Soc Ch.5.docx

Soc Ch.5 The Public Health Agency of Canada (2020) reports approximately 4,000 annual suicides in Canada, with higher rates among Indigenous and people of color compared to white Canadians. Despite the significant numbers, suicide is relatively uncommon compared to other crimes like robbery or sexua...

Soc Ch.5 The Public Health Agency of Canada (2020) reports approximately 4,000 annual suicides in Canada, with higher rates among Indigenous and people of color compared to white Canadians. Despite the significant numbers, suicide is relatively uncommon compared to other crimes like robbery or sexual assault. It is often considered an unusual and deviant act. Deviance refers to behavior that goes against widely accepted social norms. Expressing admiration for or planning suicide is considered deviant, as most people would disapprove and express concern. Sociologists have studied suicide for over 120 years, with Émile Durkheim's classic book, "Suicide," being a foundational work in understanding and explaining this phenomenon. Throughout the history of sociology, there has been ongoing debate about the causes of suicide and deviance, encompassing various phenomena such as crime, crowd behavior, social protest, political violence, and the spread of rumors. One perspective attributes such behavior to social disorganization, while another argues that it is conscious, purposeful, and often learned and taught socially. The chapter adopts the latter viewpoint, emphasizing the role of socialization in understanding these behaviors. Varieties of Deviant Behaviour Deviance encompasses a wide range of behaviors, including criminality (violations of criminal laws) and noncriminal actions disapproved by the community, such as burping in public or wearing casual clothes to a formal dinner. Crime is just one subset of deviance, and it is less common than other forms. However, it garners more attention due to its formal control by the criminal justice system, leading to official tracking and punishment. Many deviant acts and crimes are not readily visible to the public, and not all visible crimes are reported to the police. Reporting rates vary depending on the type of crime, with homicides, attempted homicides, kidnappings, and significant property losses being the most reported. Minor thefts, threats, sexual assaults, and minor physical assaults are significantly underreported. Homicide rates in Canada, as shown in Figure 5.1, are higher than in many culturally similar countries but lower than in the United States. This discrepancy is attributed to the smaller number of handguns in Canada. Police have significant discretion in deciding which cases to pursue and how to record them, impacting crime statistics. Changes in reported crime rates may reflect both actual crime incidence and police discretion. A decrease in reported burglaries, for instance, could indicate a reduction in committed burglaries, reports, or police-recorded cases. Due to underreporting, limited police investigations, and few resulting convictions, there is a gap between committed crimes and punished ones, often referred to as a "crime funnel." Victimization surveys offer a more reliable reflection of crime, although they may still miss unnoticed crimes such as small thefts or drug trafficking. Deviance can easily occur by breaking societal rules, unintentionally challenging social expectations, particularly in terms of appearance. Appearance deviations, which defy prevailing cultural standards, are diverse and subject to changing norms across societies and contexts. These deviations often result in negative judgments, potential stigmatization, and social exclusion. Additionally, the reactions to appearance deviations may give rise to the formation of deviant communities and subcultures as responses to the associated stigmatization. Appearance norms, like other societal standards, serve the purpose of regulation, aiming to control and establish uniformity within a culture. An example is the use of school uniforms, where administrators seek to make everyone look the same. Michel Foucault and others highlight the concept of governmentality, emphasizing how individuals in modern society internalize such rules. Governmentality involves those in power using norms, values, and beliefs, along with formal rules and sanctions, to shape individuals' behavior. This process makes standardization a personal responsibility and a prerequisite for those aspiring to appear "normal." Clearly, people can deviate from cultural norms in their appearance in many ways. Some kinds of appearance deviations are social in their origins—that is, carried out intentionally to copy others or to show others you belong to a particular group. Other kinds are involuntary, such as birthmarks. Some appearance deviations violate deeply held ideas about beauty or propriety, while others merely violate common current practices. The mass media influences many of our ideas about appearance, as discussed in Chapter 4. However, appearance norms are far from realistic. Even though most people strive, most of the time, to obey appearance norms, some people cannot help but fall short. As a result, some become deviant—that is, labelled, stigmatized, and excluded as deviant—even if they do not want to be. To adhere to societal appearance norms, individuals may resort to risky and potentially life-threatening measures, like skin bleaching or cosmetic surgery. Unrealistic beauty standards, especially affecting young women, contribute to the development of harmful conditions such as eating disorders. Some behaviors, like disordered eating, can be harmful without being rare or considered deviant or criminal. On the other hand, certain actions, such as drinking below the legal age or having multiple face piercings, may be deviant and even criminal without inherently posing harm or danger. This highlights the complexity of the relationship between societal norms, deviance, and potential harm. Appearance norms impact everyone, but women often feel their effects more significantly due to societal expectations. In many cultures, men are socialized to value women primarily for their beauty and youthfulness. Media outlets, such as magazines and blogs, reinforce these norms, emphasizing that a woman's worth is linked to her appearance in the eyes of men. These norms exert a powerful influence on women's behavior, surpassing the impact of many written rules, such as school dress codes. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 5.1 | Challenging the Norm Despite strong appearance norms in the media, creative women manage to use these platforms to show new kinds of beauty—“defining beauty on their own terms” (Porteous, 2015). One example of this is the Instagram account @i_weigh, created by The Good Place actress Jameela Jamil. Jamil created this account to share powerful images of people, particularly but not exclusively woman and femmes who are racialized, who otherwise are often not represented in the mainstream media. The use of hashtags like #effyourbeautystandards on social media platforms such as Instagram and Twitter have become a powerful movement among plus-size women and nonbinary individuals. Through sharing selfies, they challenge societal appearance norms and celebrate diverse body types, using social media as a platform for visibility and empowerment. This trend is also impacting the modeling industry, as seen in the case of Winnie Harlow, a Canadian model with vitiligo. Despite initial stigmatization, her social media popularity led to recognition by top model Tyra Banks, and she is now a sought-after model and the face of the Spanish fashion label Desigual. So, by allowing women, femmes, and nonbinary folks to show themselves as they are and embrace each other’s differences, social media have challenged appearance and beauty norms. This has allowed more and more people to recognize their own unique beauty. The societal pressure on women to enhance their appearance has led to the increasing acceptance and normalization of cosmetic surgery. This practice contributes to the medicalization of deviance, where problems are framed in medical terms and addressed through health interventions rather than legal, moral, or spiritual means. Medicalization is often a harm reduction strategy, reframing issues to reduce stigma and address them as health concerns. In the context of cosmetic surgery, medicalization may not necessarily reduce harm, with some arguing that it exacerbates it. However, it shifts the focus of appearance improvement to medical experts. Sexual deviance encompasses a diverse range of behaviors, with sex work being one example perceived as deviant by society. The labeling of sex work as immoral and the stigmatization of individuals in the industry contribute to the establishment of boundaries between acceptable and unacceptable behavior. These boundaries foster social cohesion as those who are not involved in sex work often bond over the shared perception of the immorality of sex work. According to conflict theorists, sex work serves to perpetuate and reinforce gender inequality. Most sex workers are women who engage in transactions primarily with men, while those in positions to profit the most, such as pimps, are often men. Conflict theory suggests that sex work is a consequence of societal inequality, with individuals, particularly women, turning to this profession due to limited access to more desirable employment opportunities that would provide the necessary income. Survey findings indicate that individuals engaged in sex work often have a history of childhood physical and sexual abuse, as well as parental substance abuse. This pattern contributes to the prevalence of sex work among adolescents, with 10 to 15 percent of street sex workers in Canada being under 18 years old. The average age of entry into the sex trade is around 14 to 15 years, and for Indigenous women, it is even lower at 13 to 14 years. This suggests that those who are socially vulnerable are more likely to enter sex work at an early age. Sex work has been a divisive topic within feminist discourse. While some feminists concentrate on assisting women in leaving this profession, there is also a focus on advocating for the protection of sex workers from violence. From a functionalist perspective, Kingsley Davis argued that sex work fulfills a societal need by providing sexual satisfaction for customers without imposing the socioeconomic responsibilities of a relationship or marriage. This, according to Davis, contributes to the stability and sanctity of marriage, particularly when other intimate arrangements fail or are unavailable. Engaging in sex work can lead to role strain for sex workers, particularly in managing conflicting roles within their families. Female sex workers may find themselves constantly shifting between the respected role of a mother and the stigmatized role of a sex worker, navigating society's double standards for women daily. To avoid punishment for violating societal ideals of female purity, many sex workers may even need to conceal their profession from their families. In Canada, while sex work itself is legal, it is still considered deviant behavior. In a significant decision in December 2013, the Supreme Court of Canada deemed the existing laws surrounding sex work unconstitutional. These laws, which criminalized living off earnings from sex work, operating a brothel, or soliciting customers on the street, were found to jeopardize the safety of sex workers. The court reasoned that these rules hindered sex workers from employing drivers and bodyguards, working in safe indoor locations (brothels), and screening potentially dangerous clients in public. The replacement law, however, has faced criticism for potentially having sex work less safe by criminalizing the advertising or purchasing of sex. This makes it more challenging for sex workers to screen clients compared to the previous legal framework. Countries employ varying strategies to discourage sex work while attempting to minimize risks for sex workers, maintaining the perception of sex work as deviant. In the United States, except for Nevada, both buying and selling sex are considered criminal offenses. Sweden criminalizes buying sex but not selling it, placing social stigma on the buyer. In the Netherlands, both buying and selling sex are legal, regulated by the government, and sex workers must formally register. In New Zealand, both buying and selling sex are legal, but there is minimal government control. The effectiveness of these strategies is inconclusive, with concerns that a lack of state oversight may pose problems and dangers for sex workers. The third domain of deviance involves substance abuse, encompassing the perceived misuse of psychoactive drugs like alcohol, marijuana, cocaine, heroin, and certain prescription medications. These substances alter a person's mental state and can pose serious health risks for both the user and others. In Canada and elsewhere, the prevalence of legal drug use and abuse, including alcohol, tobacco, marijuana, and prescription medication, outweighs the use of illegal drugs like heroin and cocaine. The inappropriate use of legal drugs is also potentially more dangerous, as highlighted by issues such as the fentanyl crisis, where prescription opioid use is implicated. The societal focus tends to emphasize illegal drug use as a social problem, often neglecting the harm associated with legal drugs. This discrepancy underscores the socially constructed nature of crime and deviance, emphasizing how society chooses to prioritize certain issues while neglecting others. People's perception of drug abuse is heavily influenced by what they consider an "acceptable" drug at each time and place. The portrayal of individuals addicted to "hard" drugs in the media often depicts them as erratic, irrational, irresponsible, and incapable of self-care. This portrayal contributes to heightened attention to illegal drug use and increases public anxiety, framing the drug debate as a moral panic. A moral panic, according to Stanley Cohen, arises when a condition, episode, person, or group is defined as a threat to societal values and interests, often promoted by moral entrepreneurs. The increasing availability of drugs and alcohol highlights the significance of understanding the cultural politics influencing laws and enforcement practices. Cultural norms, moral values, religious beliefs, and scientific claims play a role in determining what is considered healthy or dangerous, normal, or abnormal, and legal or illegal. The example of cannabis (marijuana) in Canada illustrates how changing societal perceptions impact drug use. Prior to its legalization in 2018, the popularity and acceptance of cannabis led to a slight increase in the percentage of cannabis smokers aged 15 and over, from 10.6% in 2013 to 12.3% in 2015. This shift coincided with a decline in cigarette smoking, and in 2015, 21% of youth and 30% of young adults reported using cannabis in the previous year, contributing to high and growing rates of cannabis use in Canada. In October 2018, Canada passed the Cannabis Act, legalizing the ownership and sale of cannabis products, including marijuana and hashish. The primary goals of this legalization were to strictly regulate and restrict access to cannabis, particularly to prevent youth access and undermine organized crime's profits from the illegal cannabis market. Legalizing cannabis also aimed to generate government revenue through taxation. The provinces are responsible for regulating the distribution of the drug, resulting in varying levels of availability through legal channels in different provinces, with some, like Alberta, having wider access than others, such as Ontario. The increased acceptance and decreased social stigma surrounding cannabis contributed to its decreased cultural deviance, leading to increased use. This cultural shift, in turn, prompted legal changes to decriminalize cannabis use. The expectation is that this legal change will further diminish the stigma associated with cannabis use, aiming to reduce its labeling as deviant, particularly among teenagers. This illustrates the interconnected relationship between deviance and criminality, where changes in cultural perceptions influence legal outcomes, and vice versa. Theoretical Approaches to Deviance Sociologists studying deviance and crime view deviant behavior as either the uncommon actions of ordinary individuals or the expected actions of individuals in deviant roles or unconventional settings. They recognize that deviance may be a rational response for those who lack equal opportunities to benefit from societal rules. For instance, it is understandable why unemployed or poorly paid individuals might resort to theft, though less clear why individuals in more privileged positions, such as financiers and political leaders, might engage in similar behavior. Thus, sociological approaches to deviance and crime are different from psychological approaches and look for answers outside the individual actors. In explaining crime, they focus on the three criminal Cs—careers, cultures, and communities. That said, sociologists vary in their approaches to deviance and crime. Conflict Theory Some kinds of people are more likely to commit deviant acts than others. Similarly, we are more likely to define some kinds of behaviour as deviant or criminal, and to define some people who commit these acts as worthy of punishment, than others. Consider the role of laws in identifying and controlling criminals. Conflict theorists argue that individuals in positions of power within society create and enforce laws to benefit themselves. According to this perspective, criminal laws are more likely to target and punish unemployed and economically disadvantaged individuals than bankers and financiers. Additionally, these laws are more likely to disproportionately affect and penalize Indigenous and racialized people compared to white individuals. This viewpoint suggests that the legal system is influenced by social inequalities and serves the interests of the powerful. Monchalin et al. (2019) highlight that Indigenous peoples in Canada and the United States face elevated levels of homicide and violence, with the Indigenous homicide rate being the highest among all racial and ethnic groups in both countries. Of significant concern is the issue of missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls. The authors argue that the existing literature often focuses on micro-level factors, which lack a historical and structural framework for comprehending violence against Indigenous peoples. They emphasize that the embeddedness of colonialism within the political, economic, and social structure of society contributes to the persistent vulnerability of Indigenous people to violence and victimization, particularly homicide. Certain conflict theories perceive criminal behavior as rational conduct when faced with limited economic opportunities and the pressure to achieve material success. Robert Merton's strain theory, also known as anomie theory, aligns with this perspective. Strain theory, akin to the conflict approach, suggests that criminal behavior, such as theft and robbery, may arise from a combination of a lack of legitimate opportunities and a desire for material success. In other words, the theory posits that individuals, driven by the culturally learned desire for material success, may resort to criminal behavior when socially acceptable opportunities are scarce, resulting in a gap referred to as anomie by Merton. In this view, crime is seen as an "innovative" adaptation or response to anomie. Robert Merton encourages us to perceive criminal behavior as a creative response to restricted opportunities for lawful success. The term "innovation" in this context doesn't necessarily refer to inventing new criminal tactics or utilizing new criminal technologies. Instead, it implies engaging in behaviors that contravene social norms, many of which are codified as criminal offenses. Merton's strain theory suggests that individuals may resort to criminal actions as a way of adapting to their circumstances when faced with limited legitimate opportunities for achieving material success within the existing social structure. THINK GLOBALLY 5.2 | Human Trafficking and Sexual Exploitation Human trafficking is a pervasive issue worldwide, particularly in the context of the global sex trade. The expansion of this trade is connected to the growth of service occupations, temporary employment, and corporate-driven consumption. Factors contributing to this phenomenon include the surge in labor migration, tourism, and business travel, highlighting the complex interplay of socio-economic elements in the perpetuation of human trafficking. The issue of human trafficking, which is often seen as a global problem, but also affects local and national communities in Canada. A report by Anupriya Sethi (2010) shows that Indigenous girls are disproportionately involved in prostitution, often at a very young age, and face sexual exploitation. Sex trafficking of Indigenous girls in Canada can occur in various forms. It can involve family members forcing others into the sex trade, or it can be orchestrated by organized crime groups, including gangs. In these situations, the trafficked girls may be made to work in escort services, massage parlours, or as dancers, according to Sethi (2010). Feminism Feminist theory, like conflict theory, examines gender-based inequalities, specifically the power dynamics between genders. Despite a rise in documented crimes by women in recent decades, a gender gap persists in crime, with no available statistics for nonbinary or intersex individuals. In Canada, women have consistently represented less than 25% of completed court cases over the past few decades. While women are generally less likely than men to engage in criminal activities, they have a higher likelihood of committing specific crimes such as fraud, simple assault, and making threatening or harassing phone calls. According to a government report, females are accused of criminal offenses at a lower rate than males across all age groups, with females accounting for 25% of all persons accused in 2017 compared to 75% for males. Indigenous women in Canada are disproportionately represented as perpetrators of violent crime. In 2015, Indigenous women were 31 times more likely to commit homicide compared to non-Indigenous women, highlighting a significant disparity. This emphasizes the importance of adopting an intersectional approach to comprehend the varied factors influencing the likelihood of committing violent crimes among women in Canada. A gender gap in victimization exists, as females have approximately a 20% higher risk of experiencing violent victimization compared to males, even when accounting for other risk factors. This disproportionality is also observed among Indigenous women, which will be further explored in the subsequent section on victimization. Victimization is a key focus for feminist sociologists, encompassing the experience of being a victim of crime or unjust treatment like sexism or racism. Feminist researchers investigate how women become targets of victimizing behavior and explore the underlying reasons for this phenomenon. In cases of sexual assault, a woman may undergo secondary victimization during the reporting process. Firstly, when she reports the crime to the police and provides a statement, the experience can trigger feelings of shame and guilt, especially if the interviewing officer handles the situation poorly. Subsequently, in court, she may face a third victimization as lawyers compel her to relive the traumatic experience, often in the presence of the male attacker. Furthermore, the legal proceedings may frame the crime in a way that places blame on the victim, with lawyers and media sometimes depicting them as deviant or sexually promiscuous to downplay the severity of the initial criminal act. Women are significantly more often victims of sexual assault and harassment than men. However, numerous sexual assault crimes go unreported due to reasons mentioned earlier, and many cases reported to the police are dismissed as "unfounded." The term "unfounded" implies that these cases are not officially counted, even though the victim attempted to report the crime. Research indicates that the police may categorize as many as half of these cases as unfounded, often based on the perception that the evidence is insufficient to secure a conviction. In 2017, the number of victims of police-reported sexual assault in Canada reached a peak in October, aligning with the #MeToo social media movement. Reports made in October and November of 2017 surpassed those of any other month since comparable data was available from 2009. Like the period before #MeToo, most reported sexual assaults after the movement occurred recently, with nearly half reported on the day of the incident (47%) and an additional one-quarter (26%) within the month leading up to reporting to the police. Additionally, there was an increase in historical sexual assault reports over a decade old after #MeToo, though they constituted a minority of cases (6% in total over 2016 and 2017). In other words, the increase after #MeToo better reflected the actual number of assaults that happened in that time. The increase did not reflect the willingness of victims to pursue criminal charges in historical cases. In Canada, women are more prone to being victims of sexual offenses than men across all provinces. The most significant disparities in victimization occur among young women aged 15–30 in the Canadian North, attributed partly to their participation in public leisure activities and interactions with potential male perpetrators. Additionally, this demographic is more vulnerable to family members, accounting for approximately one-quarter to one-third of reported incidents of sexual assault. Indigenous women face a higher likelihood of experiencing sexual violence, with sexual assaults making up 33% of crimes against them compared to less than 10% for non-Indigenous women in 2009. Moreover, women with physical disabilities are twice as likely to be victims of sexual assault compared to those without disabilities. In cases of sexual harassment and assault, most female victims are acquainted with their attackers. According to Statistics Canada (Allen, 2016), 88% of victims knew their attackers, with 44% being acquaintances, 38% family members, and 6% intimate partners. With the expansion of technology, perpetrators are increasingly using the internet and social media to meet and lure in victims. Notably, one in five American teenagers report having received unwanted sexual solicitations via the web (Jessica’s Law Now, 2011). The issue of victimization is a significant focus in feminist sociology, with a particular interest in studying the experiences of various victimized groups. These groups include poor individuals, racialized minorities, people with disabilities, Indigenous people, transgender individuals, and those with diverse sexual orientations. Feminists emphasize intersectionality, which involves the interaction of gender with other social characteristics such as race and class. This intersectionality leads to compounded and unique experiences of oppression, including victimization. Functionalism Functionalists, exemplified by Durkheim, perceive deviance and crime as universal and serving a useful function in society. They argue that punishments for deviance, whether official state penalties like imprisonment or informal sanctions like ostracism, serve to remind individuals of the importance of adhering to societal rules. Criminals and outcasts, in this view, act as reminders and deterrents, encouraging people to stay within the moral boundaries established by society. Durkheim argued that people require social order and clear social rules to prevent a condition he termed "anomie." This term, not identical to Merton's use, signifies a lack of stable social norms. Anomie, according to Durkheim, leads to increased social distress and suicide rates. He also suggested that reduced anomie is a factor contributing to the greater happiness and lower suicide rates observed among religious individuals compared to their nonreligious counterparts. Control theory, a nuanced extension of the functionalist approach, posits that individuals adhere to societal rules when they perceive personal benefits, indicating a "stake in conformity." This perspective, rooted in the idea that criminal impulses exist in everyone but are not always acted upon, suggests that people generally obey the law due to a desire for the rewards associated with conformity and a fear or dislike of the consequences of engaging in criminal or deviant behavior. Control theory places a central focus on self-control, emphasizing that individuals can avoid delinquency by learning to regulate their behavior. Developing strong social bonds with significant others and traditional institutions is crucial in this process. Failure to learn societal rules and establish conforming relationships in early life, leading to the development of delinquent bonds, can potentially lock individuals into a criminal career and involvement in a criminal subculture. However, significant life events like marriage or entering the workforce may serve as turning points, prompting individuals to form new social bonds that control their behavior and reduce the likelihood of further criminal acts. Hirschi's "Causes of Delinquency" (1969/2002) is a seminal work in control theory, emphasizing the pivotal role of a child's relationship with their parents in influencing involvement in crime. Hirschi argues that children with weak bonds to their parents are more likely to engage in delinquent acts. The theory posits that social control operates through a "social bond" established in early life, consisting of four elements: belief in traditional values, attachment to others and sensitivity to their opinions, commitment to the social rewards of conformity, and involvement in regular activities. These elements collectively shape an individual's self-control and likelihood of engaging in deviant behavior. Symbolic Interactionism Another critical concern for sociologists is why and how people adopt a deviant identity. This question has great appeal for symbolic interactionists, for whom the “self”—a person’s identity—is an essential topic of inquiry. Symbolic interactionists in the 1950s and 1960s delved into questions about the definition of deviance and the power dynamics in deciding what is considered deviant. These sociologists, under the umbrella of labelling theory, proposed that deviance is a social label wielded by certain groups to stigmatize and exert dominance over others. The theory argues that when individuals are labeled as deviant, especially as criminals, there is an increased risk of engaging in deviant behavior. This is due to the harm inflicted on one's social status, life opportunities, and self-perception by the deviant label. Symbolic interactionists emphasize that our participation in society is learned through social games, coordinated roles, and the anticipation and response to the role-play of others. Edwin Sutherland (1939), a sociologist, was among the first to suggest that people learn deviant behaviors, including crime, through such socialization processes. In this view, individuals acquire criminal skills, form criminal relationships, and develop a criminal identity in a manner like how they learn noncriminal skills, establish noncriminal relationships, and consider themselves law-abiding citizens. Edwin Sutherland argued that individuals learn both deviant and conforming behavior through their interactions with others. Deviant behavior is acquired through communication and rewards from individuals engaged in such behavior regularly. The development of patterns of deviant behavior is influenced by forming favorable definitions of deviance, and individuals also acquire deviant skills through this process. Sutherland termed this perspective "differential association theory," asserting that our actions reflect the relative significance of different associations, both deviant and conforming, in our lives. Symbolic interactionists explore how individuals shape and define social problems, including deviance and crime, through social interaction and communication. They argue that social issues, such as crime waves, are not inherent but are rather social constructions. These constructions often emerge in response to moral panics and are influenced by the actions of moral entrepreneurs. The social construction perspective investigates how people collectively designate specific activities or sets of events as social problems. Moral entrepreneurs play a key role in this process by selecting a limited number of issues as social problems, often disregarding numerous other potential candidates. Crime: A Special Case of Deviance Sociologists, as well as criminologists, study crime because it often has significant effects on people’s safety, health, and general well-being. Victims of crime often lose trust in the existing social institutions and may reduce their participation in community life afterward. People are most concerned about violent crimes, and despite declining rates of severe crimes, violence receives substantial media coverage both as news and entertainment. However, violent crimes typically involve attacks by family members or acquaintances. Media distortion contributes to the misconception among Canadians that homicide is more common than it is, and that strangers are usually responsible for such incidents. Violent Crime Today, the numbers of violent crimes are high—over two million Criminal Code incidents (excluding traffic violations) in 2018—but the rates of violent crime are lower than they were one or two decades ago. For example, Moreau (2019) reports the following trends: Police-reported crime in Canada, as measured by the Crime Severity Index (CSI), increased for the fourth consecutive year in 2018. The change in the CSI in 2018 was the result of increases in police-reported rates of numerous offences, most notably fraud (+13%), sexual assault (level 1) (+15%), as well as shoplifting of $5,000 or under (+14%), and theft over $5,000 (+15%). At 5,488 incidents per 100,000 population, the police-reported crime rate—which measures the volume of crime—increased 2% in 2018. This rate was 17% lower than a decade earlier in 2008. In 2018, the overall volume and severity of violent crime, as measured by the Violent Crime Severity Index (VCSI), was 82.4 … 13% lower than in 2008. The VCSI fell every year between 2007 and 2014, before increasing for four consecutive years. Most of the increase in the VCSI in 2018 was the result of increases in the rate of police-reported sexual assault (level 1) (+15%), followed by increases in extortion (+44%). The overall volume and severity of nonviolent crime—as measured by the Nonviolent CSI (NVCSI)—increased 2% in 2018 but was 19% lower than in 2008. In 2018, police reported 651 homicides, 15 fewer than the previous year. This represents a 4% decrease in the homicide rate from 1.82 homicides per 100,000 population in 2017 to 1.76 homicides per 100,000 population in 2018. The national rates for both firearm-related (−8%) and gang-related (−5%) homicides decreased in 2018. This marks the first decrease in firearm-related homicides since 2013 and the first decrease in gang-related homicides since 2014. An increase in the number of people charged by the police for a specific crime may indicate a rise in actual perpetration of that crime, but it could also be influenced by changes in victim willingness to report or shifts in policing practices. Police discretion plays a role, with formal charges being chosen over warnings. Severe crimes like murder, robbery, and aggravated physical or sexual assault are less subject to police scrutiny. This suggests that the most serious crimes, including murder, robbery, and aggravated physical or sexual assault, are less influenced by police discretion. In these cases, law enforcement is generally less flexible or lenient due to the severity and societal impact of such offenses. Therefore, when there is a decline in the rate of severe crimes, it is less likely to be distorted by variations in how police exercise discretion. This indicates that trends in these highly serious crimes are more reliable indicators of actual changes in criminal activity, as opposed to being significantly influenced by the discretion exercised by law enforcement agencies. Reliable crime statistics in Canada date back to 1962, and any information from before then should be viewed skeptically. However, there is a likelihood that violent crime is much less prevalent today than it was a century ago, as argued by Pinker (2011). The occurrence of violence is often linked to the absence of stable, accepted, nonviolent methods for maintaining peace. The strengthening of the state, coupled with increased opportunities and the establishment of a social welfare net, tends to foster civility, and reduce violence. Nation-states contribute to the establishment of the "rule of law" through mechanisms such as written codes, courts, prisons, police officers, and soldiers. Age and gender significantly impact the rate of violent crime, with young men being more prone to committing violent acts compared to older men or women of any age. Changes in society's crime rate often correspond to variations in the proportion of young men in the population. As the percentage of young men decreases due to lower birth rates, the rate of violent crime tends to decrease as well. However, a meta-analysis challenges the commonly asserted link between the serious crime rate and age structure, suggesting that the real issue is poverty, as impoverished populations tend to have a younger age structure. Subculture theory offers insight into the prevalence of homicides resulting from disputes among young males. It suggests that in subcultures where there is a significant emphasis on preserving family and personal honor, young men are more inclined to engage in violent confrontations when they perceive an affront. In such subcultures, the expectation to defend one's honor may lead to challenges and conflicts between young males, contributing to a higher incidence of violent encounters and, in some cases, homicides. This perspective helps to understand the social dynamics that underlie violent behavior in certain subcultures, particularly those valuing honor and familial respect. In certain inner-city youth subcultures, adherence to a street code is evident, where community members gain respect through violent actions. In these subcultures, guns hold symbolic significance, representing honor, power, identity, and manhood, and play a central role in youth violence. Youth are regularly exposed to violence, those involved in gangs, and individuals with family or friends in gangs, along with peer support for violence, tend to perceive violence as acceptable behavior. In such communities, men and boys who are not violent may still face violence due to the prevailing norms and expectations. Criminologists draw several observations from available data. Firstly, there is a higher fear of violent crime than the actual frequency of such crimes justifies. Secondly, violent crime typically arises from conflicts between spouses or acquaintances rather than acts committed by strangers. Thirdly, certain demographics, particularly impoverished young men, are more prone to committing violent crimes. These individuals are also more likely to be out of school, unemployed, and lacking significant social responsibilities or opportunities compared to others. The study of violent crime raises crucial questions in the sociology of crime and deviance, particularly concerning how to explain a type of crime that is often unplanned and irrational. Traditional sociological perspectives, rooted in Enlightenment thinking, emphasize rational choice and conscious decision-making. However, some deviance, including violent crime, can be unplanned, irrational, and possibly unconsciously motivated. Sociologists face challenges in comprehensively explaining acts like murder or attacks within close relationships. Sara Deer (2016) acknowledges that most violence against Indigenous women is committed by Indigenous men, with data from 2015 indicating that 90% of homicides involving Indigenous victims had an accused who was also Indigenous (Research and Statistics Division, 2017). This highlights the complexity of factors that may contribute to violent behavior and the need for a multifaceted explanation. The breakdown of traditional social controls in many Indigenous nations, attributed to colonization, contributes to the difficulty in explaining violent crime within these communities. Sara Deer (2016) highlights that prior to European contact, tribal nations had effective forms of governance, and crimes like domestic violence, homicide, and child abuse fell under the jurisdiction of the tribe and tribal lands. Traditional systems prioritized victim-centered investigations and prosecutions, with little tolerance for violence against women in most Indigenous societies. The disruption of these traditional social controls poses challenges in understanding and addressing violent crime within Indigenous communities. In contrast, until the late nineteenth or early twentieth centuries, Canadian law regarded women as property or chattel. Women lacked legal recognition as persons with rights, and their victimization was inherent within the existing legal structure. With colonization, English common-law principles were imposed on Indigenous communities, leading to attacks on Indigenous legal systems. Sara Deer (2016) notes that this historical disruption makes it difficult or impossible for contemporary tribal nations to act when women are being abused. In understanding violent crime, sociological analysis offers valuable context for behaviors that may appear inexplicable, purposeless, and irrational on the surface. Nonviolent Crime Far more common, and more rational, than violent crime is nonviolent crime. The goal of most nonviolent crime is to get money or property, not to inflict harm. Here, we include white-collar (or suite) crime and amateur (or street) crime. Nonviolent crimes, whether committed by professionals or amateurs, are considerably more prevalent than violent crimes. Violent crimes tend to involve friends, acquaintances, or family members as victims, while nonviolent crimes are more likely to target strangers. Nonviolent crimes are often driven by a rational calculation of costs and benefits and, for many individuals, serve as a means of making a living. Like other professions, individuals involved in nonviolent crime often acquire their skills through observation, apprenticeship, and imitation. Professional crime, exemplified by careers in activities like automobile theft or embezzlement, is characterized by a high level of organization compared to juvenile delinquency. Professional criminals may operate within organized crime networks, with transnational organizations like the Mafia representing the pinnacle of such structures. While crimes committed by these organizations can sometimes be violent, the primary targets of violence are often other professional criminals. The most lucrative ventures for these organizations are typically nonviolent and encompass activities such as human trafficking, gambling, drug trade, money laundering, and pornography. White-collar crimes can be committed by prosperous businesspeople, falling into two categories. Firstly, corporate crime occurs when corporations commit offenses in their own corporate interest, victimizing millions of people and causing financial losses for businesses on a significant scale. Secondly, individuals within the business world, such as businesspeople or professionals, may commit crimes for personal gain, often to the detriment of the larger corporate body. Examples include insider trading and falsifying account books. These crimes frequently involve fraud, misrepresenting products or services and allowing the criminal to sell something of little or no value at a high price. Today, white-collar crime has evolved into a global problem that affects economies, governments, and societies around the world. Many white-collar criminals rely on offshore banks to hide and “launder” billions of dollars each year. Bribery is a white-collar crime prevalent in societies where the state fails to establish and enforce the rule of law. This practice persists in countries with weak or "failed" states. The boundaries between corporate crime, organized crime, and political crime can become blurred in such cases. For instance, human trafficking is linked to political corruption. Human trafficking is a highly profitable crime, generating around $32 billion in revenues annually, surpassing the illegal drug trade and arms dealing. Victims of human trafficking can be found globally, in both developed and developing countries, regardless of their corruption status. However, research indicates that higher levels of corruption are associated with increased levels of human trafficking. Governments worldwide are increasingly focusing on combating corruption and white-collar crimes. An illustrative case occurred in Canada, where in 2015, engineering firm SNC-Lavalin faced charges of fraud and corruption for payments totaling almost $48 million to Libyan government officials between 2001 and 2011. In December 2019, the company pleaded guilty to fraud, incurred a $280 million fine, and resolved all charges. This case exemplifies heightened efforts to address such offenses and underscores the legal consequences for corporations engaged in corrupt practices. Under Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, the federal government displayed sympathy towards SNC-Lavalin's concerns and urged Attorney General Jody Wilson-Raybould to resolve the case discreetly. However, in February 2019, Wilson-Raybould revealed before the justice committee that she had experienced persistent attempts by numerous individuals within the government to politically interfere in prosecutorial discretion. The interference was aimed at securing a deferred prosecution agreement (DPA) with SNC-Lavalin. Subsequently, Trudeau removed her from office and appointed a new attorney general. The political repercussions of these actions are yet to unfold, and it remains uncertain whether this controversy will impact Trudeau's Liberal Party's control of the government in the upcoming federal election. Street crimes, in contrast to organized crime and white-collar crime, are considered less damaging and typically involve everyday criminal activities that individuals may encounter or hear about. These crimes, known as street crimes, often occur in public spaces, particularly in and around city streets. Examples of street crimes include shoplifting, vandalism, break and enter, and car theft. Typically, these offenses are committed by amateur or part-time criminals. Many street crimes, except for simple (level 1) assaults, fall into the category of property crimes. Statistics Canada indicates that the rate of property crimes has decreased over the last two decades, although they remain widespread. In 2018, the police recorded a rate of 1,143 violent crimes per 100,000 people, while the property crime rate stood at 3,339 per 100,000, making property crimes three times more prevalent than violent crimes. Technology and Crime As we increasingly become an information society, more technology-related crimes will occur. Police agencies will also increasingly use new technology to detect crime and chase offenders. Clearview AI, an artificial intelligence company, has developed a facial recognition app that aids law enforcement in tracking individuals' identities through uploaded pictures. The app utilizes a database containing over three billion images sourced from platforms like Facebook and YouTube. Law enforcement agencies, both federal and state in the United States, acknowledge using this app to solve various crimes, including shoplifting, identity theft, credit card fraud, murder, and child sexual exploitation. Canadian police agencies have also admitted to using the system. However, as of July 6, 2020, Clearview AI announced that it no longer offers this service in Canada. SPOTLIGHT ON 5.3 | Shopping Online and Credit Card Hackers Credit card information theft, a longstanding issue, has evolved with changing technology. Traditional methods, such as purse snatching and retrieving carbon copies from trash, have been employed by criminals for decades. However, the advent of online shopping and the digital storage of credit card information by companies have introduced new and extensive threats to credit card users. The digital landscape has expanded the opportunities for criminals to exploit vulnerabilities in the security of personal and financial information. In the digital age, identity theft and credit card hacking have become significant concerns as criminals exploit new technologies for their illegal activities. Examples include instances where individuals purchase items online from untrustworthy sellers and never receive the products, engage in transactions on unencrypted websites, or fall victim to identity theft through compromised e-commerce sites, leading to subsequent credit card hacking. A notable case involved the theft of credit and debit card numbers from customers at seven Trump hotels, including Trump International Toronto, where hackers targeted the payment systems for nearly a year from May 2014 to June 2015. Cybercriminals and hackers frequently outpace technological defenses, exploiting innovative online payment methods like PayPal. While these technologies enhance convenience in daily life, they also provide easier avenues for illegal activities by cybercriminals. As a precaution, individuals must exercise caution when sharing personal information online and be mindful of the entities with whom they share such sensitive data. Also, new methods of collecting and analyzing large data sets are helping police to predict crime before it happens, so they know where to send officers to better use their resources. On the other side, significant hacks allow people to steal from millions of people at once, something that was not possible before digital banks. In today’s digital society, cybercrime is increasingly common. Some victims of cybercrime are large companies or businesses whose profits are big enough to tempt ambitious cybercriminals. However, small businesses, which lack the funds to properly protect themselves, are more often the victims of cybercrime (Viuker, 2015). Large companies often invest significant capital in robust cyber defense systems, while smaller businesses, lacking the resources, may not even have an information technology department. According to a McAfee report, fewer than 50% of small and medium-sized American businesses secure their emails to prevent phishing scams, and around 90% do not use data protection. This vulnerability makes such businesses susceptible to hackers and cybercriminals, leading to serious and costly consequences. Symantec reports that 60% of small businesses experience financial failure within six months of a cyberattack. The challenges faced by smaller companies highlight the need for increased cybersecurity measures across various business scales. Globalization has introduced new risks of crime, with activities such as internet crimes, drug dealing, human trafficking, and smuggling having extensive global impacts. The interconnected nature of the world suggests that crimes like fraud, theft, impersonation, and extortion are likely to increase, occurring beyond national jurisdictions. The challenges posed by transnational crime may exceed the capabilities of individual national law enforcement and judicial systems, necessitating stronger and more organized international efforts to combat these global threats. THE DIGITAL DIVIDE 5.4 | Older Adults and Cybercrime The internet facilitates identity theft and the sale of fraudulent products, with older adults being more vulnerable to cyberspace dangers like spam, phishing, scams, and viruses. This increased risk among older adults is primarily attributed to differences in education and computer use. While older adults may use the internet regularly, they do so less than younger adults, potentially lacking knowledge and awareness of computer privacy threats. Naïve users of any age are susceptible to online identity fraud, but older adults may be less likely to take protective actions and may be unaware of potential misuses of personal data. Victimization Victimization underscores the purpose of having laws, police, courts, and prisons, as criminal victimization is inherently harmful, with identifiable harm done to specific individuals. However, media portrayal often emphasizes certain types of victims, contributing to the perception that crime only affects specific groups of people. This selective portrayal can also influence judgments about the deservingness of victims or the level of sympathy they should receive. Media coverage often highlights cases involving children, the elderly, or white middle-to-upper-class women who are violently victimized in public places by strangers. While such incidents do occur, they are not representative of the most common forms of violent crime. This selective focus creates a hierarchy of victimization, where individuals at the margins of society, such as those with mental or physical disabilities, substance addictions, or belonging to marginalized groups, receive less attention when victimized by crime. Media bias contributes to a distorted perception of victimization by overemphasizing the experiences of a specific subset of victims, while neglecting others. This skewed coverage often perpetuates stereotypes, such as blaming the clothing of sexual assault victims or downplaying gang-related shootings. The lack of attention to certain victims, like Indigenous women, has prompted initiatives such as the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls. Indigenous people in Canada are disproportionately more likely to be victims of crime, particularly violent crime. On-reserve crime rates are three times higher than the national average, with on-reserve violent crime rates being eight times higher. A 2017 report from Canada's Department of Justice reveals that Indigenous individuals experienced violent victimization at more than double the rate of non-Indigenous people in 2014. Indigenous women faced an overall violent victimization rate twice that of Indigenous men and three times that of non-Indigenous women. Even after accounting for other risk factors, being Indigenous remained a significant factor in the risk of violent victimization. Additionally, in 2015, Indigenous people constituted 25% of homicide victims, experiencing homicide at a rate seven times higher than that of non-Indigenous people in Canada. In 2016, responding to calls from family members, community organizations, and international human rights groups, Canada initiated a public inquiry into violence against Indigenous women. Supported by the federal government, this inquiry, the first of its kind, aimed to address concerns raised by various stakeholders. In June 2019, the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls released its final report, incorporating over 2,380 testimonials from Indigenous women and girls. The report emphasizes the connection between the violence against Indigenous women and historical mistreatment of Indigenous people, boldly describing it as genocide. The final report on violence against Indigenous women in Canada identifies various factors contributing to the vulnerability of Indigenous women, including trauma, social and economic marginalization, resistance to change, institutional inertia, and the disregard for the agency and expertise of Indigenous women, girls, and 2SLGBTQQIA individuals. The report issues 231 "Calls to Justice" as recommendations for addressing these issues. The precise number of murdered Indigenous women and girls since the 1970s remains uncertain but is estimated to be in the thousands, potentially reaching up to 4,000. Disturbingly, during the inquiry, an additional 130 Indigenous women went missing or were murdered. In the sociological context, two commonly utilized theories to explain patterns of victimization are routine activity theory and victim precipitation theory. Routine activity theory posits that crime is influenced by opportunities, with regular activity patterns creating these opportunities. Victimization occurs when a suitable target is consistently in the presence of a motivated offender without a guardian or deterrent. This theory suggests that victimization is predictable based on people's regular activities and locations. Mustaine and Tewksbury (2000) propose that criminal acts are also facilitated by situations involving alcohol and drug use or unsupervised interactions with violent individuals, making lifestyle and affiliations influential factors in determining the risk of victimization. Gang membership is highlighted as particularly risky in this regard (Taylor et al., 2007). Hot spots, in routine activity theory, are locations where the risks of crime are unusually high. Examples include downtown entertainment districts and tourist attractions. Because young people are more likely to visit hot spots, young people are at much higher risk of being victims of violent crime than older people. Workplaces can serve as significant hot spots for victimization, with a Statistics Canada report revealing that 27 percent of all incidents of violent victimization, encompassing physical assault, sexual assault, and robbery, occur in the victim's workplace. Schools are also identified as potential hot spots for victimization. Despite extensive supervision, prisons are particularly dangerous places for violent victimization. Notably, individuals in various "total institutions," such as residential schools, psychiatric hospitals, and nursing homes, are (or have been) at a significant risk of victimization. A "total institution" is defined as any place where many people live or work together, cut off from the larger society and subject to continuous surveillance and supervision. However, not all hot spots are public places. They can be private places, too. For example, throughout Canada, some family homes are hot spots of victimization. Often, parents or siblings—so-called guardians—are themselves the perpetrators of violence. Routine activity theory suggests that suitable targets for crime are individuals regularly exposed to criminal activities or those with heightened vulnerability. Certain demographic groups face a particularly high risk of violent victimization according to this theory. Notably, young Canadians (aged 15 to 24 years), single individuals, urban residents, and those with a household income under $15,000 are identified as especially vulnerable groups (Gannon & Mihorean, 2005). Additionally, Indigenous people experience a higher-than-average risk of victimization according to this theory. According to routine activity theory, three features contribute to individuals being at risk of victimization. Firstly, there's the victim's target vulnerability, referring to their perceived physical weakness or psychological distress. Secondly, the victim's target gratifiability is identified, representing a feature of the victim that the attacker finds appealing. Thirdly, target antagonism is noted, which could include characteristics such as ethnic or racial identity that may provoke hostility or resentment from the attacker. In contrast to routine activity theory, victim precipitation theory proposes that people create their own risks of being victimized. This theory builds on the fact that some people repeatedly are victims of crime while other people rarely or never suffer victimization. Victim precipitation theory suggests that individuals can increase their risk of victimization through factors such as verbal provocation, body language, or specific clothing choices. This can occur either actively, by initiating an attack or acting provocatively, or passively, by unknowingly motivating an offender (e.g., being a member of a group that has harmed or threatened another group). Sociologists continue to use this theory to understand how individuals, including those within the criminal justice system, respond to crime and victims of crime. The victim precipitation theory has faced criticism and has been considered discredited by some in terms of its ability to predict crime generation or inform effective crime prevention policies (Timmer & Norman, 1984). Dhanani et al. (2019) argue that situational factors play a more significant role in mistreatment than the traits of the victim. However, Jensen and Raver (2018) counter this perspective, stating that in certain situations, such as workplace conflicts, too much emphasis on the perpetrator without adequate acknowledgment of the victim can obscure the dynamics of conflict. The debate over the relevance and applicability of victim precipitation theory continues, with differing views on its explanatory power in various contexts. Various theories, such as routine activity theory and victim precipitation theory, can provide insights into understanding the victimization of Indigenous women and girls in Canada. In the context of resource development projects, particularly in the oil and gas sector, and the presence of "man camps," these theories become relevant. The National Inquiry on Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (2019) highlights the connection between violence against women and the expansion of extractive industries on Indigenous lands. Melina Laboucan Massimo, from the Lubicon Cree First Nation, notes the correlation between resource extraction and increased violence against women. The influx of transient workers in and around workers' camps is identified as a contributing factor. These workers, often with high salaries, operate relatively anonymously in the community, working in isolation for extended periods. When they return to nearby communities, incidents of sexual violence and harassment against Indigenous women and girls tend to rise, as these workers "blow off steam" by spending money and engaging in alcohol-related activities. This dynamic aligns with the theories, illustrating how routine activities and the presence of certain individuals can contribute to the victimization of Indigenous women and girls in specific contexts. In addition to the impact of resource development projects, rotational shift work in these industries contributes to increased domestic violence within local families. The workplaces are characterized by a male-dominated and "hypermasculine" environment. Indigenous women face challenges in obtaining employment beyond the lowest-paid positions in the extractive economy, leading to gender-based income inequality. This economic disparity may hinder women from leaving abusive relationships or reporting incidents of harassment in the workplace. The victimization of Indigenous women aligns with the criteria outlined by routine activity theory, making them susceptible to increased risks. They often find themselves in hot spots without the protection of capable and willing guardians, fulfilling traits such as target vulnerability, antagonism, and gratifiability. However, the tendency to "blame the victim" often stems from a desire for individualistic explanations rather than considering structural factors. Investigations have shown that no single variable can reliably distinguish between women who experience sexual violence and those who do not, emphasizing the limitations of solely focusing on individual traits or behaviors in explaining victimization. Punishment of Crime At the beginning of this chapter, we mentioned the crime funnel, where we saw that the number of crimes committed is rarely the number of crimes recorded by police. The same is true of punishment: only a small fraction of all apprehended criminals are punished. The disparities in the criminal justice system arise from the selective nature of law enforcement and legal processes. Among reported crimes, only certain cases are investigated by the police. Subsequently, not all investigations lead to identifying suspects, and not all suspects face charges. Charges are filed against some suspects, but not others. Those charged may either be convicted in court or negotiate a plea bargain, while some may go unconvinced. The outcomes also vary in terms of punishment, with some receiving prison sentences and others facing suspension or probation. These variations contribute to inequalities within the criminal justice system. The overrepresentation of Indigenous people in Canadian jails and prisons has been a subject of scholarly examination. This phenomenon is attributed to systemic discrimination, racial or cultural prejudice, economic and social disadvantage, substance abuse, intergenerational loss, as well as experiences of violence and trauma, according to a report by the Government of Canada's Office of the Correctional Investigator (2013). The overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the Canadian criminal justice system can be better understood by considering the historical context of Indigenous experiences in the country. The impact of residential schooling, as discussed in Chapter 3, and the 1960s "scoop" that placed Indigenous children in the mainstream foster care system, has resulted in intergenerational trauma within Indigenous communities. Structural barriers, such as limited access to legal sources of income, safe housing, clean water, and healthcare on reserves, have compelled some Indigenous individuals to face challenging decisions about leaving their reserves, risking their Indigenous status in the process. Additionally, research has demonstrated that police officers may hold assumptions about Indigenous people that can influence their discretion and use of force, contributing to the disproportionate representation of Indigenous individuals in the criminal justice system. In the 2014–15 period, the proportion of Indigenous adults in the Canadian criminal justice system custody was about nine times higher than their representation in the population. Similarly, Indigenous youth were approximately five times more represented in the criminal justice system. The overrepresentation of Indigenous women was even more pronounced, with their proportion in custody being 12 times higher than their representation in the population (Research and Statistics Division, 2017). Additionally, it is noted that the rate of incarceration for Indigenous people has been on the rise, contrasting with the decreasing rate of incarceration for the non-Indigenous population during the same period (see Figure 5.7). To address the disproportionate incarceration of Indigenous people in Canada, the criminal justice system has implemented Gladue reports during presentencing and bail hearings. This initiative stems from the 1999 Supreme Court of Canada ruling in R. v. Gladue and is based on section 718.2 of the Criminal Code. Specially trained and certified workers prepare these reports, offering the court a comprehensive account of the offender's life, including their background and the circumstances leading to their court appearance. While like other presentencing reports in considering the accused person's criminal record, Gladue reports uniquely connect the life story of Indigenous offenders to broader issues, such as growing up in poverty, exposure to crime, or the impact of colonialism on their family. While Gladue reports aim to address the disproportionate incarceration of Indigenous individuals, some researchers argue that Gladue principles should be implemented earlier in the criminal justice process, including in police departments, bail courts, and probation offices (Jackson, 2014). Challenges in this effort include the lack of certified Gladue workers in all provinces, underfunding of Gladue programs, and mandatory minimum sentencing laws that limit judicial discretion (Edwards, 2017). As the overrepresentation of Indigenous people, particularly women, in Canadian custody gains international attention, sociologists strive to combat these issues by offering evidence-based recommendations. Their goal is to reduce both the inequalities that contribute to crime and those that lead to the disproportionate criminalization and punishment of Indigenous individuals in Canada. One commonly accepted purpose of prison is deterrence, aiming to dissuade individuals from committing crimes by demonstrating the consequences of such actions. Deterrent penalties are considered successful if they effectively prevent people from engaging in certain types of criminal behavior. The earliest form of deterrence was capital punishment (death penalty), with England having 220 crimes punishable by death in 1800, mostly targeting offenses against the wealthy. Canada ceased using capital punishment in 1962, and today, few industrial societies still employ it. The United States is the only Western country that allows capital punishment, with only some states actively implementing the penalty. The second purpose of punishment is rehabilitation, which aims to help convicted criminals reintegrate into society as law-abiding members. If the goal is to ensure long-term societal safety without resorting to capital punishment or life imprisonment, rehabilitation is considered the most effective approach. Early rehabilitation efforts sought to change the character or "discipline the soul" of prisoners through religious means. Some prisons experimented with solitary confinement, silence, harsh discipline, and rigorous work schedules. Today, rehabilitation initiatives focus on providing support and supervision, offering education or vocational training, aiding in housing for those recently released from incarceration, overseeing probation and parole, and providing treatment for mental illness and substance abuse. Despite the rehabilitation goal, evidence suggests that prisons do not effectively rehabilitate a significant number of prisoners. Research on prisons and prisoners in the early twentieth century led sociologist Donald Clemmer (1940) to develop prisonization theory. This theory suggests that prisons degrade individuals within them, diminishing their competence by eroding self-confidence and self-esteem. Consequently, prisoners become less capable of independent living outside the prison compared to before their incarceration. In essence, prison, instead of rehabilitating individuals, has an incapacitating effect on them. The harsh treatment of prisoners in prison serves to maintain order, but it also results in prisoners feeling alienated and united against the prison administration. Such conditions often lead prisoners to adopt the prison subculture, making them more deviant, angry, and resentful than before their incarceration. Prisoners may also acquire new criminal skills from each other, potentially behaving in more undesirable and violent ways than before. After release, many individuals engage in illegal activities again, contributing to a cycle known as recidivism. Canadian studies have shown that a significant number of offenders are repeat offenders. Theorist Michel Foucault (1977/2012) questions whether these outcomes are unintentional or unexpected. He suggests that the purpose of prison is to control individuals through surveillance and discipline, aiming to mold them into obedient and compliant prisoners, rather than fostering good citizenship. This is achieved by breaking their resistance, independence, and will. Foucault emphasizes the significance of bodily discipline in various institutions, initially observed in the military and later extended to places like schools. This discipline involves teaching individuals how to control their bodies in terms of posture, movement, and specific actions. It encompasses correction of minor errors and constant scrutiny through testing and examination. The prevalence of uniforms in institutions practicing bodily discipline raises concerns, particularly in the context of discussions about imposing school uniforms on youth. Another key discipline technique highlighted by Foucault is heightened surveillance, exemplified by Jeremy Bentham's Panopticon prison design. In this structure, guards have constant visibility of prisoners, creating an environment of uncertainty where prisoners are unaware if they are being observed. This lack of certainty prompts individuals to self-regulate their behavior. In the contemporary era, advanced technology has led to pervasive surveillance, contributing to what Foucault terms a disciplinary society. Contemporary prisons form only a fraction of a broader system of social surveillance and control that spans various institutions throughout our lives. From birth, individuals are subjected to monitoring and regulation in places like hospitals, schools, workplaces, malls, public areas, and prisons. These disciplinary institutions significantly influence all aspects of our existence, and as individuals internalize their rules, they actively contribute to their own supervision. The third aim of punishment, following deterrence and rehabilitation, is restorative justice, which focuses on repairing the harm caused by a crime and restoring the well-being of the victim, offender, and community. In this approach, offenders are accountable for their actions, and victims play a role in determining appropriate punishments. Restorative justice strives to have offenders compensate victims and mend any harm done to the community. Originating in Indigenous communities in Canada, this approach is gaining traction in Canadian society and beyond. The Mohawk Band Council of Akwesasne has implemented a restorative justice approach in its independent Indigenous court, recognized as the first of its kind in Canada. This unique court combines Mohawk values with elements of the Canadian justice system, grounding its sanctions in the principles of restorative justice. Unlike traditional punitive approaches, the court's emphasis is on restoring balance among the offender, victim, and the community, prioritizing a holistic and reparative perspective, as articulated by Akwesasne prosecutor Bonnie Cole. List of Key Terms Anomie-The theory that deviant behaviour is a response to the gap between ambitions for success and access to lawful means of achieving it. Bodily discipline-According to Michel Foucault, strategies of control that use power to reduce social agents to docile bodies through punishment of various kinds. capital punishment-Putting people to death as a penalty for criminal behaviour. Criminality-Behaviour that violates criminal laws. Deterrence-A legal and criminological idea that reflects the view that punishment should prevent (or deter) crime by imposing significant costs on people who commit crimes. Deviance-Any behaviour that diverges from usual or accepted standards and, in doing so, violates social rules. Governmentality-The state’s exercising control over or governing its citizenry by getting them to control themselves; a term coined by Michel Foucault. hierarchy of victimization-The tendency to grant victim status to some people and not others. Hot spots-A part of a city where the dangers of crime are unusually high, usually because the district draws many vulnerable victims and policing is light. moral entrepreneurs-A promoter of “morality” who uses their influence as a rule-makers, campaigners, and enforcers to shape public policy. moral panic-Social concern over an issue that provokes intense feelings and fears. Usually, this is the work of moral entrepreneurs and often an overreaction to certain unfamiliar behaviours by people with low social status. Panopticon-A prison designed by the English philosopher Jeremy Bentham that would allow all inmates to be viewed by a single guard without the inmates knowing whether they are being watched. In modern societies, a form of universal, unseen surveillance. Parole-The release of a prisoner before the completion of a sentence, on the promise of good behaviour. Prisonization theory-The degradation of prisoners, their socialization into prison life, and their later inability to live effectively outside the prison environment. Recidivism-The tendency of some prisoners to reoffend, often multiple times. Regulation-The process of controlling people by creating and enforcing social rules. Rehabilitation-The idea that punishment should reform criminals and help them become law-abiding members of society. Restorative justice-A set of approaches to criminal punishment aimed at ensuring that the criminal takes responsibility for their actions. It also seeks to return the victim, the criminal, and the community to the state they enjoyed before the crime. routine activity theory-The theory that victimization results when a vulnerable person (or “suitable target”) is regularly in a dangerous place without the presence of a trusted guardian. Sexual deviance-Any behaviour that involves individuals seeking erotic pleasure through a community (or its most influential citizens) considers odd, different, or unacceptable. social cohesion-Bonds of trust that bind people in a community, making possible cooperation and interdependence. Stigmatization-Disgrace and marginalization because of life circumstances, or a person’s physical or social characteristics that prevent them from being fully socially accepted. street crimes-Crimes associated with public places by individual offenders working alone or in small groups, such as shoplifting, vandalism, break and enter, car theft, assault, and homicide. Subculture theory-The theory that certain groups or subcultures in society have values and attitudes that are conducive to deviance, crime, or violence. substance abuse-Excessive use of or dependence on an addictive substance, especially alcohol or drugs. suitable targets-A person distinguished by characteristics that are likely to invite or incite victimization. Surveillance-Close observation, especially of a suspected criminal. victim precipitation theory-A theory that analyzes how a victim’s characteristics or interactions with an offender may contribute to the crime being committed. white-collar crime-Illegal acts and misdeeds of middle-class members of the business world, including corporate crime.

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