Development During Adolescence PDF

Development During Adolescence The Impact of Stage-Environment Fit on Young Adolescents' Experiences in Schools and in Families Jacquelynne S. Eccles, Carol Midgley, Allan Wigfield, Christy Miller Buchanan, David Reuman, Constance Fl...

Development During Adolescence The Impact of Stage-Environment Fit on Young Adolescents' Experiences in Schools and in Families Jacquelynne S. Eccles, Carol Midgley, Allan Wigfield, Christy Miller Buchanan, David Reuman, Constance Flanagan, and Douglas Mac Iver Although most individuals pass through adolescence this developmental period that puts individuals at greater without excessively high levels of "storm and stress," many risk for difficulty as they pass through it? This article do experience difficulty. Why? Is there something unique focuses on this question. Consistent with the view elab- about this developmental period that puts adolescents at orated by Higgins and Parsons (1983), we suggest that riskfor difficulty? This articlefocuses on this question and the unique transitional nature of early adolescence results, advances the hypothesis that some of the negative psycho- at least in part, from an interaction between develop- logical changes associated with adolescent development mental changes at both the individual and social envi- result from a mismatch between the needs of developing ronmental levels. In particular, we advance the hypothesis adolescents and the opportunities afforded them by their that some of the negative psychological changes associated social environments. It provides examples of how this with adolescent development result from a mismatch be- mismatch develops in the school and in the home and how tween the needs of developing adolescents and the op- it is linked to negative age-related changes in early ado- portunities afforded them by their social environments. lescents' motivation and self-perceptions. Ways in which We provide examples of how this mismatch develops and more developmental^ appropriate social environments operates in two specific social environments, the school can be created are discussed. and the home. We begin by reviewing the evidence of "problematic" change at the individual level. "Problematic" Changes Associated O ver the past 10 to 15 years there has been a dramatic increase in the attention paid to ad- olescence. Few developmental periods are char- acterized by so many changes at so many different levels— changes due to pubertal development, social role redefi- With Early Adolescent Development Research suggests that the early adolescent years mark the beginning of a downward spiral for some individuals, a spiral that leads some adolescents to academic failure and school dropout. For example, Simmons and Blyth nitions, cognitive development, school transitions, and (1987) found a marked decline in some early adolescents' the emergence of sexuality. The nature and pace of these school grades as they move into junior high school. Fur- changes make adolescence an ideal focus for the study of thermore, the magnitude of this decline was predictive of human development. This has become increasingly evi- subsequent school failure and dropout. Similarly timed dent to many developmental scientists. developmental declines have been documented for such For a variety of historical and policy-related reasons, much of the work in developmental science has focused on adolescence as a time of risk. With rapid change comes Jacquelynne S. Eccles, Universities of Colorado and Michigan; Carol a heightened potential for both positive and negative out- Midgley and Constance Flanagan, University of Michigan; Allan Wigfield, comes. Although most individuals pass through this de- University of Maryland; Christy Miller Buchanan, Wake Forest Univer- sity; David Reuman, Trinity College; and Douglas Mac Iver, Johns Hop- velopmental period without excessively high levels of kins University. storm and stress, many individuals do experience diffi- This research was made possible by grants from the National In- culty during this period. Between 15% and 30% of ado- stitute of Child Health and Human Development (HD31724) and the lescents in the United States, depending on the ethnic Spencer Foundation to Jacquelynne S. Eccles and from the National Science Foundation (BNS-8510504) to Jacquelynne S. Eccles and Allan group, drop out of school before completing high school; Wigfield. adolescents have the highest arrest rate of any age group; We wish to thank our colleagues for assistance in designing, running, and an increasing number of adolescents consume alcohol and analyzing the data from the studies reported herein. Special thanks and other drugs on a regular basis (Office of Educational go to Harriet Feldlaufer, Dave Klingel, and Jan Jacobs as well as to the teachers, school personnel, and students who agreed to participate in Research and Improvement, 1988). these studies. Many of these problems appear to begin during the Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to early adolescent years (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Jacquelynne S. Eccles, Institute for Social Research, University of Mich- Development, 1989). Is there something unique about igan, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1248. 90 February 1993 American Psychologist Copyright 1993 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. O003-066X/93/S2.0O Vol. 48. No. 2. 90-101 motivational constructs as interest in school (Epstein & maining in the same school setting, especially among fe- McPartland, 1976); intrinsic motivation (Harter, 1981); male adolescents. It is not clear whether these differences self-concepts and self-perceptions (Eccles, Midgley, & are due to the cumulative impact of school transition and Adler, 1984; Harter, 1982; Simmons, Blyth, Van Cleave, pubertal change for young females adolescents who moved & Bush, 1979); and confidence in one's intellectual abil- to a junior high school at grade seven, to differences in ities, especially following failure (Parsons & Ruble, 1977). the nature of the school environments in these two ed- There are also reports of age-related increases during early ucational structures, or to differences in both of these sets adolescence in such negative motivational and behavioral of experiences. Simmons and her colleagues (see Simmons characteristics as test anxiety (Hill, 1980), learned help- & Blyth, 1987) now argue for the latter. lessness responses to failure (Rholes, Blackwell, Jordan, Similarly, Eccles and her colleagues (Eccles & Midg- & Walters, 1980), focus on self-evaluation rather than ley, 1989; Eccles et al., 1984) have suggested that the task mastery (Nicholls, 1980), truancy, and school drop- change in the nature of the learning environment asso- out (Rosenbaum, 1976; see Eccles et al., 1984, for full ciated with the junior high school transition is a plausible review). Although these changes are not extreme for most explanation for the declines in the school-related measures adolescents, there is sufficient evidence of a gradual de- associated with the junior high school transition. Drawing cline in various indicators of academic motivation—such on person-environment fit theory (see Hunt, 1975), Eccles as attention in class, school attendance, and self-percep- and Midgley (1989) proposed that these motivational and tion—over the early adolescent years to make one wonder behavioral declines could result from inappropriate ed- what is happening (see Eccles & Midgley, 1989, for re- ucational environments for early adolescents in junior view). high schools. According to person-environment fit theory, Similar types of changes have been noted in family behavior, motivation, and mental health are influenced interactions. Again, although the findings are neither by the fit between the characteristics individuals bring to universal nor indicative of major disruptions for most their social environments and the characteristics of these adolescents and their families, research suggests that there social environments. Individuals are not likely to do well, is a temporary increase in family conflict, particularly or be motivated, if they are in social environments that over issues related to autonomy and control, during the do not meet their psychological needs. If the social en- early adolescent years (see Buchanan, Eccles, & Becker, vironments in the typical junior high school do not fit 1992; Collins, 1990; Hauser, Powers, & Noam, 1991; with the psychological needs of adolescents, then person- Hill, 1988; Montemayor, 1986; Paikoff & Brooks-Gunn, environment fit theory predicts a decline in motivation, 1991;Smetana, 1988a, 1988b; Steinberg, 1990, for recent interest, performance, and behavior as they move into reviews). For example, Hill (1988) and Steinberg (1990), this environment. We elaborate on this perspective and in both their observational and self-report studies, have extend it to the family context, focusing on the possible found increased conflict between mothers and their sons mismatch between adolescents' need for greater auton- and daughters during the early and middle adolescent omy from parental control and the opportunities for such years, particularly for early maturing adolescents (e.g., autonomy provided by the adolescents' parents. Hill, 1988; Steinberg, 1981, 1987, 1988). A variety of explanations have been offered to ex- Stage-Environment Fit and School- plain these negative changes. Some who have studied child Related Changes development have suggested that such declines result from the intrapsychic upheaval assumed to be associated with Various explanations have been offered for the declines early adolescent development (e.g., Bios, 1965). Others in early adolescents' school-related motivational orien- have suggested that it is the coincidence of the timing of tations associated with the junior high school transition. multiple life changes. Drawing on cumulative stress theory In this section, the possible role that the school plays in Simmons and her colleagues (e.g., Blyth, Simmons, & precipitating these declines is discussed. To understand Carlton-Ford, 1983; Simmons & Blyth, 1987) have sug- this role, two types of evidence regarding school effects gested that the concurrent timing of the junior high school are presented: evidence drawn from studies that follow transition and pubertal development accounts for the de- the standard environmental influences approach and ev- clines in the school-related measures and self-esteem. To idence from studies that adopt a developmental variant test this hypothesis, Simmons and her colleagues com- on the person-environment fit paradigm, or as Eccles pared the pattern of change on early school-related out- and Midgley (1989) have called it, the stage-environment comes for adolescents who moved from sixth to seventh fit approach. grade in a K-8, 9-12 system with the pattern of change Genera/ Environmental Influences for adolescents who made the same grade transition in a K-6, 7-9, 10-12 school system. This approach uncon- Work in a variety of areas has documented the impact founds the conjoint effects of age and school transition of classroom and school environmental characteristics on operating in most developmental studies of this age period. motivation. For example, the big school-small school lit- Simmons and her colleagues found clear evidence of erature has demonstrated the motivational advantages of greater negative change among adolescents making the small schools, especially for marginal students (Barker & junior high school transition than among adolescents re- Gump, 1964). Similarly, the teacher efficacy and teacher- February 1993 American Psychologist 91 student relationship literatures document the importance groups to meet developmental needs and to foster con- of high teacher efficacy and positive teacher-student re- tinued developmental growth, then it is also possible that lations for positive teacher and student motivation some types of changes in educational environments may (Brookover, Beady, Flood, Schweitzer, & Wisenbaker, be inappropriate at certain stages of development (e.g., 1979; Fraser & Fisher, 1982; Moos, 1979). Finally, mo- the early adolescent period). In fact, some types of changes tivational psychology has demonstrated the importance in the educational environment may be developmentally of participation and self-control on motivation (de- regressive. Exposure to such changes is likely to lead to Charms, 1980; Deci & Ryan, 1985, 1987). The list of a particularly poor person-environment fit, and this lack such influences could, of course, go on for several pages. of fit could account for some of the declines in motivation The point is that there may be systematic differences be- seen at this developmental period. tween typical elementary classrooms and schools, and In essence, we are suggesting that it is the fit between typical junior high classrooms and schools, and that these the developmental needs of the adolescent and the edu- differences may account for some of the motivational cational environment that is important. Imagine two tra- changes seen among early adolescents as they make the jectories: one a developmental trajectory of early adoles- transition into middle or junior high school. If so, then cent growth, the other a trajectory of environmental some of the motivational problems seen at early adoles- change across the school years. We believe there will be cence may be a consequence of the negative changes in positive motivational consequences when these two tra- the school environment rather than characteristics of the jectories are in synchrony, that is, when the environment developmental period per se (see Higgins & Parsons, 1983, is both responsive to the changing needs of the individual for a full elaboration of this argument). and offers the kinds of stimulation that will propel con- tinued positive growth. Transition to a facilitative and Stage—Environment Fit developmentally appropriate environment, even at this A slightly different analysis of the possible environmental vulnerable age, should have a positive impact on chil- causes of the motivational changes associated with the dren's perceptions of themselves and their educational junior high school transition draws on the idea of person- environment. In contrast, negative motivational conse- environment fit. Such a perspective leads one to expect quences will result if the two trajectories are not in syn- negative motivational consequences for individuals when chrony. In this case, transition into a developmentally they are in environments that do not fit well with their inappropriate educational environment should result in needs (Hunt, 1975; Lewin, 1935). At the most basic level, the types of motivational declines that have been asso- this perspective suggests the importance of looking at the ciated with the transition into junior high school. This fit between the needs of early adolescents and the oppor- should be particularly true if the environment is devel- tunities afforded them in the traditional junior high school opmentally regressive, that is, if it affords the children environment. A poor fit would help explain the declines fewer opportunities for continued growth than previous in motivation associated with the transition to junior high environments. school. This analysis suggests a set of researchable theoretical A compelling way to use the person-environment and descriptive questions: (a) What are the developmental fit perspective is to put it into a developmental framework. needs of the early adolescent? (b) What kind of educa- Hunt (1975) argued for the importance of adopting a de- tional environment would be developmentally appropriate velopmental perspective on person-environment fit in the in terms of both meeting these needs and stimulating classroom: further development? (c) What are the most common changes experienced by young adolescents as they move Maintaining a developmental perspective becomes very impor- into middle or junior high school? (d) Are these changes tant in implementing person-environment matching because a compatible with the physiological, cognitive, and psy- teacher should not only take account of a student's contem- chological changes early adolescents are experiencing? If poraneous needs by providing whatever structure he presently not, is there a developmental mismatch between maturing requires, but also view his present need for structure on a de- early adolescents and the classroom environments they velopmental continuum along which growth toward indepen- experience before and after the transition to the junior dence and less need for structure is the long-term objec- tive, (p. 221) high school—a mismatch that results in a deterioration in academic motivation and performance for some chil- That is, teachers should provide the optimal level of dren? structure for children's current levels of maturity while Systematic Changes in School Environments providing a sufficiently challenging environment to pull With the Transition into Middle the children along a developmental path toward higher or Junior High School levels of cognitive and social maturity. What we find especially intriguing about Hunt's We believe that there are developmentally inappropriate (1975) argument is its application to an analysis of the changes in a cluster of classroom organizational, instruc- motivational declines associated with the junior high tional, and climate variables, including task structure, school transition. If it is true that different types of edu- task complexity, grouping practices, evaluation tech- cational environments may be needed for different age niques, motivational strategies, locus of responsibility for 92 February 1993 American Psychologist learning, and quality of teacher-student and student-stu- desire for autonomy and their perception of the extent dent relationships. We suggest that these changes con- to which their classroom afforded them opportunities to tribute to the negative change in students' motivation and engage in autonomous behavior had decreased over the achievement-related beliefs assumed to coincide with the junior high school transition. transition into junior high school. Although insufficient Second, junior high school classrooms, as compared research has been done on this subject, the existing re- with elementary school classrooms, are characterized by search provides support for these suggestions. less personal and positive teacher-student relationships Remarkably few empirical studies have focused on (see Eccles & Midgley, 1989). For example, in Trebilco, differences in the classroom or school environment across Atkinson, and Atkinson's (1977) study, students reported grades or school levels. Most descriptions have focused less favorable interpersonal relations with their teachers on school-level characteristics, such as school size, degree after the transition to secondary school than before. Sim- of departmentalization, and extent of bureaucratization. ilarly, in our work (Feldlaufer, Midgley, & Eccles, 1988), Although differences in these characteristics can have im- both students and observers rated junior high school math portant effects on teacher beliefs and practices and on teachers as less friendly, less supportive, and less caring student alienation and motivation, until recently these than the teachers these students had one year earlier in links have rarely been assessed. Most attempts to assess the last year of elementary school. In addition, the sev- the classroom environment have included only one grade enth-grade teachers in this study reported that they trusted level and have related differences in the environment to the students less than did these students' sixth-grade student outcomes, particularly scores on achievement teachers. tests. Although little research has focused on systematic Third, the shift to junior high school is associated differences in the classroom environment from elemen- with an increase in practices such as whole-class task or- tary to junior high school, six patterns have emerged with ganization, between-classroom ability grouping, and a fair degree of consistency. public evaluation of the correctness of work (see Eccles First, junior high school classrooms, as compared & Midgley, 1989). In a study by Ward et al. (1982), whole- with elementary school classrooms, are characterized by group instruction was the norm in the seventh grade, a greater emphasis on teacher control and discipline, and small-group instruction was rare, and individualized in- fewer opportunities for student decision making, choice, struction was not observed at all. In contrast, the sixth and self-management (e.g., Brophy & Evertson, 1976; grade teachers mixed whole- and small-group instruction Midgley & Feldlaufer, 1987; Midgley, Feldlaufer, & Eccles, within and across subjects areas (Rounds & Osaki, 1982). 1988; Moos, 1979). For example, Brophy, Evertson, and Similar shifts toward increased use of whole-class in- their colleagues (e.g., Brophy & Evertson, 1976) have struction, with most students working on the same as- found consistent evidence that junior high school teachers signments at the same time, using the same textbooks, spend more time maintaining order and less time actually and completing the same homework assignments, were teaching than do elementary school teachers. In our own evident in our study of the junior high school transition work, sixth-grade elementary school math teachers re- (Feldlaufer et al., 1988). Several reports have also docu- ported less concern with controlling and disciplining their mented the increased use of between-class ability grouping students than these same students' seventh-grade junior beginning at junior high school (e.g., Oakes, 1981). high school math teachers reported one year later (Midg- Changes such as these are likely to increase social ley et al., 1988). comparison, concerns about evaluation, and competi- Similar differences emerge on indicators of student tiveness (see Eccles et al., 1984; Rosenholtz & Simpson, opportunity to participate in decision making regarding 1984). They may also increase the likelihood that teachers their own learning. Ward et al. (1982) found that upper will use normative grading criteria and more public forms elementary school students are given more opportunities of evaluation, both of which may have a negative impact to take responsibility for their schoolwork than are sev- on many early adolescents' self-perceptions and motiva- enth-grade students in a traditional junior high school. tion. These changes may also make aptitude differences In our work (Midgley & Feldlaufer, 1987) both seventh more salient to both teachers and students, leading to graders and their teachers in the first year of junior high increased teacher expectancy effects and decreased feel- school reported less opportunity for students to participate ings of efficacy among teachers. in classroom decision making than did these same stu- Fourth, junior high school teachers feel less effective dents and their sixth grade elementary school teachers as teachers, especially with low-ability students. This dif- one year earlier. In addition, using a measure developed ference was one of the largest we found between sixth- by Lee, Statuto, and Kedar-Voivodas (1983) to assess the and seventh-grade teachers. In mathematics, seventh- congruence between the adolescents' desire for partici- grade teachers in traditional junior high schools reported pation in decision making and their perception of the much less confidence in their teaching efficacy than did opportunities for such participation, Midgley and Feld- sixth-grade elementary school teachers in the same school laufer (1987) found a greater discrepancy when the ad- districts (Midgley, Feldlaufer, & Eccles, 1989b). This is olescents were in their first year in junior high school true even though the seventh-grade math teachers were than when these same adolescents were in their last year more likely to be math specialists than were sixth-grade in elementary school. The fit between the adolescents' math teachers. February 1993 American Psychologist 93  Fifth, there is evidence that classwork during the Such changes are likely to have a negative effect on first year of junior high school requires lower level cog- children's motivational orientation toward school at any nitive skills than does classwork at the elementary level. grade level. However, we believe these types of school en- One rationale often given for the large, departmentalized vironment changes are particularly harmful at early ad- junior high school system is its efficiency in providing olescence, given what is known about psychological de- early adolescents with higher level academic work and velopment during this stage of life. Past research suggests more varied academic courses taught by specialists in that early adolescent development is characterized by in- their fields. It is argued that the early adolescents are ready creases in desire for autonomy and self-determination, for more formal instruction in specialized subject areas. peer orientation, self-focus and self-consciousness, sa- Two assumptions are implicit in this argument. First, it lience of identity issues, concern over heterosexual rela- is assumed that more formal, departmentalized teaching tionships, and capacity for abstract cognitive activity (see is conducive to the learning of higher order cognitive pro- Simmons & Blyth, 1987). cesses. Second, it is assumed that children in junior high Simmons and Blyth (1987) have argued that ado- school are undertaking higher order learning tasks in their lescents need a reasonably safe, as well as an intellectually departmentalized courses. challenging, environment to adapt to these shifts—an en- Both assumptions are being questioned. In an ob- vironment that provides a zone of comfort as well as servational study of 11 junior high school science classes challenging new opportunities for growth. In light of these (Mitman, Mergendoller, Packer, & Marchman, 1984), needs, the environmental changes often associated with only a small proportion of tasks required higher level cre- transition to junior high school seem especially harmful ative or expressive skills. The most frequent activity in- in that they emphasize competition, social comparison, volved copying answers from the board or textbook onto and ability self-assessment at a time of heightened self- worksheets. Similarly, Walberg, House, and Steele (1973) focus; they decrease decision making and choice at a time rated the level of complexity of student assignments across when the desire for control is growing; they emphasize Grades 6 through 12. The proportion of low-level activ- lower level cognitive strategies at a time when the ability ities peaked at Grade 9, the first year after the students to use higher level strategies is increasing; and they disrupt in this district made the transition into secondary school. social networks at a time when adolescents are especially Both of these studies, as well as other studies, suggest that concerned with peer relationships and may be in special the actual cognitive demands made on adolescents may need of close adult relationships outside of the home. We decrease rather than increase as they make the transition believe the nature of these environmental changes, cou- from primary school into secondary school. pled with the normal course of individual development, Finally, junior high school teachers appear to use a results in a developmental mismatch so that the fit be- higher standard in judging students' competence and in tween the early adolescent and the classroom environment grading their performance than do elementary school is particularly poor, increasing the risk of negative mo- teachers (see Eccles & Midgley, 1989). There is no stronger tivational outcomes, especially for adolescents who are predictor of students' self-confidence and sense of efficacy having difficulty succeeding in school academically. In than the grades they receive. If grades change, then we the next section we review research findings relevant to would expect to see a concomitant shift in adolescents' these predictions. self-perceptions and academic motivation. There is evi- It is important, however, to step back and briefly dence that junior high school teachers use stricter and consider why junior high school classrooms might have more social comparison-based standards than do ele- these characteristics. Several sources have suggested that mentary school teachers to assess student competency these characteristics result, in part, from the size and bu- and to evaluate student performance, leading to a drop reaucratic nature of the junior high school as an insti- in grades for many early adolescents as they make the tution (e.g., Barker & Gump, 1964; Bryk, Lee, & Smith, junior high school transition. For example, Finger and 1990; Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, Silverman (1966) found that 54% of the students in New 1989; Simmons & Blyth, 1987). These sources argue that York State schools experienced a decline in their grades such school characteristics as size, connection to the when they moved into junior high school. Similarly, Sim- community, and system of governance, as well as such mons and Blyth (1987) found a greater drop in grades instructional organization characteristics as departmen- between sixth and seventh grades for adolescents making talized teaching, ability grouping, normative grading, and the junior high school transition than for adolescents who large student load, undermine the motivation of both remained in K-8 schools. The decline in grades is not, teachers and students. It is difficult for teachers to main- however, accompanied by a similar decline in the ado- tain warm, positive relationships with students if they lescents' scores on standardized achievement tests, which have to teach 25-30 different students each hour of the suggests that the decline reflects a change in grading prac- day. For the same reason, it is difficult for teachers to feel tices rather than a change in the rate of the students' efficacious about their ability to monitor and help all of learning (Kavrell & Petersen, 1984). Imagine what this these students. Consequently, teachers often resort to decline in grades might do to young adolescents' self- more controlling strategies when supervising such a large confidence, especially if the material is less intellectually number of students. These problems are likely to be ex- challenging. acerbated by the negative stereotypes about adolescents 94 February 1993 American Psychologist propagated in this culture by presumed experts and by years, 117 moved from low- to high-efficacy teachers, and the mass media (see Miller et al., 1990). 179 had high-efficacy teachers both years. Thus, 78% of Turning Points: Preparing American Youth for the the early adolescents in our sample moved to classrooms 21st Century (Carnegie Council on Adolescent Devel- with low-efficacy teachers in the seventh grade. The po- opment, 1989) outlines a variety of changes in the struc- tential impact of such a shift on the motivation and self- ture of middle-grades educational institutions (e.g., junior perceptions of early adolescents, especially those having highs, middle schools, and intermediate schools) that difficulty mastering the academic material, is frightening. would make it easier for teachers to maintain a high sense We know, in particular, that teachers' low expectations of self-efficacy, and for both students and teachers alike for their students undermine the motivation and perfor- to have a strong sense of a shared community. In turn, mance of low-achieving students (Eccles & Wigfield, these changes could make it easier for teachers to provide 1985). Moving from a high- to a low-efficacy teacher may a more positive learning environment for early adoles- produce a similar effect. cents. As predicted, the adolescents who moved from high- efficacy to low-efficacy math teachers during the transition Impact of Classroom Environmental (the most common pattern) ended their first year in junior Changes on Early Adolescents' high school with lower expectations for themselves in Motivation: The Michigan Study of math, lower perceptions of their performance in math, Adolescent Life Transitions and higher perceptions of the difficulty of math than did the adolescents who experienced no change in teacher To test the predictions outlined above, we conducted a efficacy or who moved from low- to high-efficacy teachers. large-scale, two-year, four-wave longitudinal study of the Also as predicted, teacher efficacy beliefs had a stronger impact of changes in the school and classroom environ- impact on the low-achieving adolescents' beliefs than on ments on early adolescents' achievement-related beliefs, the high-achieving adolescents' beliefs. By the end of the motives, values, and behaviors (The Michigan Study of junior high school year, low-achieving adolescents who Adolescent Life Transitions [MSALT]). The sample was had moved from high- to low-efficacy math teachers suf- drawn from 12 school districts located in middle-income fered a dramatic decline in confidence in their ability to communities in southeastern Michigan. Approximately master mathematics. This drop may signal the beginning 1,500 early adolescents participated at all four waves of of the downward spiral in school motivation that even- the study, moving from the sixth grade in an elementary tually leads to school dropout among so many low- school into the seventh grade in a junior high school. As achieving adolescents. It is important to note, however, is typically the case, the students did not move as a group that this same decline was not characteristic of the low- into the junior high school; they were assigned to various achieving adolescents who moved to high-efficacy seventh- different classes when they arrived at the junior high grade math teachers, suggesting that the decline is not a school. Questionnaires were administered at school dur- general feature of early adolescent development but rather ing the fall and spring terms of the two consecutive school a consequence of the learning environment experienced years. by many early adolescents as they make the junior high school transition. Whether a similar pattern characterizes Teacher Efficacy other subject areas remains to be demonstrated. One of the largest differences we found between the sixth- Teacher-Student Relationships and seventh-grade teachers was in their confidence in their teaching efficacy: The seventh-grade teachers reported less As noted earlier, we also found that student-teacher re- confidence than did the sixth-grade teachers. Although lationships deteriorate after the transition to junior high the relation between teacher efficacy and student beliefs school. Research on the effects of classroom climate in- and attitudes is yet to be firmly established, Brookover dicates that the quality of student-teacher relationships et al. (1979), using schools as the unit of analysis, found is associated with students' academic motivation and at- negative correlations between teachers' sense of efficacy titudes toward school (e.g., Fraser & Fisher, 1982; Moos, and students' self-concept of ability and self-reliance. 1979; Trickett & Moos, 1974). Consequently, there is Given these associations, differences in teachers' sense of reason to believe that transition into a less supportive efficacy before and after the transition to junior high classroom will have a negative impact on early adoles- school could contribute to the decline in early adolescents' cents' interest in the subject matter being taught in that beliefs about their academic competency and potential. classroom. In a sample of 1,300 students, we looked at To test this hypothesis, we divided our adolescent the effect of differences in perceived teacher support before sample into four groups based on median splits of their and after the transition to junior high school on the value math teachers' ratings of their personal teaching efficacy early adolescents attach to mathematics (see Midgley, (see Midgley et al., 1989b, for a full description of this Feldlaufer, & Eccles, 1989a, for a full description of this study). The largest group, 559 of the 1,329 included in study). As predicted, the early adolescents who moved these analyses, moved from a high-efficacy sixth-grade from elementary teachers they perceived to be low in math teacher to a low-efficacy seventh-grade math teacher. support to junior high school math teachers they per- Another 474 adolescents had low-efficacy teachers both ceived to be high in support showed an increase in the February 1993 American Psychologist 95 value they attached to math. In contrast, the early ado- change is to look for interindividual differences at the lescents who moved from teachers they perceived to be same time point between same-aged children of different high in support to teachers they perceived to be low in maturational levels. At this age, the extent of pubertal support showed a decline in the value they attached to development provides a good indicator of individual dif- mathematics. Again we found evidence that low-achieving ferences in physical maturation for female adolescents. students are particularly at risk when they move to less We related an indicator of physical maturation to the facilitative classroom environments after the transition. female adolescents' desire for input into classroom de- Both of these studies show that the declines often cisions using the Lee et al. (1983) items. Consistent with reported in studies of early adolescents' motivational ori- the intraindividual longitudinal pattern of age-related entation are not inevitable. Instead, these declines are change reported above, the more physically mature female associated with specific types of changes in the nature of adolescents expressed a greater desire for input into class- the classroom environment experienced by many early room decision making than did their less physically ma- adolescents as they make the junior high school transition. ture female peers (Miller, 1986). Unfortunately, as was The studies also show that a transition into more facili- true for the longitudinal results, the more physically ma- tative classrooms can induce positive changes in early ture female adolescents did not perceive greater oppor- adolescents' motivation and self-perceptions. Unfortu- tunities for participation in classroom decision making. nately, our findings also indicate that most adolescents Although the female adolescents with varying degrees of experience a negative change in their classroom experi- pubertal development were in the same classrooms, the ences as they make the junior high school transition. more physically mature female adolescents (i.e., the early developers) reported fewer opportunities for participation Person—Environment Fit in Classroom Decision in classroom decision making than did their less mature Making peers (i.e., the on-time and late developers). Neither of these studies, however, directly tests our stage- These maturational differences were even more environment fit hypothesis. To do so, one must directly striking when we looked at the within-year changes in assess person-environment fit and relate this fit to changes these female adolescents' perceptions of the opportunities in adolescents' self-perceptions and motivation. Data from they had to participate in classroom decision making. We MSALT provide an opportunity to do this analysis. Both calculated the mean change in their perceptions of op- the adolescents and the teachers in this study were asked portunities from the fall to the spring testing waves. We to rate whether students were allowed to have input into then looked at this change as a function of their pubertal classroom decisions regarding seating arrangements, status. The early-maturing female adolescents reported classwork, homework, class rules, and what to do next less opportunity to participate in classroom decision and whether students ought to have input into each of making in the spring term than they had reported in the these decisions (as developed by Lee et al., 1983). These previous fall term. In contrast, the late-maturing female questions can be used in the following ways: (a) to plot adolescents in these same classrooms showed an increase the developmental changes in adolescents' preferences for over the course of the school year in these opportunities decision-making opportunities in the classroom, (b) to (Miller, 1986). How can this be, given that these adoles- determine changes in the opportunity for them to par- cents were in the same classrooms? Did the teachers ac- ticipate in decision making, and (c) to determine the ex- tually treat these female adolescents differently (i.e.. did tent of match or mismatch between their preferences and the teachers respond to earlier physical maturity with the opportunities actually afforded them in the school more controlling behavior)? Or did the female adolescents environment. Grade-related changes in this match can perceive a similar environment differently (i.e., did the then be related to developmental changes in the adoles- early-maturing female adolescents perceive the same level cents' self-perceptions and school-related motivation. of adult control as providing less opportunity for self- determination than did the late-maturing female adoles- Developmental Changes in Fit cents)? Grade-related changes. As noted earlier, both Research in educational psychology, developmental the early adolescents and their teachers reported that there psychology, and general psychology suggests that either was less opportunity for participation in classroom de- or both of these explanations could be accurate: Teachers cision making at the seventh grade than at the sixth grade do respond differently to various children in the same level. In contrast, there was an increase over time and classroom depending on a variety of characteristics (Bro- over the school transition in the early adolescents' desires phy & Evertson, 1976), and people do perceive similar for participation in classroom decision making. As a con- environments differently depending on their cognitive or sequence of these two divergent patterns, the congruence motivational orientation (see Baron & Graziano, 1991). between early adolescents' desires for participation in More detailed classroom observations are needed to de- classroom decision making and their perceptions of the termine the exact nature of the relation between teachers' opportunities available to them was lower in the seventh behavior and adolescents' perceptions. grade than in the sixth grade (Midgley & Feldlaufer, 1987). More important for the issues central to this article, Maturational differences in the desire for the degree of mismatch between these female adolescents' autonomy. Another way to look at developmental desires for input and their perceptions of these opportu- 96 February 1993 American Psychologist nities in their classroom environment was related to their adolescents evidenced the largest and most consistent de- pubertal status: There was a greater degree of mismatch clines in their intrinsic interest in math as they moved among the more physically mature female adolescents from the sixth grade into the seventh grade. They are the than among the less mature female adolescents. In fact, students who are experiencing the type of developmental by the end of the school year, almost twice as many early- mismatch we outlined in our discussion of the stage- maturing female adolescents reported experiencing the environment fit paradigm. "can't but should" type of mismatch (e.g., answering no to the question "Do you get to help decide what math Stage-Environment Fit in Perceived you work on during math class?" but yes to the question Control in the Family "Should you have a say about this?") as did their less Research from several investigators (e.g., Buchanan et physically mature classmates. al., 1992; Palkoff&Brooks-Gunn, 1991; Steinberg, 1990) This last set of results is especially interesting in light suggests that adolescents' relationships with their parents of the findings of Simmons and her colleagues (e.g., Sim- also undergo a stressful period during early and middle mons & Blyth, 1987; Simmons et al., 1979), who found adolescence. This stress is often focused on issues of con- that the pubertal status of female adolescents at the time trol and autonomy within the family, which are renego- of the junior high school transition is related to changes tiated during this developmental period. By necessity, in their self-esteem and their self-reports of truancy and children's relationships with their parents are asymmet- school misconduct. The more physically mature female rical in terms of power and authority; but as children adolescents reported the highest amount of truancy and mature, they need to take more and more responsibility school misconduct after they made the junior high school for themselves until they eventually leave their natal home transition. Simmons and her colleagues suggested that and take full responsibility for their own lives. In the op- experiencing both school and pubertal transitions simul- timal situation, parents will reinforce and stimulate this taneously puts these female adolescents at particular risk process of growing autonomy, self-determination, and for negative outcomes. Alternatively, it is possible that it independence. However, it is likely that the renegotiation is the size of the mismatch between their desire for a less processes associated with these developmental trajectories controlling adult environment and their perceptions of will not be smooth. It is not easy for parents to determine the actual opportunities for participation that puts them the optimal level of autonomy versus control for their at risk for the most negative motivational outcomes. children at all ages. According to a stage-environment fit perspective, one would predict strained relationships Motivational Consequences of a Poor wherever there is a poor fit between the child's desire for Developmental-Stage-Environment Fit increasing autonomy and the opportunities for indepen- As previously discussed, person-environment fit theory dence and autonomy provided by the child's parents. suggests that the mismatch between young adolescents' Early adolescence seems a likely developmental pe- desires for autonomy and control and their perceptions riod for asynchrony to emerge within the family context. of the opportunities in their environments should result Social changes in the world of adolescents substantially in a decline in the adolescents' intrinsic motivation and increase the opportunity for them to experience inde- interest in school. From a developmental perspective, the pendence outside the home. The transition to junior high exact nature of the mismatch should also be important. school, and cultural beliefs regarding appropriate Given the appropriate developmental progression toward amounts of adult supervision for children of different ages, increased desire for independence and autonomy during lead to a dramatic increase in the amount of unsupervised the early adolescent period, adolescents who experience age-mate contact during this developmental period (Hig- decreased opportunities for participation in classroom gins & Parsons, 1983). This increase creates the oppor- decision making along with an increased desire for par- tunity for adolescents to spend a lot of time in relation- ticipation in such decisions (i.e., a "can't but should be ships that are likely to be more symmetrical in terms of able to" mismatch) should be more at risk for negative interpersonal power and authority. Such experiences may motivational outcomes than adolescents experiencing lead early adolescents to expect greater power symmetry other forms of mismatch (such as the "can but shouldn't in their relationships at home. The opportunity to be ex- be able to" mismatch). posed to a broader range of families is also likely to in- In a longitudinal analysis of the Lee et al. (1983) crease with the junior high school transition, because these items, Mac Iver and Reuman (1988) provided some sup- schools are typically larger and draw their attendance from port for this prediction. Mac Iver and Reuman compared a more diverse range of neighborhoods and communities. the changes in intrinsic interest in mathematics for ad- This broadened exposure may lead early adolescents to olescents reporting different longitudinal patterns in their question the legitmacy of their parents' rules (Higgins & responses to the actual and preferred decision-making Parsons, 1983; Laupa & Turiel, 1986; Smetana, 1988a, items across the four waves of data. Consistent with the 1988b; Tisak, 1986). Exposure to a broader range of beliei prediction, some adolescents perceived their seventh-grade systems, along with increasing cognitive maturity, may, math classrooms as putting greater constraints on their in turn, lead adolescents to try to integrate and coordinate preferred level of participation in classroom decision diverse social perspectives and to evaluate interpersonal making than their sixth-grade math classrooms. These relationships (Damon & Hart, 1982; Selman, 1980). February 1993 American Psychologist 97 These changes, in turn, may lead early adolescents to estingly from the stage-environment fit perspective, the question their parents' authority and to push for a more parents reported that they included their children more symmetrical relationship with their parents. Finally, par- in family decision making than the adolescents perceived ents, in response to their child's emerging sexuality, may to be true (Flanagan, 1986; Yee, 1987). For girls in par- become more concerned about his or her safety and may ticular, the discrepancy between the adolescents' and the actually become more restrictive than they were during parents' perception of the opportunities for the adoles- the period of middle childhood, further exacerbating the cents to participate in family decision making increased perceived asynchrony in the adolescent's mind. However, over the four waves in our study (Yee, 1987). Most im- as the family adjusts to these changes, one would expect portant, the pattern of changes in early adolescents' self- new authority relationships to emerge and the strain to esteem and intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation for school decrease over the adolescent years (see Montemayor, work were systematically, and predictably, related to 1983). changes in their perceptions of the opportunity to partic- Perhaps the best support for this analysis comes from ipate in family decision making at home. As our devel- the work of Smetana (1988a, 1988b, 1989). Drawing on opmental stage-environment fit perspective on adult evidence regarding age changes in children's understand- control implies, the adolescents who reported decreasing ing of both moral versus social conventional reasoning opportunities to participate in family decision making and the legitimacy of adult authority, Smetana has con- showed a decrease in their self-esteem and intrinsic mo- ducted in-depth interviews with adolescents and their tivation over the period of this study; the opposite pattern parents about authority relationships within the family of change occurred for the adolescents who reported in- and about the nature and origin of conflicts in the family. creasing opportunities to participate in the decision- Like others, Smetana found that most parent-adolescent making process (Flanagan, 1985, 1989; Yee, 1987). The conflicts focused on mundane issues, such as cleaning opportunity to participate in family decision making also one's room and curfew. The conflicts often resulted be- predicted better adjustment to the junior high school cause adolescents now denned these issues as personal transition (Eccles et al., 1990). Thus, not only may a mis- issues, issues that the individual should decide, whereas match between authority relationships in the home pre- the parents still denned these issues as conventional issues, cipitate increased conflict, it may also be detrimental to issues for which parents have some right to establish rules. the adolescents' self-esteem and school-related motiva- In cross-sectional comparisons, Smetana found a linear tion. age-related increase in the adolescents' view that most of Similar results characterize our data on interindi- these issues are personal rather than conventional. Shifts vidual pubertal status effects. Miller and Taylor (1986) in the parents' views were less systematic. Of particular tested the relationship between female pubertal status and importance for the stage-environment fit hypothesis, the self-esteem. Consistent with other studies (e.g., Simmons greatest increase in mismatch between the adolescents' & Blyth, 1987), the early-maturing sixth-grade girls re- and their parents' views occurred during the early ado- ported lower self-esteem than did their less physically lescent period (Grades 5-8) and mirrored increases in mature classmates. However, consistent with the person- reported conflict (Smetana, 1989). environment fit perspective, only early-maturing girls who We are in the process of examining similar issues in felt they had relatively little opportunity to participate in our study of adolescent development (the MSALT study family decision making reported lower self-esteem. There described earlier). We assessed family decision making in was no effect of pubertal status on self-esteem among two ways. Both the adolescents and their parents re- those sixth-grade female adolescents who reported rela- sponded to two items derived from the Epstein and tively high opportunity to participate in their family's McPartland (1977) scale of family decision making: "In decision making. general, how do you and your child arrive at decisions?" / tell my child just what to do (I), We discuss it and then Conclusion we decide (3), / usually let my child decide (5); and "How We have argued that optimal development takes place often does your child take part in family decisions that when there is good stage-environment fit between the concern her/himself? never (1); always (4). The adoles- needs of developing individuals and the opportunities af- cents were also asked to rate how they thought decisions forded them by their social environments. We have pro- ought to be made in their family, and the extent to which vided evidence of the negative effects of the decrease in they think "their parents treated them more like a kid personal and positive relationships with teachers after the than like an adult." transition to junior high school and have argued that this Consistent with the analyses reported earlier, we decline is especially problematic during early adolescence found both an increase over time in adolescents' desire when children are in special need of close relationships for greater participation in family decision making, and with adults outside of their homes. We have also noted positive associations between the extent of the adolescents' the increase in ability grouping, comparative and public participation in family decision making and indicators of evaluation, and whole-class task organization at a time both intrinsic school motivation and positive self-esteem when young adolescents have a heightened concern about (Flanagan, 1985, 1986, 1989; Miller & Taylor, 1986; Yee, their status in relation to their peers. We have described 1986, 1987; Yee & Flanagan, 1985). Even more inter- studies that suggest that the first year ofjunior high school 98 February 1993 American Psychologist is characterized by a decrease in the emphasis on higher adolescents that provide a better match to their developing level thinking skills at a time when cognitive development needs and desires. The existing structure of many junior would suggest the need for more complex academic tasks. high schools appears to create a climate that undermines Finally, we discussed, and provided evidence where avail- both teacher and student motivation. The large size of able, the negative consequences of these kinds of devel- the schools, coupled with departmentalized teaching and opmentally inappropriate environmental changes on early large student loads, makes it diificult for teachers and adolescents' school motivation and academic self-con- students to form close relationships. In turn, a lack of cepts. close student-teacher relationships and a generally neg- The role of opportunity for self-determination and ative stereotyping of adolescents could be responsible for participation in rule making was also discussed, and the the prevalence of low teacher efficacy and high use of importance of the need for a match between the individ- controlling motivational strategies in junior high school ual's increasing desires for autonomy and self-determi- classrooms. Field studies of the more successful middle nation and the opportunities for such autonomy provided and junior high schools provide numerous examples of in the home and at school was emphasized. Although classrooms and schools that have more positive and de- adolescents desire more freedom from adult control than velopmentally appropriate learning environments— children do, they do not want total freedom and they do classrooms and schools with higher teacher efficacy, not want to be emotionally detached from their parents. greater opportunity for meaningful student participation Instead, they desire a gradual increase in the opportunity in both school and classroom decision making, and more for self-determination and participation in decision mak- positive student-teacher relationships (see Bryk et al., ing and rule making. Furthermore, research suggests that 1990; Carnegie Council on Adolescent Development, adolescents develop best when these increasing oppor- 1989; Dryfoos, 1990; Eccles & Midgley, 1989; Lipsitz, tunities occur in environments that are emotionally sup- 1981). Early adolescents in these schools do not dem- portive (Baumrind, 1971; Ryan & Lynch, 1989). onstrate the same declines in intrinsic motivation and Unfortunately, our research suggests that many early school attachment stereotypically associated with students adolescents do not have these experiences in either the in junior high schools; they also do not engage in the school or family setting. After the transition to junior same amount of school misconduct as students in more high school, early adolescents are often confronted with traditional junior high schools. However, many junior a regressive environmental change: They experience a de- high schools do not provide such a developmentally ap- crease in the opportunity to participate in classroom de- propriate environment (see Eccles & Midgley, 1989). cision making when they move into junior high school. There is a similar need for developmentally respon- Not surprisingly, there is also a decrease in intrinsic mo- sive family environments. Existing research suggests that tivation and an increase in school misconduct associated there is variability in how famines adapt to their children's with this transition, and these changes are most apparent movement into adolescence and that adolescents fare best among the adolescents who report experiencing the in family environments that provide a good fit to their greatest mismatch between their needs and their oppor- increasing need for autonomy. Adolescents fare more tunities to participate in classroom decision making. Such poorly in families that respond to their development either motivational changes are not apparent in adolescents who by throwing up their hands and relinquishing control or report the more developmentally appropriate increase in by cracking down too much. Families, like schools, are opportunity for participation in classroom decision confronted with a difficult problem: providing an envi- making. ronment that changes in the right way and at the right Although our analysis of the family data is not as pace. Unfortunately, we know less about how to help complete as our analysis of the classroom data, we have families achieve this balance than we know about how found evidence suggesting that a similar process is oc- to design schools that help teachers achieve the right bal- curring in the family. Excessive parental control is linked ance. There is a great need for programs that will help to lower intrinsic school motivation, to more negative parents with this difficult task. changes in self-esteem following the junior high school transition, to more school misconduct, and to relatively REFERENCES greater investment in peer social attachments. However, Barker, R., & Gump, P. (1964). 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