primarily synthesises and interprets findings on a topic across a range of relevant research articles. It will identify themes, and may discuss the strengths and weaknesses of particular articles and the field of research as a whole. A meta-analysis goes further. It takes the primary statistical findings from a large number of research projects related to a specific topic, such as the effect of self-esteem enhance- ment programmes on academic achievement, and derives a measure which reflects whether, on average, results are significant or not, and positive or negative. Both forms of literature review are very useful for researchers developing a research programme. Integrative reviews and meta-analyses are routinely used by psychologists to keep abreast of recent developments in their field of expertise. General principles of good research Research on child growth and development is very common in Western societies. From this research much information is derived that gives norms for physical, motor, and cognitive development on which professionals and caregivers can evaluate an indi- vidual’s growth, as well as guidelines for interpreting development in a whole range of areas from personal and social to moral and intellectual. From infancy onwards, caregivers and other professionals such as nurses, doctors, social workers, teachers, and coaches weigh, measure, poke, and prod youngsters to assess whether or not they are growing and developing according to norms or other expected standards. In this sense, the process of measurement relates to collecting specific quantitative data which might be in centimetres, kilograms, number of erupted teeth, heart rate, or visual acuity (Fife-Shaw, 2012). Evaluation, on the other hand, refers to the quality, value, or worth of the information gathered (Robson, 2011). So while a child might weigh 15 kilograms (an objective measurement), they might be evaluated as being scrawny or pudgy (a subjective, ‘evaluative’ judgment). To make the interpretation less subjective other criteria (such as age norms) need to be applied to make the evaluation. In this context these evaluations are often referred to as assessments (Biesta, 2009). Validity in measurement We generally use the term validity in measurement to refer to whether we are indeed measuring what we intend to measure. More importantly, validity refers to the appro- priateness of a measure for the specific inferences or decisions that result from the scores generated by the measure (Robson, 2011). Researchers need to be confident that the interpretations they make are based upon a dependable measure, do not overstate what the measure allows them to state, and are appropriate to the intentions of the measurement’s use. For example, it would be inappropriate to use a measure of intellectual performance to evaluate interpersonal relationship skills for purposes of employing a person.  DEVELOPMENTAL PSYCHOLOGY: THEMES AND RESEARCH  19 Various types of evidence may be accrued to support the validity of measurements (Shadish, 2002; Shadish et al., 2002). Among the evidence that may be used to support the validity of a particular measurement are face, content, criterion, and construct evidence. Face validity evidence indicates that the task or measure in the research, at least on the surface, measures what it purports to measure (Kleine, 2000). It is a relatively low level indicator of validity, but it is, nevertheless, an important starting point. For example, a question such as ‘how much is 4 times twelve’ would have face validity for measuring mathematical intelligence but not for measuring emotional intelligence. Individuals completing a test or exercise should, by and large, see a link between the purposes of the task and what they are actually asked to do. Content validity evidence is provided when the measure, such as a questionnaire or intelligence test or biological measure reflects the appropriate domain of investiga- tion. In other words, the activity should match as closely as possible the objectives for which it was designed. In this case it would be inappropriate to test swimming ability through a paper and pencil test if the teaching consisted largely of practical swimming activities. Criterion validity evidence is provided when the results of specific measurement such as a new intelligence or personality test converge with the results of other estab- lished measurements. For example, we might be interested in comparing individual performances on a particular aptitude test with other evidence of performance – ­completion of a practical activity, position in class, teacher rankings– to see if the new test is measuring the same underlying quality. In each of these cases the researcher is establishing a benchmark with which to assess how well the new measurement techniques ‘measure up’ (Kline, 2000; Newton & Shaw, 2014). If the data from our measurements are compared at the same time and lead to the same conclusions about the individual’s performance, the evidence from each is called concurrent validity. When the data are able to predict a criterion outcome, such as school performance or job promotion, we can say that the measurement provides predictive evidence for its validity. At times, researchers design questionnaires to measure psychological constructs such as competitiveness, self-concept, figural intelligence, creativity, or anxiety. When researchers wish to establish that the questions designed to measure a dimension such as self-concept do measure this underlying theoretical construct in a systematic way, they may use a statistical procedure called factor analysis. When procedures such as factor analysis are used to support the underlying dimensions being measured by a test, we speak of establishing construct validity evidence (Kline, 2000; Newton & Shaw, 2014). Factor analysis is well beyond the scope of this book. A simpler method of estab- lishing construct validity of tasks m