Salvini, Stereotypes, and Cultural Translation PDF

Language and Intercultural Communication ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rmli20 Salvini, stereotypes and cultural translation: analysing anglophone news discourse on Italy’s ‘little Mussolini’ Denise Filmer To cite this article: Denise Filmer (2021): Salvini, stereotypes and cultural translation: analysing anglophone news discourse on Italy’s ‘little Mussolini’, Language and Intercultural Communication, DOI: 10.1080/14708477.2021.1880423 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14708477.2021.1880423 Published online: 14 Mar 2021. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 87 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rmli20 LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION https://doi.org/10.1080/14708477.2021.1880423 Salvini, stereotypes and cultural translation: analysing anglophone news discourse on Italy’s ‘little Mussolini’ Denise Filmer Department of Philology, Literature and Linguistics, University of Pisa, Pisa, Italy ABSTRACT KEYWORDS This paper investigates the semiotic aﬀordances of the visual and Cultural translation; linguistic modes employed by Anglophone news brands to create news journalistic translation; news on the controversial Italian politician, Matteo Salvini. Grounded in discourse; Salvini; image studies multimodal critical discourse perspectives, the study has two aims: to unpack the multimodal representations of Salvini as synecdoche of Italianness and to identify the role of cultural translation in the discursive construction of the Italian leader. The contribution posits that, although the ideological positioning of some news producers might coincide with that of Salvini, the temptation to slip into familiar tropes of Italianness will override any political alignment. Il contributo esamina le potenzialità semiotiche delle strategie linguistiche e visive utilizzate da autorevoli testate anglofone per costruire ‘news’ ruotanti intorno alla ﬁgura controversa del politico Italiano, Matteo Salvini. Fondandosi sui principi dell’analisi critica del discorso e della traduzione culturale, l’articolo ha il duplice obbiettivo di analizzare le rappresentazioni di Salvini come sinecdoche di ‘italianità’ e di individuare il ruolo della traduzione nella costruzione del suo personaggio. L’ipotesi è che, sebbene l’ideologia che ispira la stampa in oggetto potesse essere vicina a quella di Salvini, i luoghi comuni e gli stereotipi sugli italiani ﬁniscano per prevalere sull’allineamento politico. Introduction In recent times, anglophone news brands have taken a critical stance towards Italian political lea- ders, particularly during the Berlusconi years (Agnew, 2011; Chelotti, 2010; Croci & Lucarelli, 2010; Filmer, 2016). Gentiloni’s leadership from 2016 to 2018 oﬀered but a brief respite: the elections in March 2018 spawned a coalition government between the right-wing League and the ‘post-ideologi- cal’ (De Maio, 2019) Five Star Movement that rekindled international interest in the Italian political scenario. Above all, what captured the attention of the foreign media was the rise in popularity of the League leader, Matteo Salvini. The sample study presented here investigates the construction of this controversial persona in elite UK and US news brands. The theoretical and methodological fra- mework underpinning the research intersects journalistic translation (Valdeón, 2015b), news dis- course (Bednarek & Caple, 2012), and multimodal critical discourse analysis (Kress, 2010; Ledin & Machin, 2018; Machin & Mayr, 2012). Viewing foreign news reporting as a form of cultural trans- lation (Conway, 2012a, 2012b, 2015), the study has two aims: ﬁrstly, to examine the interaction of image and word in the discursive representation of Matteo Salvini. Secondly, to analyse the speciﬁc ways in which journalistic translation contributes to this construction. In order to address these CONTACT Denise Filmer denise.ﬁ[email protected] © 2021 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group 2 D. FILMER questions, a sample dataset was compiled containing selected multimodal digital news texts drawn from the websites of right-wing and liberal/centre quality American and British news brands. It is posited that although the ideological and political bias of the news producers selected might dovetail with those of Salvini (particularly on questions of immigration), the temptation to slip into familiar tropes and frames of ‘Italianness’ will override any political alignment. The article is divided into ﬁve sections. Section two summarises the tenets of journalistic translation and cultural translation in newspaper contexts; it then moves on to discuss the recent phenomenon of political communi- cation via social media. Section three discusses the role of multimodal resources in framing news narratives, the research design and methodological considerations. Section four oﬀers a ﬁne- grain multimodal analysis of the sample data, while Section ﬁve concludes with some tentative observations and closing remarks. Cultural translation in news contexts The circulation of international news has always depended on translation (Bielsa & Bassnett, 2009; Valdeón, 2015a), yet the translational act in news production is mostly implicit and rarely carried out by professional translators. It is the journalists who become intercultural mediators, reformu- lating, shaping, and domesticating foreign discursive events for their target audience (Beliveau et al., 2011; Bielsa & Bassnett, 2009; Orengo, 2005; Schäﬀner, 2008). In so doing, a process of national image building can occur, leading to the perpetuation of (negative) cultural stereotypes (Filmer, 2018, 2016; Riggs, 2020; Valdeón, 2016; van Doorslaer, 2012). Digital newspapers construct news through an ‘ensemble’ (Kress, 2011) of semiotic devices that form paratextual frames. Images, video clips, hyperlinks to related articles, and translingual quotations (Haapanen & Perrin, 2019) are orchestrated to produce complex multimodal texts that can inﬂuence public opinion by convey- ing speciﬁc interpretations, and proposing representations of Otherness that potentially foster prejudice. Ideological and instrumental use of translation can contribute to this process (Baker, 2006, 2010). In news contexts, framing is achieved by combining selection and deselection of news events and reports, as well as linguistic transfer and adaptation of other elements such as head- lines, subheadlines, and the selection of quotes (Valdeón, 2014, p. 56). Consciously or not, imago- logical practices (Leerssen, 2007) reinforce national stereotypes in foreign news discourse in which translation-mediated tweets and quotations play an increasingly important role. Conway (2012a, p. 1002) has posited that journalistic translation can be viewed as a form of cultural translation whose function is essentially hermeneutical. The aim of translation in this sense is to explain to one group of people how another group interprets an object or event (Con- way 2012a, p. 1003). For this reason, Conway argues that ‘openness to the Other is a necessary condition’ for foreign news production. Otherwise, journalists may impose their own precon- ceived notions, thereby ‘missing the very point of their act of interpretation’ (Conway 2012a). By the same token, there is an inherent inclination to construe another culture in relation to one’s own (Brownlie, 2010, p. 48). This very human characteristic is exploited by news producers who arouse interest in the reader by appealing to the news value of Consonance (Bednarek & Caple, 2012, p. 43), which is the extent to which aspects of a news story correspond with stereo- types that the reader holds about the events and the people portrayed. In this way, journalists act as mediators, creating intercultural narratives that inform, persuade, entertain, and teach ‘while drawing on pre-existing cultural schemas and narratives’ (Brownlie, 2010, p. 52). While it is true that journalists play a key role in disseminating information on the foreign, it is argued here that most journalism has a commercial aim of selling ‘news’ and as such, the notion of journalist as ‘teacher’ is highly problematic. Translation has been theorised as a triadic phenomenon whose form may be interlingual, intra- lingual, or intersemiotic (Jakobson, 1959, pp. 232–239). Nevertheless, as O’Sullivan (2013, p. 5) points out, ‘Translation Studies has struggled at times with the concept of multimodality’. While audiovisual translation has received considerable attention, to my knowledge little research has LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 3 been focused on the meaning making potential of multimodal translation-mediated digital news texts.1 Journalistic translation spans all three of Jakobson’s modes of interpreting the verbal sign but it should also be conceptualised as a multi-layered social practice within a much wider frame- work of social and intercultural communication (Hatim, 1997; Hatim & Mason, 1996; Katan, 2004; Pym, 2003). Having outlined the relevant notions of journalistic translation, the following section discusses multimodality in news contexts and how it links to translation. The multimodality of digital news texts Breeze (2014, p. 303) observes that ‘in a world dominated by the Internet, it is becoming increas- ingly important to take in more aspects than the written word when analysing media phenomena’. Within the speciﬁc context of digital news, ‘Online journalistic language constructs its meanings through a set of multimodal channels’ (Federici, 2017, p. 67). Juxtaposing the verbal and the visual, digital news texts are embedded with hyperlinks to related stories and hypertextual resources, plus they contain numerous photographs, discussion boards, readers’ comments, and interactive adver- tising to create a complex multisemiotic experience. Kress (2011, p. 36) has argued that all texts ‘are the result of the semiotic work of design, and of processes of composition and production. They result in ensembles composed of diﬀerent modes, resting on the agentive semiotic work of the maker of such texts’. This is signiﬁcant when considering the multimodality of online newspapers in which the ‘news story structure has shifted and images now tend to dominate the verbal text: indeed, in some cases it is the image that is propelling a story into the news’ (Bednarek & Caple, 2012, p. 111). Multimodal discourse analysis, then, aims to unpack the multi-semiotic messages woven into a text, while bearing in mind who the ‘weaver’ is (Kress, 2011, p. 36). Richardson aﬃrms (2007, p. 140): Only through close analysis of texts can we ﬁnd out what values are emphasised (foregrounded), rare or absent (backgrounded). And only through multimodal analysis can we investigate how semiotic systems other than language construct news values and how they interact with linguistic resources. A multimodal news framework – analysing images In order to develop our understanding of digital news as a multimodal phenomenon, the inter- action between the verbal and the visual needs further attention. Machin and Mayr (2012, p. 19) note that images convey beliefs and values just as much as words: ‘visual communication plays a part in shaping and maintaining a society’s ideologies and can also serve to create, maintain and legitimise certain kinds of social practices’. A social semiotic approach, therefore, examines a reper- toire of signs and the way they are employed to communicate ‘wider ideas, moods, attitudes and identities’ (ibid.). Details of an image; the colours, shapes, forms, the distances, perspectives, and lighting all go to represent or symbolise and create a particular construction of reality. In news dis- course, images have several communicative functions: as illustration, as evidence, as sensation, as icon, as evaluation, and as aesthetic (Bednarek & Caple, 2012), although often an image can com- municate more than one of these simultaneously. Portrait photographs play a key role in news narratives; they capture the viewers’ attention and anchor (Barthes, 1977, p. 59) the text, that is, they may complement, enhance or undermine the messages that are being transmitted verbally regarding a particular elite person. In social semiotics, portrait photographs can be viewed as ‘oﬀer’ and ‘demand’ images (Kress & van Leeuwen, 1996, pp. 121–130), suggesting diﬀerent relations with ‘others’: viewers may engage with some and remain detached from others. Photographs with a ‘parallel gaze’ are considered demand images in which the viewer is addressed with a ‘visual you’, that is, on equal terms. Instead, high-angle shots in which the viewer seems to be looking down on the subject photographed create a diﬀerent 4 D. FILMER power balance, while oblique shots that position the subject at an angle can create a sense of unease or disorientation for the viewer. Colour and distance provide further semiotic resources. Finally, font style and page layout function as meaning making structures (Kress & van Leeuwen, 1996; Van Dijk, 1998). Having outlined the role of visual communication in analysing digital news texts, the following section focuses on the linguistic representation of foreign political ﬁgures in news discourse. Politicians in translation Most news stories are not about events, nor what people do, but are constructed around what pro- minent people say (Bell, 1991, p. 53). Schäﬀner (2008, p. 3) ﬁrst observed that ‘Newspapers reg- ularly provide quotes of statements by foreign politicians, without explicitly indicating that these politicians were actually speaking in their own languages’. An essential characteristic of foreign news reporting, according to Haapanen and Perrin (2019, p. 18) ‘translingual quoting’ is a process whereby ‘the original discourse on which the quote is based is translated during quoting’ (my emphasis). The authors carried out their ethnographic research in Swiss television newsrooms where a higher level of foreign language awareness, if not expertise, might be expected compared to journalists working in anglophone contexts. Knowledge of foreign languages and cultures, and the hands-on translational skills of journalists working in English speaking newsrooms are unli- kely to be suﬃcient to perform what is described by Haapanen & Perrin as more or less simul- taneous translation acts. Furthermore, while the authors’ account provides ethnographic descriptions of translingual quoting as a situated activity in journalism, a crucial aspect of news translation is ignored; in news contexts the translational act is invisible, and therefore sus- ceptible to manipulation where market-driven journalism prevails. Previous research adopting CDA approaches focused on the ideological implications of reformulating translated political dis- course in news contexts (Filmer, 2018; Federici, 2010; Qin and Zhang, 2018; Schäﬀner, 2004 to name a few). On the other hand, Haapanen & Perrin simply observe ‘journalist-translators tend to keep quotation marks even in cases where the words of the original speaker have been noticeably changed’ (2019, p. 19). While it is widely acknowledged that in the ﬁeld of journalism inverted commas are often used improperly, it is precisely in this context that hidden manipu- lation and distortion may occur when political discourse is transferred across linguistic and cul- tural divides. The following section moves on to consider the role of social media in the dissemination of international political news discourse. Social media, the political sphere, and framing Schäﬀner (2004, p. 119) asserted before the Twitter boom that political discourse had become a ‘symbiosis of politics and entertainment – the reduction of actual content to a minimum with the addition of aspects of “entertainment”’. In the fourth age of political communication (Blumler, 2016), Tweets and Facebook posts are the new soundbites. From Donald Trump to Beppe Grillo, the use of social media in politics has, as Schäﬀner stated, reduced political discourse to tweet- length slogans to the detriment of sound reasoning. Yet, political communication via social media facilitates access to a wider (international) audience thus increasing consensus, representing the perfect embodiment of populism (Bracciale & Martella, 2017; Carrella, 2018; Mazzoleni & Bracciale, 2018; Reggi, in press). However, when politicians post on social media in their own language and their (selected) utterances become the source for foreign correspondents to ‘quote’ the speaker in the construction of news narratives, processes of ‘resemiotization’ (Iedema, 2003, p. 41) occur. In the linguistic transfer and re-elaboration of information from one lingua-cultural context to another, journalistic framing devices emerge. Entman (1993) ﬁrst observed that the concept of framing developed by anthropologist Bateson (1972) could be applied to modes of representation in media discourse, especially in news pro- duction. Frames in the news can be examined and identiﬁed by ‘The presence or absence of certain LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 5 keywords, stock phrases, stereotyped images, sources of information and sentences that provide thematically reinforcing clusters of facts or judgements’ (Entman, 1993, p. 55). In the case of Salvini, a string of formulaic noun phrases such as ‘hard-right deputy’, ‘far-right leader’, ‘right-wing popu- list’, hardline interior minister’, ‘anti-immigration, anti-EU leader’, which are frequently preceded by the possessive ‘Italy’s Salvini’, all converge on creating a particular verbal image, which is sup- ported by pictorial prompts. Baker (2006, p. 5), in fact notes that the process of (re)framing is multi- semiotic, drawing on linguistic and non-linguistic resources, which becomes evident in the texts analysed in the following sections. Research design In the post truth era, I looked to the prestige and authoritative anglophone news producers to provide data on the ways in which Salvini is represented. News brands with left or centre left alignments were not used as sources for this study because it was assumed that a right- wing leader would inevitably be portrayed in a less than favourable light. The research design required that texts produced by right-wing and liberal news outlets be examined where conﬂuence if not objectivity might be supposed regarding a right-wing foreign poli- tician. The point was to see whether the discursive chains (Fairclough, 1995) on ‘Far-right Salvini’ would, by metonymy, engender cultural stereotypes. The corpus-aided qualitative study was carried out by retrieving articles from the databases Infotrac Newsstand and Nexus UK and from the websites of Time, the Economist, The Times, the Washington Post, The Financial Times, the Telegraph, the Independent, and the Express. A time-frame was applied from the day of the last Italian general election, 4th March 2018 to 16th March 2019, a period in which several signiﬁcant discursive events took place. The ﬁrst keyword search was carried out on Infotrac Newsstand and Nexus UK with the following word associ- ations: Savini + migrants, Savini + Mussolini, Salvini + far right, Salvini + hard right, and so on. While this produced and a large number of articles, it did not help in the quest for mul- timodal news texts. News databases do not include the multimodal contents of an article, only the verbal text. Therefore, the results were sifted manually in order to ﬁnd potentially suitable data that would include images, videos and other multisemiotic resources that were then sourced on the individual newspaper websites. In this way, it was possible to examine the webpage layout and online content with accompanying paratextual data, hyperlinks, and so on. The ﬁve texts examined here represent key discursive events during the timeframe ana- lysed. The ﬁrst revolves around the reaction to the 2018 election results. The coalition led by Matteo Salvini’s League emerged with the majority of seats in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate, while the Five Star Movement led by Luigi Di Maio gained the highest num- ber of votes. However, no political group or party won an outright majority, resulting in a hung parliament. The exponential rise in Salvini’s popularity, with the League gaining 17.4% of the vote triggered international news narratives on the growth of populism, nation- alism, and fascism in Italy. The unstable political situation is reﬂected in the reactions of the Washington Post. Following a three-month hiatus in which political machinations and leader- ship battles were afoot, on the 1st of June 2018, the coalition government between the League and M5S was announced led by the M5S-linked independent Giuseppe Conte. The formation of the government resulted in the swift application of interior minister Salvini’s stringent anti- immigration measures and provoked the publication in July of the Economist’s editorial on the threat of ‘authoritarian Salvini’. The situation came to a crisis point in August 2018 with the so-called Diciotti Case in which 177 refugees were refused the right to disembark at the Port of Catania in Italy. Salvini declined to authorise disembarkation, and was subsequently charged by Italian prosecutors for illegal detention and abuse of oﬃce (see Filmer, 2020). The Times published four articles on the aﬀair but for our multimodal purposes, here we discuss ‘Get 6 D. FILMER Stuﬀed, Matteo Salvini tells stranded migrants’. Salvini was also vociferous on the question Europe. EU budget restrictions that were placed on Italy, and the lack of EU collaboration in the migrant crisis created further news narratives. In September Time magazine featured Salvini on its cover as the ‘New Face of Europe’ and published an ‘in-depth interview’ with the League leader. A quotation from EU commissioner Pierre Moscovici, ‘little Mussolinis’, provoked a series of digital news texts in which Mussolini’s name and image were employed. The Express article discussed below is an example. The ﬁnal discursive event once again con- nects Mussolini to Salvini in news construction. Antonio Tajani, then president of the Euro- pean parliament, stirred media debates with a controversial comment on Mussolini, thus providing material for The Times article ‘why Italy can’t get over obsession with Mussolini’. The articles are presented and analysed in chronological order. Western Europe’s ﬁrst far-right leader since 1945? Published three days after the 2018 Italian general election, the Washington Post (7 March 2018) ran the article entitled: ‘Matteo Salvini could be Western Europe’s ﬁrst far-right leader since 1945’.2 An example of long form narrative journalism, the text oﬀers a verbal and visual portrait of the political persona of Salvini but the headline leaves no doubt as to the text producer’s stance. Although Mus- solini is not named, the comparison with Salvini is thinly veiled: the adjectival labelling: ‘far-right’ chimes with the date ‘1945’ recalling the end of the second world war and the demise of the fascist dictator. The modal verb ‘could’ indicates possibility rather than certainty, yet the verbal postulate is visually supported by a photograph whose iconic communicative function leaves little space for interpretation: a painterly representation of Salvini in Caravaggesque lighting and Messiah-like pose has the leader positioned centre frame, his is arm outstretched towards a young boy’s head, a gesture that is reminscient of the rite performed by a priest. Dressed in a dark blue ﬁreﬁghter’s uniform, the League leader is at a press conference but the chiaroscuro lighting focuses on his face and hand, while the journalists in the background are in shadow. Salvini’s gaze is looking out- wards but slightly to the left, as if he is focusing on something (a bright new future?) in the distance. The image’s religious connotations are striking, yet at the same time, convey the message of power- ful, charismatic leadership. From a textual point of view, hedging devices are used throughout the article to present the text producer’s hypothesis: ‘voters may have given […] Salvini a shot at leading the whole country’; ‘Mattarella may give Salvini a mandate’; ‘he could be Western Europe’s ﬁrst far- right leader’; ‘could rival the populist transformation of the Republican Party’; and so on. Unlike news reports on Salvini that rely on translingual quotations from social media, this argumentative text is supported by several indirect quotes from Salvini, although none are referenced, the source is not mentioned, and no acknowledgement is made to the fact that they must have been translated. Only twice is he quoted directly: “‘We will go to Europe and change the rules” Salvini said Tuesday in Milan’, and “‘The problem with Islam is that it’s a law, not a religion, and it’s incompatible with our values, our rights, and our freedoms” Salvini said last month’. The League leader is labelled as ‘the anti-Islamic, pro-Kremlin Italian’ who has ‘risen in dominance’ by ‘channeling fears of migrants’. His sense of humour, which ‘some would say is based on racism and misogyny – has proved to be a vote winner among Italians who are nostalgic for an earlier, less racially diverse era’. The portrait, then, shifts from the part, i.e. Salvini, to the whole, the Italian people. Three months later, once the alliance was forged between M5S and the League, the Washington Post (4 June 2018) referred to Salvini in a headline as ‘The torchbearer of Italy’s far right’. The metaphor is par- ticularly resonant because the ﬂaming torch was the symbol of the Fascist Movement. Implicitly, the Washington Post represents Italy as a nation on the verge of another fascist dictatorship. The next section examines the UK publication, the Economist’s editorial, ‘The Salvini eﬀect’. LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 7 The Salvini eﬀect The Economist has the largest circulation of any weekly news publication in Europe and is recog- nised as being one of the most authoritative in the ﬁeld of politics, business and economics. Its readership is largely inﬂuential elites, with a large international readership (https://mediatel.co. uk/). As a powerful, opinion-forming platform, the Economist’s point of view on world politics is crucial to global ﬁnancial markets and international conﬁdence. In the past, the Economist was particularly critical of former Italian leader Berlusconi (see Filmer, 2015), although their cri- ticism was conﬁned to issues of conﬂict of interest. The editorial published in the traditional for- mat of the Economist (28 July 2018) is entitled ‘The Salvini eﬀect’, the contents of which are distilled in the strapline: ‘Italy’s de facto leader evokes worrying historical precedents’. There are two propositions here: ﬁrstly, that Salvini is eﬀectively the most powerful person in Italy; sec- ondly, that ‘worrying historical precedents’, clearly a reference to Mussolini, could come to frui- tion. Immediately below these words the following cartoon is displayed taking up approximately 20 percent of the page (see Figure 1). It depicts Salvini pushing Luigi De Maio, literally (and meta- phorically) out of the (political) picture while he steps onto Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte’s shoulders, arm raised in victory. The communicative function is iconic: Salvini is portrayed as a thug-like bully who is pre- pared to do anything to come to power, and if that means trampling over his political allies then he is more than willing to do so. The close cropped hair is reminiscent of a skinhead, the neanderthal expression hints at a low intelligence quota, while the shaggy beard and open-necked shirt contrast with his more elegantly dressed colleagues. The same cartoon is used in the online version but is published under a diﬀerent headline: ‘Matteo Salvini, Italy’s de facto leader, is instinctively authoritarian’ with a less provocative strapline: ‘But he is also an opportunist constrained by Italy’s rickety ﬁnances’. However, the digital text is dominated by size of the image and the headline that take up the entire opening webpage. It is in the ﬁnal paragraph of the article, however, that text, headline, and image come together to create one meaning. The paragraph subheading, ‘Pass il Duce on the left hand side’ makes overt reference to Mussolini, and Salvini. Under the subheading, the article states that Salvini’s ‘authoritarian manner’ is rooted in his leftist origins, like Mussolini. The comparison with Mussolini goes further: ‘the combination of nationalist agenda and lower middle class power base, and hostility to outsiders and ethnic minorities all add[s] up to a proﬁle Figure 1. Reproduced by courtesy of Peter Schrank, ﬁrst published in the Economist, 28 July 2018. 8 D. FILMER disturbingly reminiscent of the 1920s’. The explicit rhetorical question: ‘a Mussolini in the making?’ is posed by the Economist. The article refers to his ‘extremist’ rhetoric, and his leading an alliance with ‘Fratelli di Italia’, the ‘spiritual heirs of Italian Neo-fascism’, thus the connections are laid bare: according to the Economist, Italy is in the hands of a dictator in the making. The migrant crisis through social media transquotations In August 2018, the so-called Diciotti Crisis in which nearly 200 asylum seekers were refused the right to disembark at the Port of Catania brought the lack of EU coordination in matters of immigration and asylum into sharp focus. It also put Salvini in the spotlight of the foreign news media; the vociferous declarations of the minister of the interior posted on social media became raw material for translingual quotations around which news narratives were constructed. The following example from The Times (August 24th 2018) illustrates the ways in which journal- istic licence and the invisible ﬁlter of translation converge to create news stories. The article ‘Get Stuﬀed, Matteo Salvini tells stranded migrants’ reports that ‘Italy’s interior minister told 150 migrants spending an eighth day on the Mediterranean to “get stuﬀed” as he sought to bolster his dominance of Rome’s populist government’ (my emphasis, Willan, 2018). The journalist cites the source of the translingual quotations as a video posted on Facebook by Salvini. The League lea- der’s diatribe was in Italian, and therefore, the selected phrases extracted from the video required translation, although who does the translating is not apparent. The editorial decision to use the ‘coarse imprecation’3 in the headline and attribute it to Salvini is an ideological one, which creates translation eﬀects. At best, the insult could be described as a satirical summary of the 20-minute tirade. While it is true that the essence of the video post was a condemnation of refugees arriving on Italian shores, Salvini did not utter the Italian equivalent of ‘get stuﬀed’4, nor did he address asy- lum seekers directly. His discourse was aimed at his Facebook followers, therefore, the reporting verb ‘told’ and the vulgar insult are entirely misleading. The article is accompanied by an image of a belligerent looking oﬃcial on board the Diciotti, pointing accusing ﬁnger at a group of weary asylum seekers crouching under a makeshift tarpaulin shade to shelter from the hot Sicilian sun (see Figure 2). The photograph functions as ‘illustration’, and anchors Willan’s words: ‘Mr Salvini’s performance, accompanied by ﬁnger-wagging, was watched by more than 20,000 people’. The article demonstrates the ways in which an ensemble of visual prompts and manipulated translation can render foreign news reporting mere infotain- ment. Such tactics might be expected from the tabloid press but it is disconcerting in a quality newsbrand. Cultural translation – why Salvini is the most feared man in Europe Matteo Salvini was featured on the cover of the American publication Time magazine for its Euro- pean edition on the 24th September 2018.5 Time has the largest circulation of any weekly news pub- lication, with a global reach of 2,000,000 including printed and digital editions.6 The newsbrand’s readership proﬁle reveals a highly educated, high-earning, middle-aged person who is therefore likely to be inﬂuential economically and socially. The cover of Time carries enormous symbolic power and is indicative of a politician’s rise to fame. Few Italian leaders have been featured on the cover of Time since it launched in 1923. Mussolini was featured on the cover on August 6th 1923 and several more in subsequent years. The only other Italian leaders to be conferred the same prestige were Berlinguer (June 14 1976), Berlusconi (7 may 2001 and 21 November 2011), and Mario Monti (20 Feb 2012). The black and white portrait photograph of Salvini is closely cropped to focus on his Machiavel- lian smile and penetrating stare (see Figure 3). The texture of Salvini’s skin is evidenced by the light LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 9 Figure 2. Reproduced by the curtesy of Giovanni Isolino, ﬁrst published in The Times, 24 August 2018. source from below. A ‘demand image’ par excellence (Kress & van Leeuwen, 1996), the parallel gaze addresses the viewer on equal terms. Furthermore it conveys the message that issues are dealt with ‘straight on’ (Machin & Mayr, 2012, p. 73), which is also the essence of Salvini’s verbal communi- cation strategy. The communicative function of the image is twofold: on the one hand it is distinctly iconic; the choice of a high contrast black and white portrait evokes collective memories and emotional responses linking Salvini to the past and by association, to historical Italian leader(s). On the other hand it is illustrative and evaluative anchoring the headline printed across his face, thus connecting the visual with the verbal: ‘The New Face of Europe: Matteo Salvini Italy’s immi- gration Czar, is on a mission to undo the EU’. The headline makes several allusions that need to be unpacked. The ﬁrst noun clause, ‘the New face of Europe’ is a double synecdoche; the new face stands for Salvini, who also stands for Europe. In other words, Europe is leaning to the right. This idea is reinforced in the second clause ‘Italy’s immigration Czar’: Czar, (or tsar) is a lexeme that has become part of political media discourse, which OED deﬁnes thus: Originally U.S. A person appointed by a government to recommend and coordinate policy in a particular area and to oversee its implementation. Usually with modifying word denoting the area of responsibility. The historical connotations, however, are clear: a. Historical. The title of the autocrat or emperor of Russia; historically, borne also by Serbian rulers of the 14th cent., as the Tsar Stephen Dushan. b. transferred. A person having great authority or absolute power; a tyrant, ‘boss’. Originally U.S. The acceptation of a person with great authority and absolute power cannot fail to recall images of a dictator. Finally, the genitive ‘Italy’s’ ﬁrmly places Salvini as a symbol of the nation he represents. The cover’s strong impact is likely to raise audience curiosity for the ‘rare in-depth interview’. The interview is attributed to Vivienne Walt, acclaimed foreign correspondent for Time (2018). Based in Paris, it might be reasonably assumed that Ms Walt does not speak Italian but no mention is made of how com- munication was achieved during the interview, and if indeed there was an interpreter present. Entitled: 10 D. FILMER Figure 3. Photograph reproduced by the kind courtesy of the Italian photography collective “Cesura”, Luca Santese and Marco P. Valli. ‘Why Italy’s Matteo Salvini is the most Feared Man in Europe’,7 the headline promises to explain ‘why’ Europe should be afraid of Salvini, thus falls into the realms of cultural translation, as one culture describes how (or why) another culture behaves in a certain way. In this case, the journalist promises to explain why ‘we’ (Americans) should fear Italy, (them) in the form of Salvini. It begins with a description of a political rally where Salvini’s supporters have gathered. The journalist narrates the events and explains that the chant ‘Il capitano sta arrivando’ – with the translation ‘The captain is com- ing’ – refers to the leader of the League, whom the journalist describes thus: Italy’s Matteo Salvini—the far-right Interior Minister whose rocketing rise over just six months has jolted Eur- ope’s establishment and threatens to ﬁnally upturn a political system that has reeled under a populist surge for the past three years. When Salvini ﬁnally burst onto the stage […] he told the audience he would seize back control of their lives from the European Union’s faceless bureacrats. The repeated use of the genitive ‘Italy’s Salvini’, reinforces national identity thus aligning Italy as a whole with the League leader, and by inference, his politics. The stock phrase and framing device ‘far-right’ pre-modiﬁes his title of ‘Interior Minister’ and later ‘his far-right party, the League’. The labelling (Baker, 2006, p. 122) of Salvini as ‘far right’ or ‘hard right’ is echoed throughout the Anglo- phone media – a quick Google search brings up the noun phrase ‘far-right Salvini’ with 1,230,000 results.8 The translation into Italian would be ‘estrema destra’ [extreme right], a label which the Lea- gue party refutes9, and which is not generally used by the Italian media to deﬁne Salvini or his pol- itical party. The paragraph continues with a series of adjectives and verbs – ‘rocketing rise’, ‘jolted’, ‘threatens’, ‘upturn, ‘reeled’, and ‘surge’ which are the lexicon of revolt and aggression. LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 11 The digital text has the additional multimodal dimension of an embedded video clip: ‘Time interviews Matteo Salvini, interior minister for Italy’. It might be assumed this is the ‘interview’ on which the news text is based but it serves more as a propaganda device showing the minister interviewed in his oﬃce, spliced with footage of him taking selﬁes with his public. Salvini responds to open ended questions that are not audible. Large titles introduce the themes on which he speaks. He responds in Italian with English subtitling. The subtitles will have been translated by someone, but we don’t know if it is the same person who wrote the article and did the interview. In fact, there seems to be conﬂicting representation between the written text and the audiovisual one. For example, on the question of immigration, Salvini is at his most controversial. However translational eﬀects occur in the subtitling when he discusses the question of work and immigration: Source text: Clandestini che sono disposti a farsi sfruttare Literal translation: Clandestine immigrants who are willing to be exploited Target text: with illegal workers who are exploited There are two points to notice here: there is a signiﬁcant shift in modality: in the source text, Salvini highlights that they are not illegal workers or irregular immigrants, but ‘clandestini’, a derogatory term that was declared as such in the Charter of Rome.10 In the subtitling, the neutral term ‘illegal workers’ is used, which eliminates the reference to immigration and removes the stigma attached to the source text term. Secondly, and perhaps more importantly, there is a shift in modality and there- fore meaning. The source text emphasises that, according to the speaker, it is the immigrants’ voli- tion to be subject to exploitation. The target text instead uses the passive ‘who are exploited’, hiding the agent (unscrupulous employers) and also the highly contentious proposition that immigrants are consensual to their exploitation. The neutralising eﬀect of the translation on the source language meaning seems to contradict with the overall message of the article. In the following section, the implicit becomes explicit in two articles that report on communi- cative events in which the name ‘Mussolini’ is invoked. Little Mussolinis The culmination of the ‘Mussolini’ imagery in the press was triggered by a comment by the Pierre Moscovici EU commissioner. According to the Financial Times (13 September 2018) Moscovici told reporters in Paris that: There is not — happily — the sound of stomping boots, no Hitler. Little Mussolinis — that remains to be seen. We are at a historic moment. Our history is tragic, we must avoid returning to darker days. The quotation is presented in English but if the press conference was in Paris we might assume that his words were uttered in his native language, French. The reporting verbs and the citation itself diﬀer across papers. The Express (Oﬀord 13 September 2018)11 reports [Moscovici] ‘harbours fears’ and quotes ‘There’s a climate very similar to the 1930s. Certainly we should not exaggerate, clearly there’s no Hitler, maybe little Mussolinis’. The headline to the short news item of 388 words highlights the words ‘LITTLE MUSSOLINIS!’, presented in inverted commas and bold capitals, thus graphically underlining their importance. The headline continues: ‘EU commissioner sparks OUTRAGE with Italy populism warning’. Thus, the headline explicates what is implicit in the com- ments of Moscovici, that is, Italy is on the verge of producing another fascist dictator. Salvini is not named, thereby transferring attention to ‘Italy’ as a nation rather than ‘Salvini’, or any other Italian leader as an individual. Under the headline the online article displays a stock image, a large black and white archive photograph of Mussolini addressing thousands of fascist supporters in Rome 1938 (see Figure 4). The image is the epitome of fascism. Mussolini’s arm is raised in a Roman salute to the crowds thronging beneath his balcony. The communicative function is iconic and adds to the 12 D. FILMER Figure 4. Image of Mussolini as published in the Express (italics), 13 September 2018. headline’s ‘a stark warning’, thus fuelling apprehension in the reader. While the viewer’s eye is drawn to the ﬁgure of the dictator on the right, it is the landscape image of the crowds thronging below that communicate the idea of consensus of the people. This is notion of ‘consensus’ is further elaborated in the text analysed below. Cultural translation – why Italy can’t get over obsession with Mussolini During his presidency of the European parliament, right-wing Italian politician, Antonio Tajani, was interviewed on the political radio talk show La Zanzara. The interviewer asked Tajani to express his opinion of Mussolini. He replied: Mussolini? Until he declared war on the whole world following Hitler, until he promoted the racial laws, and apart from the shocking Matteotti aﬀair, he accomplished some positive things in order to build infrastruc- tures in our country […] From the point of view of carrying out concrete acts, one cannot say that he did not achieve anything’. He then underlined: ‘Shame on anyone who instrumentalises my words on fascism! I have always been a convinced anti-fascist. I won’t let anyone to insinuate on the contrary’12 LANGUAGE AND INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATION 13 Despite Tajani’s fervent warning against deliberate misconstrual of his words, his observations on Mussolini provided both the Italian and British press with material to construct ‘fascist Italy’ nar- ratives, creating discourse chains to a similar incident with Berlusconi (cf. Filmer, 2021). In order to contextualise the discursive event, it is worth mentioning that at the last general election, the two parties of the extreme right, Forza Nuova and Casapound gained 0.37% and 0.9% of the vote, well below the 3% threshold necessary for a seat in parliament.13 The Times article discussed here carries the headline ‘Why Italy can’t get over obsession with Mussolini’ (Kington, 16 March 2019).14 The ‘Why’ in theme position raises audience expec- tation that the journalist will unravel the alleged ‘obsession’ and respond with a ‘because’, and is therefore a form of cultural translation. Beneath the headline there is a black and white archive photograph of Mussolini on a podium, arm raised in a Roman salute, gazing downwards as he delivers a speech. He is in full uniform and centre frame. The image is a powerful one that evokes the spirit of the dictator, and functions here as ‘image as icon’ -rep- resentation of key moments in history, but also image as evaluation, clearly drawing parallels between past and present. Breeze observes (2014, p. 316), ‘the role that photographs play in the framing process tends to be that of narrowing down the possible interpretations and sway- ing the viewer/reader towards a particular view’. Here we are left in no doubt. The article begins ‘ … it is surprising how often Benito Mussolini is invoked in Italy as an avuncular statesman’. The aﬃrmation frames the news that Tajani made comments that ‘praised’ Mussolini. Tajani is quoted in the article, with no reference to the source, nor that his words were uttered in Italian. The journalist presents Tajani as an apologist: ‘Mr Tajani’s belief that Mussolini’s alleged vir- tues can be isolated from his murderous vices is widely shared in Italy’ (my emphasis) but in so doing shifts attention from the politician to the Italian people and suggests that the majority of Italians are in fact supporters of Mussolini. This unsubstantiated claim is then followed by the observation that Italy is ‘increasingly’ shifting to the right ‘under the stewardship of League Party leader Matteo Salvini’. A similar supposition is presented in the caption of another black and white image, this time a proﬁle shot of Hitler in the foreground with Mussolini standing next to him. The caption reads: ‘Many mainstream voters believe Mussolini was a blessing until he forged a disastrous alliance with Hitler’. The concessional ‘until’ clause foregrounds the main proposition that as far as the majority of Italians are concerned, ‘Mussolini was a bles- sing’. The words are repeated in the body text. Concluding remarks This contribution aimed to explore the ways in which multimodality and cultural translation are employed in the representation of Italian politician Matteo Salvini in quality anglophone news brands. As a small-scale pilot study, the results are by no means conclusive but some tentative observations can be made. Overall, the ﬁndings would seem to indicate that digital news texts when orchestrated through multisemiotic channels tend to accentuate cultural stereotypes. How- ever, when those diﬀerent channels are mediated by translation, conﬂicting meanings may be produced. For example, the video clip embedded in the Time article analysed tempers the over- arching message of the digital text: the English subtitles neutralise the contentious source language utterances and the visual montage oﬀers such a positive image of the League leader that one might wonder from the conﬂicting representations why Europe should ‘fear’ this man at all. Secondly, the selection of news by the Express and The Times and their use of archive photo- graphic images whose communicative function can only be iconic, clearly reinforce familiar tropes of ‘Italy = fascist’ in the collective anglophone imagination. The multimodal aﬀordances and her- meneutic act of ‘cultural translation’ leave little room for negotiation of meaning. At textual level, Salvini is frequently pre-modiﬁed by adjectival phases such as ‘far right’, hard right’, and ‘hard line’. 14 D. FILMER The former Italian Interior Minister’s anti-immigration strategies infringe international human rights law and should be abhorred by all civil societies. Nevertheless, Boris Johnson has suggested similar procedures of refoulment,15,16 yet he is not referred to as ‘far-right’ in the British press. It remains to be explained why cultural stereotypes override political alignment in cross-cultural news discourse. Further, in-depth research is needed. To enhance the multimodal analysis proposed here, quantitative data is essential. It would be a fertile line of investigation to understand if and why this ‘cultural translation’, or translation shift from ‘centro destra’ [centre right] to ‘far right’ occurs and compare journalistic ideological labelling in other lingua-cultural contexts. In addition, reception studies encompassing the cognitive perspective to examine the eﬀects such multimodal representations produce in the form of readers’ comments and focus groups, would shed invaluable light on the perpetuation of cultural stereotypes in public opinion through media framing. Research into the processes and products of journalistic translation has until now focused pri- marily on the verbal. However, a broader spectrum of theoretical perspectives and analytical tools is needed to analyse multimodal representations of the Other in foreign news reporting and the ensu- ing audience response. In the words of Cronin (2017, p.1), ‘Translation is made to connect ideas’. The time is ripe for the interconnectedness between word and image, so crucial to audiovisual translation, to be extended to other areas of translation research. Notes 1. see Altahmazi, 2020, for one of the few studies on this theme. 2. https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/europe/matteo-salvini-could-be-western-europes-ﬁrst-far-right- leader-since-1945/2018/03/06/2d3dea36-2097-11e8-946c-9420060cb7bd_story.html. 3. OED Online. 4. Which could be loosely translated as ‘vaﬀanculo’ in Italian, or ‘go fuck yourself’ in a literal intralingual translation. 5. https://www.ansa.it/sito/notizie/politica/2018/09/13/salvini-in-copertina-su-time-il-nuovo-volto-deuropa-_ 1dbda629-c9b1-41d6-8a19-d0365432372b.html. 6. https://www.timemediakit.com/wp-content/uploads/2019/06/TIME-Publishers-Statement_12.31.18.pdf. 7. https://time.com/5394448/matteo-salvini/. 8. See Filmer, 2021 for a corpus based analysis of ideological cues as pre-modiﬁers in news discourse on Salvini. 9. The University of Bologna’s decision to adopt Passarelli and Tuorto’s (2018) volume Salvini’s League. Extreme Right in Government on one of its political sciences courses was questioned by representatives from Italy’s governing League party in Emilia Romagna, which only served to fuel further criticism of worrying anti-intel- lectualism and authoritarian tendencies. https://www.independent.co.uk/voices/italy-far-right-salvini-lega- league-university-bologna-fascism-a8870736.html. 10. https://www.cartadiroma.org/editoriale/la-parola-clandestino-va-cancellata-dal-linguaggio-giornalistico/. 11. https://www.express.co.uk/news/world/1017239/italy-news-mussolini-league-salvini-5sm-eu. 12. The translation is mine. 13. https://www.repubblica.it/speciali/politica/elezioni2018/2018/03/05/news/ﬂop_neofascisti-190494095/. 14. https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/why-italy-can-t-get-overobsession-with-mussolini-56vlx3q9h. 15. The practice of sending refugees or asylum seekers back to their country or to another country where they are likely to suﬀer bad treatment (OED). 16. https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-7389049/Boris-Johnson-tells-migrants-send-cross-Channel.html. Notes on contributor Denise Filmer is a research fellow in the Department of Philology, Literature and Linguistics at the University of Pisa (Italy) where she also teaches English for speciﬁc purposes in the Department of Political Science. She holds a degree in Foreign Languages and Communication (University of Catania, Italy), an MA by Research (Durham University UK), and a PhD in Translation Studies (Durham University UK) funded by a Durham University Doctoral Scholar- ship. In 2017 she won a postdoctoral fellowship at the University of Catania’s School of Modern Languages (Italy) for the project ‘The migration of meaning: semantic shifts, news translation, and the language of immigration in news discourse on the migrant crisis’. 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