SOC Ch.7.docx

SOC Ch.7 Introduction Research indicates that social media platforms like Instagram and YouTube often magnify traditional concepts of femininity and masculinity, which are heavily influenced by fashion, celebrity culture, and body image. However, there is a need to critically examine these represent...

SOC Ch.7 Introduction Research indicates that social media platforms like Instagram and YouTube often magnify traditional concepts of femininity and masculinity, which are heavily influenced by fashion, celebrity culture, and body image. However, there is a need to critically examine these representations and understand what defines "feminine" and "masculine" in the digital age. With the internet and advancements in biomedical science, the understanding of gender identity is evolving, raising questions about the true essence of gender identity in contemporary society. The study of gender in sociology has been a complex and contentious topic. In Canadian society, discussions around gender were initially considered trivial or private until the mid-1950s. However, there has been a noticeable shift in societal attitudes towards gender since then, leading to more frequent but often polarized discussions in the media. For instance, in 2011, a Canadian couple, David Stocker and Kathy Witterick, attracted significant attention when they chose not to disclose the sex of their third child, Storm Stocker, to allow the child to determine their own gender identity and to avoid gender stereotypes. This decision sparked outrage and condemnation from various quarters, including reporters, television hosts, psychiatrists, and the public, highlighting the controversy and complexity surrounding discussions on gender identity and expression. A general reduction in the stigma associated with being an individual outside “typical” notion of sex and gender has allowed for greater understandings of the diversity that exists in and between sex, genders, sexual identities, and sexual orientations. The distinctions between sex and gender contribute to a social system of inequality that significantly impacts people's lives. While gender differences are often perceived as biologically determined, they operate within a broader framework of social disadvantage and advantage, like class or ethnic disparities. For instance, women are more likely to experience poverty compared to men, even when other factors are equal. Ignoring gender dynamics prevents a comprehensive understanding of inequality in Canadian society. Furthermore, in Canada, gendered disadvantages intersect with other forms of disadvantage, leading to diverse and unique experiences of discrimination and marginalization. Defining Sex and Gender Understanding gender involves distinguishing between the terms sex and gender and recognizing their societal significance. Ann Oakley introduced the term sex in sociology to refer to the biological categorization into male and female, while she defined gender as the socially constructed and unequal division into femininity and masculinity. Over time, the concept of gender has evolved to encompass not only individual identity and personality but also cultural ideals and stereotypes of femininity and masculinity, as well as the structural aspects such as the sexual division of labor within institutions and organizations. This broader understanding highlights the multifaceted nature of gender and its impact on social structures and interactions. Sex is commonly understood as a biological concept, with individuals typically presenting as either male or female from conception, and most possessing clearly identifiable sexual organs. However, the reality is more complex than the binary definitions society often imposes. There exist numerous variations in sexual organs, secondary sex characteristics, and chromosomes beyond the traditional male-female dichotomy. Biological determinants such as chromosome configurations and internal sexual organs may not always align with external sexual characteristics. While men and women may have distinct reproductive functions, scientific evidence for inherent psychological or socialization differences between the sexes, such as the idea of a "maternal instinct," is limited. It's essential to recognize that the perception and understanding of biological sex are influenced by political and social factors, with significant real-world implications. Gender is closely linked to biological sex but refers to culturally constructed ideals of masculinity and femininity. Masculinity and femininity encompass a set of qualities and behaviors that society expects from individuals perceived as typical men and women, respectively. These traits are not restricted to specific sexes or genders; individuals of any gender identity may exhibit traits associated with either masculinity or femininity. Moreover, as societies evolve and interact cross-culturally, the definitions and expectations of masculinity and femininity also evolve over time. The definition and perception of masculinity and femininity are shaped by cultural norms and expectations. Hegemonic masculinity, prevalent in contemporary North American societies, encompasses traits such as dominance, control, aggression, strength, and rationality. While some of these traits may be positive, others can be harmful, affecting individuals of all genders, including men. Pressure to conform to this ideal of masculinity can lead to behaviors that are homophobic and sexist, alienating individuals who do not fit the mold, such as gay or bisexual men and those who do not conform to traditional gender roles. Hegemonic masculinity is associated with traits like anger, control, and rationality, while hegemonic femininity is linked with qualities such as emotionality, empathy, and care. The societal expectation for boys and men to adhere to norms of toughness and control often results in the suppression of emotions or their expression through violent means, perpetuating harmful gender stereotypes and behaviors. Gender identity refers to an individual's personal experience of their gender, which may or may not align with their biological sex and can encompass a spectrum of diverse identities. For instance, individuals may identify as male, female, both, neither, genderqueer, genderfluid, or with other unique gender identities. Some Indigenous people, both in Canada and globally, identify as two-spirited, a term that encompasses various gender identities within Indigenous cultures. These individuals often hold significant ceremonial or sacred roles within their communities. It's essential to respect the cultural significance of the term and not appropriate it for those outside these cultures. Additionally, sexual orientation refers to preferences in romantic or sexual partners and is distinct from both biological sex and gender identity. Gender roles are societal expectations linked to masculinity and femininity, shaping behavior patterns learned by individuals of all genders. These expectations vary across cultures, but all societies have them. As individuals grow and socialize, they adopt and perform gender roles aligned with their cultural norms. Because gender is a learned construct, these roles differ from culture to culture and evolve over time. The number and differentiation of genders also vary between societies. Generally, countries with greater gender equality tend to value femininity and feminized gender roles equally or more than hegemonic masculinity. Gender roles are not uniform across societies or throughout history, and they are influenced by an individual's social context. Housework, traditionally associated with women, has varied in its perception and who performs it. In preindustrial and colonial societies, men often dominated domestic service. However, in Canada since the late nineteenth century, it has been considered exclusively women's work, leading to the stigma against men performing it. Additionally, within groups of women, there are differences in the types of housework expected, with Black women historically assigned more demanding tasks compared to white women. This difference is attributed to the perception of white femininity as fragile and weak, which contrasts with the expectations placed on Black women in North American societies. Gender roles are not universally adhered to, with few individuals conforming strictly to normative expectations. In Canada, traditional gender roles are undergoing change, reflecting the evolving understanding of gender. However, societal norms still impose pressure on men and women to conform to certain behaviors. Deviating from stereotypical roles can lead to various consequences, ranging from social stigma to more severe outcomes like assault and abuse. Gender is a social construct that differs among societies, influenced by patriarchy, which organizes society around male dominance. Judith Butler describes gender as a performance shaped by these power structures. It is an imposed social construction, with certain groups, particularly heterosexual cis men, receiving more benefits than others. THEORY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 7.1 | The Work of Judith Butler Judith Butler, an influential American feminist philosopher, argues that gender is socially constructed rather than innate. She contends that gender is shaped by a narrative heavily influenced by patriarchy, a system of institutionalized sexism. According to Butler, gender is comprised of signs that are imposed upon individuals and internalized through the psyche. In her influential work "Gender Trouble" (1990), Judith Butler challenges the prevailing notion of gender as a binary construct, arguing instead that it is a performative act shaped by societal norms and expectations rather than inherent or "natural" traits. Butler deconstructs the "grand narratives" that reinforce the idea of fixed male and female categories found in psychoanalysis and other fields. She proposes that gender is an "impersonation," emphasizing repetition of oppressive gender norms rather than a conscious choice. Butler highlights that gender performance is not a matter of individual choice but is ingrained through language and social interactions. For example, she illustrates how the act of assigning a newborn's gender by a doctor is not just a description but an act of constituting gender, which is then reinforced throughout the individual's life. According to Judith Butler, gender norms are closely intertwined with heterosexuality, where one's adherence to these norms defines their gender identity within the dominant heterosexual framework. Studies, such as one published by the American Sociological Association, reveal how even within same-sex relationships, individuals tend to attribute stereotypical gender roles based on perceived masculinity or femininity. This phenomenon suggests that gendered labels persist in society, shaping expectations and behaviors within relationships, including household chores. This connection between gender norms and heterosexuality is central to queer theory, which challenges the fixed and binary understanding of gender and sexuality. Queer theory posits that identities and orientations are fluid and complex, inviting exploration of alternative identities and lifestyles beyond traditional norms. Judith Butler's perspective emphasizes that individuals do not choose their gender identity or sexual characteristics, as societal norms dictate certain structured possibilities of sex, gender, and sexuality that are perceived as coherent or "natural." According to Butler, these norms shape individuals' experiences of gender and sexuality through a process of performativity, which involves the continual repetition of societal expectations and norms. This notion moves the discussion beyond biological determinism, focusing instead on identity formation, perception, and adherence to social norms. In essence, individuals navigate their gender and sexuality within the context of societal expectations and norms. Gendering and Transgendering Advancements in science and technology have significantly influenced our understanding and representation of gender. These developments have played a crucial role in making visible and validating the diverse range of gender identities present in contemporary society. For instance, platforms like YouTube have provided a space for transgender individuals, such as Gigi Gorgeous, to share their personal stories and experiences with wide and varied audiences. Transgender individuals, by definition, defy or extend beyond the societal norms associated with the sex assigned to them at birth, with their gender identity differing from their assigned sex. Conversely, individuals whose assigned sex aligns with their gender identity are referred to as cisgender. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 7.2 | Gigi Gorgeous Gigi Loren Lazzarato, known as Gigi Gorgeous, is a Canadian transgender YouTuber, model, and actor who gained fame for documenting her transition from presenting as male to presenting as female on YouTube. In a significant video titled "I Am Transgender" released on December 16, 2013, Gigi publicly announced her gender identity as a woman trapped in a male body. Her advocacy for transgender rights gained attention when she was detained in the United Arab Emirates in August 2016 for "imitating a woman," despite her passport stating her gender as female. Gigi utilized this incident to raise awareness about the challenges faced by transgender individuals and advocate for equality and protection. YouTube serves as a platform where transgender individuals like Gigi can share their stories authentically, providing them with agency to shape discussions about their experiences and emotions within their immediate social context. This stands in contrast to mainstream media portrayals that often rely on stereotypes or sensationalism when reporting on transgender individuals. Identifying as transgender often involves a departure from conventional notions of the male and female gender binary. While not all transgender individuals pursue physical transition, those who do face complex and sometimes risky procedures. Transitioning may encompass hormone therapy, surgical interventions, and cosmetic alterations. These medical advancements enable significant bodily changes, prompting a transformative journey not only in terms of physical appearance but also in self-perception, social interaction, and lifestyle. Transgender individuals in Canada and many other countries face significant social consequences, including ostracism, ridicule, bullying, discrimination, and hate crimes. A study conducted by the Trans PULSE Project in Ontario revealed alarming statistics: 56 percent of transgender individuals who experienced physical or sexual assault had seriously considered suicide, and 29 percent had attempted suicide. The data indicates that suicide rates are highest among those who have endured verbal harassment, transphobic assaults, and physical or sexual abuse, highlighting the detrimental impact of discrimination and hardships on transgender individuals' mental health and well-being. Transgender individuals in Canada face discrimination across various settings, including schools and workplaces. Research from the Trans PULSE Project revealed that 13 percent of transgender Ontarians reported losing their jobs due to their gender identity. In the United States, where many transgender individuals establish their identities during school years, a significant majority (78 percent) reported experiencing harassment, and as many as 35 percent had been physically assaulted. These findings underscore the pervasive nature of discrimination and violence faced by transgender individuals in both educational and employment settings. Social change often progresses gradually, but there have been notable legislative advancements. Bill C-279, passed by the Canadian Senate in June 2017, amended the Canadian Human Rights Act to include gender identity as a prohibited ground of discrimination. This legislation grants transgender individuals rights to use public facilities, such as washrooms and change rooms, corresponding to their gender identity. Transgender advocates emphasize the significance of this bill in safeguarding transgender Canadians from ongoing discrimination and harassment. Theoretical Approaches to Gender Inequality Conflict Theory Conflict theorists argue that capitalism relies on the inexpensive social reproduction of a workforce across generations. Families serve as the primary means of raising new workers, with women predominantly responsible for providing low-cost family labor. Women are tasked with maintaining the health and well-being of family members, including current and future earners, without imposing costs on employers. The Marxist perspective posits that both working-class men and women are equally exploited by the capitalist class. Additionally, the theory of patriarchy, which privileges men while oppressing women and nonbinary individuals, aligns with Marxist analyses that view working-class women as victims of both class and gender oppression. Some socialist feminists have interpreted Marx's writings to suggest that economic liberation for women could occur alongside a socialist revolution and more equitable wealth distribution. However, this view assumes that patriarchy's power stems solely from capitalist or economic factors. The concept of intersectionality, which examines how various dimensions such as class and gender intersect to create inequality, further complicates this understanding. Functionalism Functionalist theorists, starting with Parsons and Bales in 1955, argue that social gendering is universal and inevitable, serving as the most efficient way for societies to fulfill tasks related to reproduction and socialization. They suggest that gender roles may even have evolutionary benefits for the survival of humans. According to this perspective, mothers, due to their biological attachment to their children through pregnancy and breastfeeding, are naturally suited to the task of raising children. This allows them to stay at home and care for the household while husbands work outside the home. The functionalist argument is rooted in the notion that "the survival of society" takes precedence over concepts like equality or individual rights when shaping social relations. This perspective prompts questions about whether the perceived advantages of gender differentiation, such as a specialized division of labor between a breadwinner parent and a stay-at-home parent, can be attained without relying on traditional gender roles. For instance, can similar benefits be achieved through roles being reversed, such as having stay-at-home fathers or grandparents in conjunction with breadwinner mothers? Symbolic Interactionism Symbolic interactionists focus on how gender differences or roles can lead to gender inequalities, such as the objectification of young women as sex objects. They also explore the negotiation of the sexual double standard, which grants men more sexual freedom than women. Symbolic interactionists seek to understand how societal norms and expectations influence individuals' behavior, including how women may conform to norms that ultimately benefit men more than women. For example, some women may engage in shaming other women for their sexual behavior, reinforcing the idea that sexual freedom is primarily for men's benefit, enabling their access to women. Symbolic interactionists examine the social construction of gender concepts like femininity and masculinity. They investigate how families, schools, and mass media contribute to the dissemination of these ideas. This analysis often involves cross-national and cross-cultural comparisons, as different societies may have varying interpretations of masculinity and femininity, as well as distinct methods of enforcing these societal norms. Notably, all these explanations—conflict, functionalist, and symbolic interactionist—are compatible with one another. Each focus on a different aspect of the rise, maintenance, and decline of gender inequality. However, by far the most influential approach to studying gender issues has been the feminist approach. Feminist Theory Feminist theory examines the social construction of gender differences and emphasizes the various inequalities that these constructions impose on women across different social domains. There is considerable diversity among feminists regarding the root causes of gender inequality, leading to a wide range of feminist approaches. These approaches include: One of the significant contributions of modern feminist theory is the concept of intersectionality, introduced by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989. Intersectionality theory challenges the notion that individual identities can be defined by a single dimension such as gender, class, ethnicity, or ability. Instead, it acknowledges that individuals hold multiple and interconnected identities that intersect and influence their experiences. Intersectionality emphasizes that discrimination and privilege cannot be understood by merely adding up different identity categories; rather, it recognizes the complex interactions between various aspects of identity. In this model of intersectionality, oppression, which includes subordination, discrimination, and exploitation, as well as privilege, emerges from the interaction or intersection of multiple positionalities or social identities. This perspective recognizes that gendered disadvantages and privileges are contingent and vary depending on various factors such as context (time and place), racialization, class, age, sexual orientation, disability, and other marginalized identities. Sociologists are tasked with examining how these social locations intersect in specific ways to shape individuals' experiences of discrimination. Intersectionality leads to the understanding that women's lives, as well as all lives, are intricate and diverse, shaped by multiple coexisting and interlocking identities. This complexity challenges the notion of making universal statements about oppression or "womanhood." Moreover, because women's lives and positionalities vary significantly, simply sharing the identity of womanhood does not justify assuming shared experiences of oppression. Women cannot be seen as a homogeneous group due to differences in social markers such as class, ethnicity, age, disability, and other sociologically relevant factors. These differences result in varied relationships to systems of oppression and structures of power, such as patriarchy, systemic racism, and ableism. The idea that gender inequality intersects with other inequalities and is therefore best studied in combination with them also supports standpoint theory, an important theoretical approach. Because we have already discussed standpoint theory in connection with Dorothy Smith in Chapter 2, our treatment here will be brief. Standpoint theory posits that individuals perceive society from diverse social locations. Dominant groups, like white men with secure, well-paid jobs in academia, are likely to have different perspectives compared to marginalized individuals, such as some women and racialized minorities. Furthermore, the standpoint of dominant groups tends to be privileged over others and often dominates academic discourse and popular narratives on various topics. Thus, accounts of reality (such as sociological theories) produced by members of the comfortable, dominant group may differ substantially from most other people’s experiences because their standpoint is different. This highlights the need for a type of sociology that privileges the accounts, insights, and theories of the disadvantaged. In society, women from all walks of life have contributed to feminist thought and have helped create public awareness of women’s unique struggles. Feminist standpoint theory suggests that women possess a unique perspective from which to study and critique society, distinct from the conventional viewpoints dominated by men. This perspective allows women to offer insights that challenge prevailing norms and assumptions. However, there is a risk in academic work of losing touch with the diversity of social disadvantages, which is detrimental to sociological inquiry. Gloria Steinem specifically criticized academic language for obscuring feminist thought. All sociologists, regardless of their backgrounds, must remain cognizant of the limitations imposed by their social location and gendered socialization to ensure a comprehensive understanding of social phenomena. Intersectionality influences how feminism and oppression intersect, as seen in the #MeToo movement. Initially led by African American activist Tarana Burke to amplify the voices of marginalized groups, particularly Black girls, and women, #MeToo gained widespread attention only after a tweet from white Hollywood actor Alyssa Milano went viral. This shift led to criticism from Hill (2017), who highlighted the lack of outrage and empathy for Black women's experiences compared to those of white women. Despite raising awareness about sexual violence, the movement has been criticized for excluding the voices of BIPOC women, who face the most marginalization. This underscores the need to assess whether the changes brought about by #MeToo truly benefit all women and to examine its impact across different cultures. For instance, in Bangladesh, a more sexually conservative culture hampers movement participation due to taboos surrounding sexual topics and harassment discussions, making it difficult for survivors to share their experiences online (Hassan et al., 2019; Lang, 2019). Gender intersects with experiences at home, work, and school, often manifesting in a division of labor within households. Certain tasks are stereotypically assigned to women, men, or shared between them, and these roles have evolved over time in Canada, influenced by social context and positionality. Historically, Indigenous nations in North America had varied but often egalitarian gender divisions of labor, with approximately one-third acknowledging two-spirit identities. European settlers to Canada were initially men, but pioneer women assumed significant labor and farming roles. The Industrial Revolution shifted household dynamics by commercializing goods previously made at home, leading to increased male income-earning and decreased reliance on women's labor. Indigenous nations were compelled to adopt patriarchal structures to engage with the Canadian government, impacting their cultural norms. By the late nineteenth century, men were typically breadwinners with greater financial control, while housework was predominantly viewed as women's responsibility and deemed of lesser value. The changes in family and work organization during the twentieth century have significantly impacted women today. A substantial number of women have joined the labor force, with dual-income families in Canada increasing from 36 percent in 1976 to 69 percent in 2015. While the proportion of dual-income families with men working full-time and women working part-time declined, indicating increased labor market participation and intensity among women, studies reveal that women still spend more time on domestic work, childcare, and caregiving compared to men. This situation, often termed women's "second shift," results in heterosexual female partners having less free time and feeling overburdened. Conversely, same-sex couples typically exhibit a more equal distribution of domestic labor and report greater satisfaction with their arrangements. Although the gender gap in housework hours is shrinking across generations, it is mainly due to women spending less time on housework while increasing their paid work hours, while men's domestic work hours remain largely unchanged. To cope with these demands, many women rely on external help and services, such as childcare providers and house cleaners, often held by other women and characterized by precarious employment conditions. For heterosexual women, balancing a serious career and a fulfilling partnership is challenging due to the expectation of carrying a full load in both spheres. Despite this, few women quit their jobs upon having children, though many may interrupt their careers for maternity leave. Statistics indicate that approximately two-thirds of mothers with preschool-aged children and around 80 percent of mothers with school-aged children are employed, highlighting the prevalence of women's participation in the workforce even while raising children. Extended periods away from work due to pregnancy and motherhood make it difficult for women with heavy domestic responsibilities to compete effectively with men in the workplace. Employers often view women as fewer valuable employees due to their perceived reduced availability caused by domestic responsibilities, perpetuating gender inequality in both the home and the workplace. Recent research suggests that societal and institutional norms and policies, rather than individual sexist attitudes, contribute to this inequality. For instance, gendered workplace norms and policies constrain both men's and women's ability to establish gender egalitarian relationships at home. An example of this is the practice of paternity leave, where men historically took less leave than women. However, Quebec's policy change in 2006, which extended and separated paternity leave from maternity leave, led to a significant increase in the number of fathers taking paternity leave. This increase was attributed to a supportive organizational and managerial environment, as well as the normalization of paternity leave among men. When fathers can develop parenting skills during paternity leave, they are less likely to rely on traditional gendered divisions of parenting in the future, contributing to greater gender equality at home. Gender Inequality in the Workplace Does a double standard exist in North America when it comes to hiring, promoting, and paying women? Is there a glass ceiling that keeps women from moving up the ladder as far as similarly qualified men? Do bosses discriminate against women? These are hard questions to answer. On average, women earn less than men across various occupations globally. According to the United Nations, women's wages amount to approximately 77 percent of what men earn, while the gap is estimated to be higher at 87 percent among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries. In Canada, despite women having an educational advantage, they earn only $0.82 for every $1 earned by men. These disparities in wages highlight gender differences in labor force participation across nations. THINK GLOBALLY 7.3 | Labour Participation of Women Worldwide Worldwide labor force participation rates for women are challenging to determine accurately due to a significant portion of women's work being informal and therefore not officially counted. However, statistics from the World Bank reveal a pattern of gendered participation in the workforce. In 2017, nations in the Global South, such as Rwanda, Madagascar, and Nepal, exhibited the highest rates of paid economic activity by women, with percentages ranging from 83 to 86 percent. Conversely, countries in the Middle East, including Yemen, Syria, and Jordan, had the lowest participation rates, ranging from 6 to 14 percent. Occupational segregation is a universal phenomenon, with women in the Global North typically working in clerical, service, and sales positions, while those in Africa are often employed in agriculture, where they constitute about 70 percent of the labor force and produce approximately 90 percent of the food. Notably, these occupations typically assigned to women are characterized by low status and inadequate pay. Let’s consider some possible explanations. Some women who work “full-time” do in fact work fewer hours per week, or fewer weeks per year, than men who work “full-time.” This happens because they take more time off work to attend to family business (such as taking sick children to the doctor). That might account for their lower income. In certain occupations, women may possess less experience and seniority compared to men in similar roles, often due to factors such as taking maternity leave, which results in lost time that would contribute to their overall experience. As income typically correlates with age, experience, and seniority, women tend to earn lower incomes on average than their male counterparts. Geographic location significantly influences women's economic opportunities and security in Canada. Disparities exist across different cities, with employment rates varying widely. For instance, in St. John's, Newfoundland and Labrador, 63 percent of women are employed, while in Windsor, Ontario, only 53 percent of women hold jobs. Additionally, in Windsor, where one in four women lives below the poverty line, women's incomes average at 74 percent of men's incomes. Factors contributing to this gap include women often occupying lower-paying positions or being compelled to seek employment in smaller companies with less competitive pay scales. The lack of affordable childcare is a significant contributor to the gender pay gap in Canada. Unlike Quebec, where childcare is universally available and subsidized based on income, many provinces lack accessible and affordable childcare options. Consequently, women often opt for part-time employment to balance work and childcare responsibilities. Moreover, women frequently experience interruptions in their career trajectories due to caregiving duties, leading to fewer opportunities for promotions and higher wages compared to men. This disparity arises from women bearing the primary responsibility for household functioning, including childcare, resulting in more frequent work absences and interruptions, such as maternity leave and sporadic absences due to childcare-related issues. Despite various contributing factors, such as interruptions in employment due to maternity leave, they do not entirely account for the pay gap between men and women. Even among recent graduates in Canada, there exists a wage gap of 6-14 percent between men and women one year after university, which tends to widen over time. This suggests that the inequality in pay is deeply ingrained in social norms rather than solely attributable to specific circumstances like maternity leave. In Canada, various forms of pay gaps persist among women, including disparities between racialized and non-racialized women, with racialized women earning around 12% less than their white counterparts. Racialized women, particularly immigrants and refugees, face higher rates of temporary employment and unemployment compared to other groups. Immigrant women also earn significantly less (23.2%) than Canadian-born women. Indigenous women experience lower pay compared to non-Indigenous women, reflecting an ethnic pay hierarchy. Additionally, a pay hierarchy based on sexuality exists, with straight men earning the most, followed by gay men, lesbian women, and finally straight women. Lesbian women may benefit from their marginalized status by facing less gender bias in the workplace. Transgender Canadians also experience discrimination, with transgender women experiencing a significant decrease in wages post-transition, while transgender men see a slight increase. These disparities based on sexuality and gender identity have tangible impacts on career opportunities and financial stability. Technology, Gender, and Education In traditional societies, men typically had access to diverse educational paths, including apprenticeships and formal training, while women's education was often limited to domestic skills such as housekeeping, sewing, and childcare. Mary Wollstonecraft's 1792 work, "A Vindication of the Rights of Woman," challenged these gender stereotypes by advocating for formal education for women. She argued that education would enable women to be intellectual equals to men and contribute to societal progress. Despite being a pivotal text in advocating for gender equality in education, Wollstonecraft's work has been criticized for overlooking the intersectionality of race and gender. Many feminist scholars have pointed out her failure to address the specific challenges faced by Black women, highlighting the importance of considering intersectionality in analyzing historical texts like Wollstonecraft's. Since the time of Wollstonecraft’s controversial writings, women have become fully integrated into the primary and secondary education systems in many parts of the world. Indeed, in Canada, women are more likely than men to graduate from high school and to obtain a bachelor’s or master’s degree (Davies & Guppy, 2013; AUCC, 2011). But despite women’s increased enrolment in higher education, a gender gap persists. In Canada, there are notable gender disparities in high school course enrollment, particularly in STEM subjects—science, technology, engineering, and mathematics—where men are consistently overrepresented. This gender gap in STEM education has garnered increased attention from scholars and policymakers due to its perceived importance for individual job prospects, job security, national competitiveness, and economic prosperity. STEM professionals also tend to command higher salaries compared to fields where women are more prevalent, such as literature. The unequal representation of girls and boys in STEM courses in high school is not solely attributed to gender preferences; rather, it is often linked to deeper societal issues surrounding socialization. Research suggests that gender construction occurs within schools, influencing students' social roles and identities. Teachers may inadvertently contribute to this by holding different expectations for girls and boys. Efforts are underway to address this disparity by encouraging girls to engage with STEM subjects from a younger age. Initiatives like the GoldieBlox and Rube Goldberg "Princess Machine" YouTube video advocate for expanding toy options for girls beyond traditional stereotypes, promoting interest in areas like robotics, biology, and technology. Despite women surpassing men in obtaining university degrees, particularly in non-STEM disciplines, there remains a significant gender gap in STEM fields at the university level. While 66% of graduates in non-STEM disciplines are women, only 39% of STEM graduates are women. Women are underrepresented in natural and applied sciences occupations but overrepresented in education and healthcare fields. Despite having the academic background, women are less likely to pursue STEM degrees, with factors such as uncertainty about abilities and feeling marginalized in male-dominated fields influencing their choices. Efforts to increase female participation in STEM include initiatives highlighted in Box 7.4. DIGITAL DIVIDE 7.4 | Initiatives to Promote the STEM Curriculum to Girls How can we encourage more girls to immerse themselves in the STEM curriculum and more women to pursue STEM degrees and careers? Two programs in Canada attempt to encourage girls to participate in STEM. The first is the Society for Canadian Women in Science and Technology. Founded in 1981, this nonprofit organization works to encourage girls to consider careers in STEM and supports women already working in these fields. The organization has a wide range of programs to help high school girls understand and navigate the many career possibilities in the STEM fields. The second is the Canadian Women in Communications and Technology organization, which helps women enter the information technology sector, advance their careers, and start their own businesses. It was founded in 1991 and now has chapters in British Columbia, Edmonton, the Greater Toronto Area, Kitchener–Waterloo, and Quebec. Another aspect of the STEM gap is that just over half of all STEM degrees in Canada are held by those who immigrated to Canada—whether newcomers or those who have lived in Canada for many years—which suggests that to improve women’s representation in STEM fields within Canada, recruitment to STEM programs may need to be both international and national (Statistics Canada, 2016). Gender-Based Violence Women are disproportionately victims of violence, particularly at the hands of individuals they know, such as family members or romantic partners. In Canada, statistics from the 2014 General Social Survey indicate that women's risk of violent victimization is 20% higher than that of men. Despite the prevalence of violence against women, many are reluctant to report assaults, with roughly 88% of women who have been sexually assaulted in the previous year not reporting the incidents to the police. One reason for this reluctance may be the high rate of sexual assault cases being classified as "unfounded" without investigation, leading to skepticism about women's credibility. Between 2010 and 2014, approximately 19% of sexual assault allegations in Canada were labeled as unfounded, with significant regional variations. However, areas with a higher proportion of female officers tend to have lower rates of unfounded cases. The distinction between consensual and nonconsensual sex, as well as between violent and nonviolent sex, has become increasingly blurred in research findings. This is due to the difficulty in measuring and proving nonphysical coercion, such as psychological manipulation, in courts of law or even within survivors' own perceptions. Many young women may engage in sexual activities they would prefer to avoid due to threats, shame, or guilt-tripping. Canada's pervasive rape culture, where sexual violence is normalized and encouraged, complicates survivors' ability to recognize their experiences as sexual violence. Rape myths, which are inaccurate beliefs about what constitutes legitimate sexual violence, influence how survivors, communities, and law enforcement perceive and respond to sexual violence. These myths, such as assumptions about a victim's appearance and behavior, can impact whether sexual assault cases are reported and taken seriously by survivors' communities and law enforcement. Sexual violence can have dire psychological consequences, such as feelings of shame and guilt, and sometimes even long-term educational or occupational consequences, such as a reluctance or inability to interact with strangers at school or on the job, or even fear of leaving the house (Blythe et al., 2006). Most sexual assaults, around 98% according to Canada's 2014 General Social Survey, are categorized as level 1 assaults, involving unwanted sexual touching but no or only minor physical injuries. However, a staggering 94% of these incidents go unreported to the police. Reasons for non-reporting include survivors not considering the incident important enough, resolving the matter in other ways, or not wanting to involve the police. Sexual assaults classified as more serious by the Canadian legal system, levels 2 and 3, which involve penetration, threats, injuries, and sometimes weapons, see only around 22% reported to the police. This indicates that even the most severe sexual assault cases are likely to go unreported and unpunished. Violence against women is prevalent in digital environments, including social media, blogs, and personal web pages, where comments that would be condemned in face-to-face interactions are common. Video games have drawn attention due to reports of verbal abuse, bullying, and harassment targeting women. Despite women constituting at least 48% of the gaming community, many female gamers opt to conceal their identities or genders to avoid misogynistic bullying. They may refrain from choosing female characters, avoid in-game chats, or provide false information about their gender when directly asked due to fear of harassment, as indicated by research. Intimate Partner Violence and Victimization Intimate partner violence (IPV) is a widely studied form of victimization recognized as a significant social issue. In the United States, statistics show that every nine seconds, a woman is abused by someone she knows, indicating the alarming prevalence of this problem. While comparable data for Canada is unavailable, it's likely that frequencies of IPV are similarly high. Each year, 1.5 to 2 million women in abusive relationships require immediate medical attention due to domestic violence. It's important to note that these abusive relationships typically do not start out as violent but escalate over time. A survivor of intimate partner violence (IPV) is someone who has experienced repeated emotional, physical, or sexual abuse, or a combination thereof, from their intimate partner. While physical violence is a significant aspect of abusive relationships, other forms of behavior also cause significant harm. Emotional abuse and controlling behavior can result in long-term effects such as posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, low self-esteem, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts. Gaslighting, a tactic used by abusers to manipulate victims into questioning their reality and sanity, is common and can prolong the abuse while impacting the survivor's cognition in the long term. Women generally face higher risks of intimate partner violence (IPV) compared to men. According to the National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey, an estimated 37% of women have experienced IPV at some point. Moreover, women are more likely than men to experience various forms of abuse, including verbal, emotional, physical, and sexual. Many women experience IPV as part of a long history of abuse, with childhood abuse significantly increasing the likelihood of experiencing abuse in adulthood. Approximately 15% of women experience repeated victimization throughout their lives. It's crucial to adopt an intersectional approach to understand the varied risks of experiencing intimate partner violence (IPV) based on different social identities and positions. For instance, rates of IPV differ significantly between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities in Canada, with Indigenous women reporting three times higher rates of spousal violence in 2014. While women are generally more at risk of IPV, societal expectations associated with hegemonic masculinity can make it difficult for men to admit or report experiencing IPV. Assumptions about male strength and dominance, as well as limited emotional expression, may lead men to feel ashamed when experiencing violence from a female partner. Why don’t survivors leave their dangerous, abusive partners? There is no simple answer to this question. Often, people do leave. Some who manage to escape an abusive household end up returning or are dragged back against their will. Research indicates that, on average, women leave and return five times before they successfully cut off all contact with their abuser permanently (Barnett, 2000). Many people stay in abusive relationships because they cannot imagine leaving and living without their partner. Often, abusers encourage this line of thinking to keep the abused partner in the relationship. If someone has been psychologically abused, they may come to doubt their own judgment and ability to make decisions for themselves. This form of self-control entraps people in relationships with their abusers (Sabina & Tindale, 2008). This may be hard for some outsiders to understand because they lack this experience of psychological manipulation themselves. Consequently, they may struggle to empathize fully with the complexities and challenges faced by victims trying to navigate such situations. Many individuals do not leave abusive relationships after the first assault because they may perceive the situation as temporary and believe it could improve over time. Feelings of guilt and shame, particularly in the early stages of abuse, may be accompanied by a sense of hope for positive change. Researchers like Ferraro and Johnson (1983) highlight that survivors often employ "techniques of neutralization" to rationalize their abuser's actions as normal, acceptable, or even justifiable. Additionally, survivors may resist acknowledging to themselves or others that they have chosen an abusive partner, further complicating their decision to leave the relationship. Many women survivors stay from a realistic fear of the violence that might occur if they were to leave (Roberts, 2007b; Sabina & Tindale, 2008). Research shows abused women are most likely to be murdered by their partner when they try to end the relationship (Browne, 1987; Sabina & Tindale, 2008). A lack of sufficient resources can also hinder individuals from leaving abusive relationships. Many may remain in such situations due to concerns about not having anyone to turn to for help or fear of being judged or disbelieved if they seek assistance. Cultural factors may also play a role, with some cultures viewing divorce as a personal failure and offering little support for those seeking to end abusive relationships. Additionally, survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV), particularly women, often lack resources such as social capital, education, and income, which could facilitate their departure from abusive situations. It's reported that a significant proportion of chronically abused women have limited education, with fewer than 40% having attained education beyond a high school diploma. Financial dependence on the abusive partner further contributes to the reluctance to leave. Conversely, victimized women who leave shortly after experiencing violence are more likely to come from middle- or upper-income backgrounds and have completed at least some postsecondary education. Having children significantly complicates the process of leaving an abusive relationship, particularly for women. Women enduring long-term intimate partner violence (IPV), spanning from 4 to 40 years, are often mothers, typically with young children. The presence of children introduces numerous logistical and resource challenges when considering leaving the abusive partner. Mothers frequently prioritize the physical needs of their children over their own safety, further complicating their decision to leave. Concerns about the safety and well-being of their children if they were to leave also weigh heavily on their minds, adding to the complexity of the situation. To summarize, staying in an abusive relationship can be due to social circumstances (including income, emotional supports, and access to safe space such as a shelter), rational fear for one’s life, psychological wear from the abuse itself, or more likely some combination of these. Victimization of Indigenous Women Indigenous people in Canada, like in the United States and elsewhere, are disproportionately affected by violence, including intimate partner violence (IPV). The intersection of inequalities experienced by Indigenous women in Canada contributes to their heightened risk of violence. Data from the General Social Survey in 2014 indicates a sexual assault rate of 115 incidents per 1,000 population for Indigenous women, significantly higher than the rate of 35 per 1,000 for non-Indigenous women. This overrepresentation of Indigenous women as victims of violence underscores the unique circumstances they face and highlights the urgent need for targeted interventions and support services. SPOTLIGHT ON 7.5 | NoMoreStolenSisters: Violence against Indigenous Women In recent years, Canada has been engaged in a national conversation surrounding the alarming number of missing and murdered Indigenous women, sparking outrage, and prompting a long-awaited national inquiry. Research indicates that Indigenous women in Canada are five to eight times more likely to be murdered or experience violent deaths compared to non-Indigenous women. Statistics Canada reports that although Indigenous people make up only 5% of the country's population, they constitute 22% of homicide victims. In 2018 alone, there were 44 female Indigenous homicide victims. The rate of homicide for Indigenous populations is significantly higher than that of non-Indigenous populations, with Indigenous women experiencing a rate of 4.54 homicides per 100,000 people, compared to 0.64 for non-Indigenous women. These statistics underscore the urgent need for action to address the systemic issues contributing to the violence faced by Indigenous women in Canada. For years, the gravity of disproportionately high rates of violence against Indigenous women in Canada has been known, yet it wasn't until recently that the Canadian government responded on a national level. The reasons behind these stark statistics are multifaceted and complex. Canada's history of colonialism has played a significant role, perpetuating violence against Indigenous women through collective violence, structural discrimination, imposition of Christian and European values, and colonial policies. Past governments have neglected to address this issue adequately; former Prime Minister Stephen Harper once remarked that an inquiry into the matter was "not really high on our [the government's] radar." This historical context underscores the urgent need for meaningful action and systemic change to address the ongoing violence against Indigenous women in Canada. Mainstream media has exacerbated the issue by disproportionately covering cases of murdered or missing Indigenous women compared to white women, as highlighted by a 2010 study. Indigenous women received significantly less news coverage, with articles about them less likely to be featured on the front page of newspapers. Furthermore, mainstream media often portrays Indigenous women in a manner that emphasizes their involvement in sex work, further perpetuating harmful stereotypes. However, alternative platforms such as social media and blogs have emerged as spaces for discussion and advocacy. Through hashtags like #NoMoreStolenSisters, #MMIW (missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls), and #ourinquiry, alternative narratives and stories are shared, drawing much-needed attention to the issue. In 2015, a national inquiry commenced to investigate the alarming rates of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. Over 2,380 individuals contributed to the inquiry by sharing their stories, experiences, and recommendations. The inquiry's final report, released in 2019, characterized this violence as a race-based genocide against Indigenous Peoples, particularly targeting women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA individuals. The use of the term "genocide" in the report underscores the deliberate and sustained efforts to destroy and annihilate a specific social group. A troubling revelation of the report is that many Indigenous individuals have become accustomed to violence, while Canadian society has failed to address the issue adequately. The final report includes 231 calls for justice directed at governments, institutions, social service providers, industries, and all Canadians. LIST OF KEY TERMS Binary-Anything separated into two distinct and clear-cut categories. Cisgender-A term that describes overlap between the gender that an individual identifies with and the biological sex they were assigned at birth. Gender-The social and cultural expectations associated with different categories (including but not limited to men and women), often associated with sex and the body, in terms of emotions, intellect, psychology, appearance, behaviours, preferences, and social roles and expectations. Genderfluid-A term that describes a person whose gender identity changes over time and contexts. gender identity-An inner sense of belonging to one, several, or no particular gender(s). gender inequality-Differences that exist in education, income, and other opportunities based on a person’s gender identity or sexual orientation. Genderqueer-A term that describes a person who identifies with many genders, with no gender at all, or with a mixture of different components of many genders. Some genderqueer folks may not identify with the gender binary at all, and others may prefer not to choose a gender with which to identify. gender roles-The behaviours, attitudes, and markers ascribed to men and women by society. hegemonic femininity-A social construction of gender that in the North American context traditionally includes stereotypical behaviours and attitudes such as being emotional, caring, and nurturing. Hegemonic masculinity-A social construction of gender that in the North American context traditionally includes stereotypical behaviours and attitudes such as being strong, brave, and rational. Intersectionality-A theoretical approach that examines the interlocking nature of social identity categories (such as ethnicity, class, and gender) that creates more complex, interdependent systems of oppression and marginalization. Performativity-The idea that sex and gender are socially and culturally constructed and that we constantly repeat—or “perform”—the norms associated with our assigned gender identities to be understood as “coherent” or “normal.” The regulatory norms associated with assigned gender identities are culturally enforced and policed, and digressions from what we consider “normal” or “natural” gendered behaviours and sexualities are punished. Second shift-Women’s unpaid housework and caretaking in addition to paid work performed in the formal sector. Sex-The biological or anatomical markers associated with either males or females. Sex is usually determined by chromosomes, genitalia, hormones, or any combination of these. Conventional definitions of sex are premised on a false binary and often exclude trans and intersex identities. sexual orientation-A term that indicates the gender(s) that an individual is attracted to. Stem-Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics; commonly used to refer to education, research, and employment in this sector. Transgender-A term that describes a discrepancy between the gender that an individual identifies with and the biological sex they were assigned at birth. two-spirited-A person who identifies as having both a masculine and a feminine spirit. The word is often used by Indigenous people to describe one or more of their sexual, gender, or spiritual identity.