Soc Ch.4.docx

Soc Ch.4 Introduction Everyone is unique, possessing distinct attitudes, perspectives, dreams, and ambitions. However, we are also members of social groups, and our behavior is influenced by the norms, values, and expectations of these groups (Gecas, 2001). Socialization is the process responsible f...

Soc Ch.4 Introduction Everyone is unique, possessing distinct attitudes, perspectives, dreams, and ambitions. However, we are also members of social groups, and our behavior is influenced by the norms, values, and expectations of these groups (Gecas, 2001). Socialization is the process responsible for transmitting social norms, values, and beliefs from one generation to the next. Additionally, it aids in the development of our individuality within the framework of family, school, religion, and other social institutions. A comprehensive understanding of how socialization takes place is fundamental to sociological thinking. In this chapter, the focus is on socialization across the lifespan, examining both enduring and evolving aspects of the process. While certain elements of socialization have remained constant, recent scientific advancements and the influence of digital technologies have brought about transformative changes. The chapter delves into the impact of digital technologies and social media on socialization, comparing them with traditional forms. Socialization, fundamentally, involves the teaching and learning of a society's culture, and what is deemed "socially acceptable" behavior is shaped by the prevalent culture, whether digital or nondigital. Consequently, factors influencing socialization, including science and technology, also play a role in shaping the continuity and stability of a society's culture. The term "disruptive technologies" is often used to describe the transformative effects of these technologies, as they have the potential to alter established norms, lifestyles, and value systems. A case study in Box 4.1 explores how norms and values learned at home can conflict with those acquired through digital technologies, using the example of appearance norms in girls. In this chapter, the focus extends to examining key institutions responsible for transmitting social norms in Canada, with an emphasis on how technology is reshaping their role as agents of socialization. The study of socialization revolves around the institutions and practices that impart and reinforce social norms. However, it's crucial to recognize that society does not exert full control over our actions and our development as individuals. The chapter explores the dynamic relationship where individuals also influence socialization, with their activities and choices impacting societal norms and expectations. This interaction creates a constant interplay and tension between the transformative and constraining forces of society and the need for personal choice and freedom. In essence, individuals play a role in shaping and reshaping society every day, yet society, in turn, molds individuals and brings about gradual changes in them from one day to the next. SPOTLIGHT ON 4.1 | Appearance Norms Influence Young Girls’ Sense of Self Societal ideals regarding the ideal body are widely propagated through mass media, particularly social media, where unrealistic standards are emphasized. Companies in the beauty industry further perpetuate these ideals and exploit the insecurities of young people (Wachter, 2016). Young girls are encouraged to adhere to appearance norms by using makeup, doing their nails, and wearing fashionable outfits. A survey conducted by the Renfrew Center Foundation (2016) reveals that one in five girls (aged 18 and younger) experiences negative feelings about their appearance when not wearing makeup. These feelings encompass self-consciousness, a sense of unattractiveness, and a feeling of being barefaced. The survey also indicates that more than half of the girls who wear makeup started doing so before the age of 13. Celebrities like Kylie Jenner, Ariana Grande, and Selena Gomez have massive followings on social media, making them influential role models for millions of fans worldwide. A concerning trend in modern society utilizes advertisements, social media, and TV shows to endorse the use of plastic surgery (BBC, 2016). The socialization of appearance norms commences at a young age in the digital era and persists throughout the lifespan. In today's digital age, parents, traditionally responsible for their children's socialization, now face the challenge of countering appearance norms propagated through digital media. An effective strategy for parents is to engage in open discussions that question the meaning and value of these images, highlighting the potential harm they might inflict on young girls' self-esteem. Socialization At the heart of thinking about socialization lies the idea that society shapes who we are and how we interact with others. As described above, socialization is the lifelong learning of norms, values, and ideologies through which we learn how to behave in society. Sociologists view socialization as a dual process occurring at both micro and macro levels. Microlevel analysis focuses on one-on-one or small-group interactions, contributing to an individual's sense of self and social positioning. On the other hand, macrolevel analysis examines broad trends and changes in social institutions, crucial for preserving societal values across generations. The connection between macro- and microlevel social phenomena is a significant focus for sociologists, highlighting the necessity for individuals to learn and internalize social roles, norms, and values for institutions to function effectively. However, questioning these established norms is essential for societal evolution. The example of social norms introduced in 2020 to control the COVID-19 pandemic illustrates the dynamic interplay between macro- and microlevel phenomena, showcasing the constant reinforcement and challenge of societal structures. Extensive research explores how public health agencies can promote healthy behaviors, and during the COVID-19 pandemic, Canadian agencies utilized this research to establish social norms, such as physical distancing. Despite institutional efforts, reports indicated challenges in gaining universal compliance, with instances of people socializing in groups. This highlights the conflict between macrolevel norms set by institutions and microlevel behaviors. Success relied on effective communication of the importance of social distancing by institutions to ensure public health directives were followed. This example underscores the pivotal role of institutions in implementing and reinforcing social norms during health crises, emphasizing the microlevel challenge of ensuring individual adherence. Sociology proves crucial in guiding public health agencies and governments in effectively communicating new social norms to citizens. Sociologists identify various types of socialization, with primary socialization being the initial stage where children form fundamental values, norms, and self-concepts during early childhood. Primary socialization is facilitated by role modeling and encouragement from primary caregivers. The example of turn-taking in conversations illustrates a learned social skill that may be simple in two-person interactions but becomes more complex in larger groups. Children acquire turn-taking through interaction with family and caregivers, receiving praise for adhering to conversational rules. Failure to conform to turn-taking norms can lead to negative social consequences, such as being perceived as rude. These early-learned skills become crucial later in life, influencing interactions in professional settings like team meetings, emphasizing the enduring significance of social norms acquired in primary socialization throughout the life course. Primary socialization, the initial stage in social development, is influenced by various social forces at both micro and macro levels, including advancements in science and technology. Giddens (1991) observes a shift where actors beyond the family, such as pediatricians, developmental psychologists, and educators, play an increasing role in shaping early socialization. Expert advice is now not only limited to in-person interactions but is also disseminated through mass media like books, YouTube videos, and podcasts. Additionally, macrolevel forces within the family, such as changes in religious beliefs, evolving educational philosophies, and social class divisions, further contribute to the shaping of primary socialization (Lubbers et al., 2009). The dynamic interplay of these influences underscores the evolving nature of primary socialization in contemporary society. Secondary socialization involves acquiring the knowledge and skills necessary to participate in society beyond the family context. Unlike primary socialization, where the family plays a central role, secondary socialization is primarily influenced by external institutions. These institutions, such as peers, authority figures (like teachers and bosses), and the mass media, contribute to existing values, norms, and principles acquired during primary socialization. Secondary socialization is crucial for individuals to understand and conform to the norms applicable in various social settings, including school, work, social gatherings, and romantic relationships. An example is a sociology undergraduate student who becomes socialized to specific study habits and communication using sociological terms. If the student pursues a master's degree, they undergo additional secondary socialization to acquire new habits and skills for the next academic level (Klassen & Dwyer, 2016). In the socialization process involving institutions beyond the family, children must learn to navigate and balance new norms and values alongside those taught at home. While some home-taught norms may be reinforced at school, children also encounter a broader spectrum of norms and values from peers, teachers, books, and online resources. This exposure can lead to conflicts as opinions and beliefs learned in the family may be challenged at school. An example is the study by Van der Toorn and colleagues (2017) examining the impact of secondary socialization on attitudes toward same-sex marriage in Canada and the United States. The research focused on religious beliefs as a component of secondary socialization and investigated how these beliefs influenced sexual prejudice, a form of bias based on sexual orientation. Van der Toorn and colleagues (2017), through survey data analysis in Canada and the United States, identified two types of effects: direct and mediating effects. The direct effect was observed between religious beliefs and attitudes toward same-sex marriage, while the indirect effect involved a pathway from religiosity to sexual prejudice and then from sexual prejudice to attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Socialization within religious institutions strongly influenced individuals' views on same-sex marriage, with secondary socialization through religion often connected to primary socialization. This linkage involves learning about religious beliefs at home and further reinforcement through participation in religious institutions. The study underscores the complexity of primary and secondary socialization, indicating that certain beliefs develop strongly through primary socialization and are either reinforced or diminished through robust secondary socialization, such as within religious groups. Schools, peers, and media also contribute to secondary socialization, influencing attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Despite the legalization of same-sex marriage in North America, negative attitudes persist, highlighting the enduring complexity and polarization surrounding this topic. The direct effect refers to a direct association between two variables, in this case, religious beliefs and attitudes toward same-sex marriage. This means that individuals who hold specific religious beliefs are directly more likely to have certain attitudes, either positive or negative, regarding same-sex marriage. On the other hand, the indirect effect involves an intermediate step. In this context, it was observed that religiosity (the degree of religious devotion or practice) has an indirect influence on attitudes toward same-sex marriage. This indirect influence operates through an intermediary factor, which, in this study, is sexual prejudice. In other words, individuals who are more religious are more likely to hold sexual prejudices, and those prejudices, in turn, are associated with particular attitudes toward same-sex marriage. So, to sum up, the direct effect suggests a straightforward connection between religious beliefs and attitudes toward same-sex marriage, while the indirect effect involves a more complex pathway, where religiosity influences sexual prejudice, and sexual prejudice then influences attitudes toward same-sex marriage. Figure 4.2 illustrates the principal influences on socialization and their interconnections. While primary and secondary socialization typically complement each other, they can also be dissonant, leading to conflicts between divergent values, beliefs, and norms. Anticipatory Socialization and Resocialization Anticipatory socialization and resocialization are vital aspects of an individual's social development. Anticipatory socialization involves preparing for a new position or social role, requiring the acquisition of social norms, behaviors, and expectations associated with that role. This process occurs each time an individual enters a new phase of life or takes on a new responsibility. Anticipatory socialization relies on five primary sources: family, school, jobs, peers, and the media (Levine & Hoffner, 2006). This process is evident when children engage in role-playing, such as wearing a white coat and safety goggles to simulate being a scientist or learning a fan chant before attending a concert. Further exploration of how individuals are socialized into various professions will be discussed later in the chapter. Resocialization is the process of replacing an individual's values, beliefs, and sense of self (Gecas, 2001). It becomes necessary and beneficial in various life circumstances. For instance, when an employee is promoted to a managerial position, overseeing the activities of others, this change may demand additional job training, a different wardrobe, and a new set of behaviors. Resocialization, in such cases, can be a voluntary and welcome change, offering individuals new challenges and potentially improving their income. Resocialization can also be involuntary, especially in what Erving Goffman (1961) terms a total institution. In total institutions, a primary objective is to erase the existing values, beliefs, and overall sense of self of individuals and replace them with a different set. Total institutions, like prisons, psychiatric hospitals, drug rehabilitation programs, and the military, aim to change individuals by first dismantling their identity and then reconstructing it to align with the institution's goals. These institutions are often physically separated from society, with inhabitants living under a single authority that enforces a strict daily regimen and oversees continuous resocialization. Residential schools in Canada serve as an example of a total institution, established from 1880 onward to assimilate Indigenous children into Euro-Canadian culture, aiming to alter their values, beliefs, and sense of self (Miller, 2012). This approach was part of the Canadian government's strategy of "aggressive assimilation" and ongoing colonization of Indigenous Peoples. The compulsory attendance of Indigenous children in residential schools, beginning in 1920, was enforced with harsh punishment for non-compliance (Florence, 2015). This practice reflected not only the government's disregard for Indigenous ways of life and cultures but also demonstrated how prejudice and racism oppressed Indigenous children within these institutions. Residential schools sought to eradicate Indigenous communities' values, social norms, and cultural beliefs. Key cultural practices were suppressed, and Western language, culture, religious beliefs, and ways of knowing were imposed on children to erase their core identities and sense of belonging. The curriculum in residential schools actively undermined Indigenous identities, perpetuating a cycle of oppression. Thaddee Andre, a former student, recalled the conflicting desire to resemble the white man while simultaneously experiencing efforts to strip away his Innu identity, highlighting the profound impact of this erasure on young individuals (TRC, 2015, p. 56). The example of residential schools illustrates the severe consequences of total institutions in forcibly reshaping individuals' identities and undermining cultural heritage. A former student from the Catholic school in The Pas, Manitoba, described her experience, expressing how the school left her feeling ashamed to be Cree. The school prohibited the use of the Cree language, fostering a sense of ugliness around everything, even natural bodily functions. The traumatic experience led to destructive behaviors, including compulsive lying and learning to live in denial. The student also shared the emotional toll of hating her own mother, later realizing her mother's lack of choice in sending her to residential school. This testimony highlights the severe impact of the aggressive and colonial form of resocialization imposed by residential schools. It's crucial to recognize that Indigenous communities actively resisted and protested this unethical form of resocialization. Children countered the system and protested their treatment, and parents, along with political leaders, fought against the mistreatment of Indigenous children, although their efforts were largely ignored. The last residential school closed in 1996, prompting questions about these colonial resocialization methods. In 2008, the federal government apologized for its role in the residential school system, acknowledging a deep failure towards Indigenous Peoples. However, the process of restitution and reconciliation between Indigenous Peoples, communities, and the federal government continues with much controversy. Indigenous communities still grapple with the enduring negative effects of the government's forcible separation of children into residential schools, causing trauma for families, community members, and individuals (Logan, 2015). THEORY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 4.2 | Residential Schools: Resisting Total Institutions Children and parents resisted the residential school system through various forms of protest. Some children refused to cooperate, engaging in acts of sabotage such as stealing food and supplies or escaping (Miller, Marshall, & Gallant, 2020). Collective resistance was also evident, with students in Edmonton, Alberta deliberately barricading the doors to the dormitory to prevent abuse during the nights. Mel H. Buffalo, one of the organizers of the protest, described how they backed up dressers filled with clothes against the entrance, making it impossible for authorities conducting checks at 4:30 in the morning to open the door. Despite attempts by larger boys to break down the door, they were unsuccessful (TRC, 2015, pp. 163–164). These acts of resistance highlight the determination of children to defy the oppressive conditions within residential schools. Protests the residential school system sometimes led to police intervention. In one instance, a student involved in a protest was called into the principal's office, where his grandfather was present. The principal expressed the inability to handle the student and requested the grandfather to take him back, wishing him luck in raising the child (TRC, 2015, p. 164). In other cases, students took more drastic measures, such as escaping from the schools to reunite with their parents and communities. A tragic example is Chanie "Charlie" Wenjack, an Anishinaabe boy who, along with two friends, escaped a residential school in Kenora, Ontario, in 1966. Wenjack attempted to walk approximately 600 kilometers home to Ogoki Post on the Marten Falls Reserve, following the Canadian National Railway main line. Unfortunately, Wenjack died of hunger during the journey. This heartbreaking incident triggered an inquiry into the treatment of children at residential schools and serves as a poignant illustration of how children protested the system. Despite such protests, it would take three decades before the residential school system ended, and its impacts continue to affect individuals and communities today. The concept of intergenerational trauma is introduced to explain the emotional and social responses observed in the children and grandchildren of trauma survivors, impacting various aspects of their lives, including health and longevity (Marsh et al., 2015). Monchalin (2016) delves into the mechanisms through which residential schools contributed to intergenerational trauma. According to Monchalin, these schools undermined the bond between children and parents by physically separating them from their communities, culture, and ways of life. This erosion of the bond resulted not only from the physical separation but also because residential schools systematically undermined key elements of Indigenous identity, as discussed earlier. The passage discusses the challenges faced by residential school survivors and their descendants, highlighting difficulties in developing trusting relationships and the perpetuation of abuse across generations. It emphasizes the prevalence of mental health challenges such as anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress disorder among survivors. The concept of intergenerational trauma is introduced, illustrating how the trauma experienced by parents can impact their children's socialization. A quote from Robert Joseph, a hereditary chief, exemplifies the impact on basic life skills and family dynamics. The passage emphasizes the importance of holistic approaches and understanding individual experiences to address injustices and promote reconciliation. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is acknowledged for its efforts in healing individuals and Indigenous communities affected by intergenerational traumas. Socialization over the Life Course The passage highlights the role of different agents of socialization at various life stages. Socialization processes are ongoing throughout a person's life, and transitions between life stages are often marked by critical events. For instance, becoming a parent involves challenges such as sleep deprivation and finding a balance between work and family. This stage also marks the individual's role as a primary socialization agent for their child. Sociologists identify five stages of the life course: child, teenager, young adult, mature adult, and older adult. Each stage is linked to specific expectations and behaviors outlined in Table 4.1. Meeting certain expectations can result in social rewards such as attention, affection, and status, while non-conformity may lead to social isolation, reprimand, or rejection. While biological changes occur during these stages, they are predominantly culturally determined and can differ across cultures. The expectations and number of stages also vary across different cultural contexts. Table 4.1 outlines the five stages of the life course in the Canadian context, illustrating expectations and social roles associated with each stage. For instance, in Canada, older adults are expected to enjoy living independently and having the freedom to choose their leisure activities. In contrast, older adults in China often live with extended family, contributing to household responsibilities and child-rearing. Additionally, the expectations for older adults are subject to redefinition with advancements in medical breakthroughs. Agents of Socialization Throughout different life stages, diverse agents of socialization play a crucial role in shaping an individual. These agents influence development by modeling expected behaviors and social roles, as well as reinforcing values and rules through rewards and consequences. Table 4.2, provided at the end of this section, summarizes key agents of socialization discussed in the chapter and underscores the main mechanisms involved in the socialization process. Home and the Family In early life, the family serves as the primary agent of socialization. Infants and young children learn from various family members, including parents, siblings, grandparents, and extended family. The transmission of norms and values primarily happens through role-modeling, as children observe and internalize the behaviors of their parents. Parental support, guidance, and involvement are identified as central mechanisms in the early socialization process. Historically, parental involvement in children's upbringing has not been as prevalent as it is today. Scientific evidence linking parental involvement to positive outcomes in children's later success has led to a shift in societal attitudes towards parenting. The concept of "quality time" is prominent in parenting literature, urging parents to provide undivided attention to help develop their children's social and cognitive skills. This involves activities like shared family meals, joint activities such as walks or watching movies together, and participation in extracurricular activities. Many parents now view their role in their children's upbringing as crucial. In the early years of development, parents play a crucial role in socializing their children, but the exact nature of this influence remains unclear. Early theories suggested a strong and unidirectional impact of parents on children, assuming that children internalize parental values without much questioning (Model 1 in Figure 4.3). However, recent research has revealed that children not only are influenced by parents but also exert influence on their parents and the socialization process itself. This bidirectional influence, where children impact their parents' socialization, is termed reverse socialization (Model 2 in Figure 4.3). Corsaro and Eder proposed an alternative perspective, suggesting that socialization is neither strictly top-down nor bottom-up; instead, it occurs in shared interaction where children and parents collaboratively create meaning and shape social situations. This reciprocal process, highlighting mutual influence, is represented by Model 3 in Figure 4.3. In the study of socialization, sociologists consider various factors, acknowledging that not all children within the same family undergo identical socialization experiences. For instance, birth order (being the first, second, or later born) has a notable impact on socialization. Firstborn children typically receive more time and resources from parents directed towards their socialization, while second-born children may experience a division of parental attention. Factors like birth order inadvertently led to differences in how children are socialized within the same family. Kindergarten, Primary, and Secondary Schools The transition to childcare, preschool, and kindergarten poses challenges for young children, who may find it difficult to adapt to the expectations of these institutions. Norms and expectations learned at home may not align with those in schools, and vice versa. Kindergartens, unlike most homes, impose strict rules and schedules to maintain social order. As children grow, schools become crucial sites for socialization due to the significant amount of time spent there. In Canada, children spend approximately 6.5 hours daily in schools, engaging with peers and teachers. Schools serve diverse roles in children's socialization, encompassing both manifest and latent functions. Socialization stands out as one of the primary latent functions of the school system. Children learn to play, interact, and navigate social relationships with both peers and authority figures at school. Additionally, they acquire skills in interacting with individuals who have been socialized in different family environments, often encountering such diversity for the first time. In Canada, where education is a public good, children from different socioeconomic backgrounds are given the opportunity to benefit equally from formal education, with the goal of placing all students on a level playing field. However, much research has shown that schools often fail in their equalizing effect and indeed reinforce existing inequalities between social groups. Disparities exist in school readiness among children, with those from low-income families more likely to display lower readiness levels, including weaker reading abilities and a reduced enthusiasm for learning. These differences, though subtle, can significantly impact a student's motivation to pursue higher education, limiting their potential to secure well-paying jobs. This example illustrates how social groups undergo distinct experiences within the school system, leading to varied benefits and outcomes. Efforts have been implemented to address disparities in children's readiness for school, particularly for families from low socioeconomic backgrounds. An example is the US program called Head Start, which has positively impacted the lives of families in poverty. This initiative involves home visits and the provision of additional learning materials to low-income families. Follow-up studies indicate that supporting such families with extra resources and targeted programs can effectively prepare children for the challenges of school, reducing inequalities in socialization at home between children from lower-and middle-income families (e.g., Feller et al., 2016). Postsecondary Education Colleges and universities serve as important sites of socialization, facilitating the transition of teenagers into early adulthood. Like schools, higher education institutions socialize students to become learners prepared for the workforce. Additionally, they foster the development of engaged citizens, imparting civic skills through critical thinking in classrooms and participation in extracurricular activities. For students residing in dormitories, this experience can mark their first foray into living independently outside the family home, navigating a new set of norms, values, and behaviors within a shared living space with non-family member roommates. Early socialization not only influences the likelihood of a person choosing to attend university but also plays a significant role in how well an individual adjusts to campus life. Social class serves as a crucial predictor of educational attainment and a student's probability of success in university. Individuals from working-class families often encounter barriers to accessing higher education, with white males from working-class backgrounds in the UK being particularly less likely to attend university. Research indicates that a key obstacle for working-class students is integrating into a middle-class culture, resulting in feelings of alienation and isolation on campus as they strive to conform to the prevailing campus culture. Essentially, while all students undergo socialization as university students, working-class students face the additional challenge of learning middle-class norms simultaneously, in contrast to middle-class students who already possess a background in those norms and can more easily assimilate. Lehmann (2014) describes the challenges faced by working-class students as the "hidden injuries of class." These students must navigate a delicate balance between their old and new social worlds. The struggle involves conflicting desires: staying true to their working-class identities while also seeking to assimilate into middle-class culture. This internal tension is a significant concern for these students but is frequently overlooked. This additional learning is not always a hindrance, however. Lehmann (2014) conducted a study on working-class students in a Canadian university and found that a specific group of these students excelled academically. For these individuals, attending university not only fulfilled their aspirations for upward social mobility but also realized the educational ambitions their parents had for them. Many students viewed university as an opportunity to acquire knowledge and credentials relevant to the job market. Additionally, they spoke about personal growth, changes in their outlook on life, expansion of cultural capital, and the development of new dispositions and tastes across various domains, from food to politics and future careers. In essence, while the transition to university may pose challenges, for some working-class students, it becomes a transformative experience with positive outcomes and broadened perspectives. For a specific group of working-class students, university proved to be a transformative experience, as revealed by Lehmann's (2014) study. Despite facing numerous barriers, this select group adapted effectively to the university environment and derived benefits from the socialization opportunities it provided. Interestingly, for these students, their working-class background served as a motivator for success rather than a hindrance. Furthermore, the increased levels of social and cultural capital acquired during the university experience played a crucial role in facilitating workplace socialization, a topic to be explored further in the subsequent discussion. The Workplace In adulthood, workplaces serve as pivotal locations for socialization. In Canada, with a standard workweek of 40 hours, most full-time working adults spend approximately half of their waking hours at their workplace (Government of Canada, 2016). The 2012 National Study on Balancing Work and Caregiving indicates that nearly two-thirds of Canadians dedicate more than 45 hours per week to work. Additionally, many spend extra time responding to work emails outside regular hours, including evenings and weekends (Duxbury & Higgins, 2012). Work socialization begins with an understanding of an individual's profession, encompassing the expectations and social roles associated with it. Anticipatory socialization, as discussed earlier, is crucial for preparing individuals for the demands of a particular profession. This preparation can manifest in various ways, such as children engaging in imaginary play to experiment with different social roles or young adults practicing for job interviews to familiarize themselves with workplace norms. Upon entering the workforce, individuals undergo socialization into their profession, which goes beyond learning the basics like dress codes and hierarchical roles. Professional socialization involves mastering the industry's jargon, understanding ethical standards, and adhering to expected codes of conduct within the workplace. It encompasses a comprehensive process of adapting to the professional culture and expectations associated with a specific career. Mass Media and Social Media The mass media, including social media today, significantly contributes to the process of socialization. They can either reinforce established societal norms, challenge them, or even create new norms. Throughout the life course, both mass media and social media play a crucial role in shaping individuals' perspectives and behaviors. It's important to note that the impact of media on individuals and society is not a one-way street; it involves complex interactions and influences. Early models from the 1920s, such as the "hypodermic needle" theory, suggested a simplistic view of the media's role, portraying the audience as passive recipients of messages that could directly shape opinions and behaviors. However, Paul Lazarsfeld and Elihu Katz's 1965 research challenged these models, revealing that individuals actively engage with the media. Their findings demonstrated that people interpret and make sense of media messages in connection with their own lives and priorities, highlighting the complexity of media influence. While mass media play a significant role in socialization, their influence is considered secondary. Primary socialization at home remains the primary source through which individuals learn societal norms, attitudes, and beliefs. The media, in turn, reinforces the values and worldviews acquired during primary socialization. However, ongoing changes in socialization, driven by the prevalence of digital media, are altering the roles of parents, children, and media intermediaries. Parents appear to have less direct control over their children's interactions due to the ubiquity of digital media, exposing children and youth to global content, extensive online communities, and intricate peer networks at earlier ages. Digital media has become a significant factor in the socialization of children and teenagers. In Canada, individuals aged 5 to 17 reported an average of three hours of daily screen time, according to Statistics Canada in 2020. No gender differences were noted in time spent watching television and movies. However, boys dedicated more time to video games, while girls spent more time on computers. This exposure to digital media serves as a potent agent of socialization by connecting individuals to online content and offering new avenues for interaction with peers and communities. In the context of learning about idealized representations of life and the self, social media's role is discussed. While social media does portray traditional gender roles, it also serves as a platform for exploring and experimenting with these roles. The interpretation of social media content is subjective, as users make sense of messages based on their own lives and what is personally significant to them. This aligns with the idea that individuals interpret mass media messages in relation to their own experiences and values, as highlighted by Lazarsfeld and Katz in the context of traditional media. DIGITAL DIVIDE 4.3 | Masculinities on Instagram Gender-role socialization impacts the development of boys, with multiple hierarchical masculine identities. At the top are hegemonic masculinities, normalized and idealized. However, contemporary men are embracing alternative masculinities that incorporate traditionally feminine traits like emotional expression. Social media's influence on gender socialization in men is explored, questioning whether it fosters inclusive masculinities or promotes hegemonic ones. A study on bodybuilders on Instagram revealed a complex role: while the platform supports inclusive forms of masculinity through intimate conversations, it simultaneously reinforces elements of hegemonic masculinity through extreme self-objectification and adherence to specific body standards. In essence, Instagram plays a dual role in gendered socialization by both promoting inclusive masculinity and perpetuating aspects of hegemonic masculinity. Social media's impact on gender-role socialization extends beyond imagery, influencing social processes online. The digital environment has intensified engagement in social comparison and feedback-seeking, particularly among adolescents and young adults who use these processes for identity construction. The opinions of peers play a significant role in self-evaluation, and social media can magnify the tendencies toward social comparison and feedback-seeking. This heightened engagement has been associated with negative outcomes, including depressive symptoms, low self-esteem, and feelings of inadequacy. Thus, we see that as children and youth spend more time online, digital content and interactions are increasingly important means of socialization. While peers have always been key agents of socialization for youth, with increased social media use the role of parents seems to diminish earlier in the life course. Theoretical Approaches to Socialization In this section, we will compare various theoretical approaches that sociologists use to study and understand socialization. Functionalism Functionalism, a sociological perspective on socialization, emphasizes the study of social roles as fundamental elements shaping behavior within society. According to functionalists, the acquisition of social roles is a crucial aspect of socialization, enabling individuals to navigate social interactions effectively and making these situations more predictable. As an illustration, a patient's expectations of a doctor, such as professionalism and care, are shaped by the societal definition of the role of a "doctor." The doctor's adherence to these expectations, like wearing a white coat, contributes to the successful fulfillment of their role by acting predictably within the established societal framework. Functionalists give institutions a key role in establishing and transmitting social norms and values, contributing to the preservation and stability of a society over time. According to the functionalist perspective, this process typically operates in a top-down manner, wherein individuals internalize social roles presented by significant socialization agents. These agents include the family, schools, peers, religion, and mass media, all of which play crucial roles in shaping individuals and maintaining societal order. Functionalists, particularly Parsons, have focused on the family as a central unit for primary socialization in society. In the 1950s, during a period of social change, Parsons studied the impact of disruptive forces, such as high divorce rates, on family life. Despite concerns about divorce harming family stability and socializing future generations, Parsons argued that the family structure was not dissolving. He demonstrated through demographic data that while family structures were changing, there was no cause for alarm, as marriage rates were increasing. Parsons noted a shift in the socialization landscape, with extended family members playing a diminishing role, and institutions, experts, and teachers taking on a more significant role in raising and socializing children in modern, urbanized societies. This trend continues today, and much sociological debate has focused on digital technologies as a potentially disruptive technology to the family unit and its values, as discussed above. Conflict Theory Conflict theorists focus on unveiling and comprehending societal inequalities concerning access to resources, power, and privilege. They assert a direct connection between socialization and these inequalities. Individuals from wealthier households, according to conflict theorists, benefit from superior education, broader learning opportunities, and more varied forms of socialization. This perpetuates the status quo, making social mobility— the ability to move between social strata or groups—challenging. In essence, class socialization contributes to the preservation of existing social hierarchies. Pierre Bourdieu introduced the concept of cultural capital in 1973, which refers to intangible social assets enabling individuals to claim membership in a social circle and feel a sense of belonging. These assets include formal education, knowledge of trends, and understanding of appropriate behavior and norms. Cultural capital also influences one's ability to mobilize resources, join social groups, and achieve success. For instance, the subculture of hipsterism, prevalent among affluent or middle-class youth, requires an understanding of indie music, appreciation for vintage fashion, and a fondness for food. Distinguishing oneself culturally involves not only having a broad taste but also engaging in cultural consumption of music, art, and food. Acquiring cultural capital demands investments of both time and money. Cultural capital is an outcome of how socialization practices differ across social strata, not only in terms of what people learn but also how they learn it. In a study by Lareau (2000) on child socialization, she observed differences in the upbringing of white and African American children in middle-class and working-class families. Working-class boys had more freedom in their play and often spent time with extended families, while middle-class boys experienced more structured routines with a variety of activities. Although Lareau doesn't directly link childhood socialization differences to later adult outcomes, she suggests that middle-class children may have advantages, as their early experiences equip them with skills applicable to future work settings. Middle-class children learn to manage busy schedules, coordinate events, and navigate diverse social settings, exposing them to various sources of cultural capital. Feminism Feminism centers on examining distinct forms of socialization based on gender and the resulting inequalities. Gender socialization, within mainstream Canadian society, involves learning the societal expectations of being a girl or a boy, encompassing aspects such as clothing choices, preferred activities, and modes of self-expression. Gender roles are not universally fixed; instead, they are social constructs that vary across historical periods and cultures. These roles are learned through socialization, with the home playing a significant role where a gendered division of labor is often observed. Traditionally, women are responsible for tasks like meal preparation and childcare, while men prioritize work and contribute to household activities in less time-intensive ways. Although families are gradually moving away from these traditional stereotypes, schools, media, and entertainment often reinforce these roles through images in textbooks, TV shows, and movies. Increased migration patterns and globalization present challenges for families in terms of gender socialization. A specific example involves Syrian refugees in Canada who grapple with maintaining their cultural values while facilitating their children's integration into a new society with different gender roles. The complexities and challenges faced by Syrian refugee families during their relocation to Canada are further discussed in Box 4.4. THINK GLOBALLY 4.4 | Relocation and Gendered Social Scripts Since the beginning of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Syrian citizens have been escaping the conflict zone in search of haven. By 2020, the conflict had led to the loss of 500,000 lives. It has also caused one of the largest refugee displacements in history, with over 5.5 million refugees on the move (UN Refugee Agency, 2019). Canada has welcomed 40,081 Syrian refugees since 2015, but the transition from Syria to Canada presents new challenges related to socialization. Particularly, refugees from rural areas may be unfamiliar with Canadian lifestyles, while those from larger cities like Aleppo and Damascus may have more exposure to Western traditions. Gender socialization becomes especially relevant, given the substantial differences in gender norms between Syria and Canada. In Syria, women are traditionally associated with roles in the fields, maintaining farms, or taking care of children. Moreover, cultural practices dictate that women should not be addressed directly in the presence of their husbands, and introductions usually occur through husbands. Women rarely disclose their full names, often identifying themselves as "the mother of (name of their eldest son)." The significant differences in values, norms, and traditions between Syria and Canada pose considerable challenges for newcomers, often leading to struggles in adapting to new social norms and feelings of isolation. To assist refugees from Syria in integrating into Canadian society, the government has implemented various programs. Learning the language is a crucial initial step in establishing connections with the new community and adapting to the social norms. Additionally, numerous Canadian cities have centers that support newcomers, fostering intercultural exchange by connecting Canadian families with refugee families. Gender socialization in Canada has evolved, with reduced enforced gender segregation in schools compared to the past. However, despite the absence of separate school entrances and different curricula, boys and girls are still socialized differently. High school students often choose subjects based on their gender, influencing their future career options. This leads to gender gaps in prestigious and high-paying fields such as engineering, biochemistry, and computer science, primarily pursued by men. Feminists argue that these disparities are a result of socialization, impacting women's social mobility. Despite having identical credentials and holding the same positions, women typically earn less than men. This wage gap further widens for transwomen, racialized, and Indigenous women. Women also face challenges in attaining leadership positions, even when equally qualified as men. Feminists view these inequalities as evidence of ongoing discrimination against women in the workforce, perpetuated by socialization. Chapter 7 will delve deeper into the necessity of studying gender socialization and its impact on societal dynamics. The aim of feminism is to question gender roles and how they affect everyone’s abilities to live in society and develop a sense of self. Feminism goes beyond describing differences in social roles and speaks for social change. Symbolic Interactionism Symbolic interactionism focuses on studying an individual's self-concept and its development through interactions with others. Charles Horton Cooley, a pioneer in symbolic interactionism, emphasized that humans begin defining themselves within the framework of their socialization from birth. The concept of "the self" or self-concept gradually emerges over time through ongoing interactions with others. Symbolic interactionism examines socialization as a micro-level phenomenon occurring in daily interactions rather than at the macro level. Unlike functionalist theory, which assumes passive internalization of social norms, symbolic interactionism emphasizes the active role of individuals in creating, negotiating, and transforming meaning through social interactions in pairs, groups, and communities. This perspective views people as active agents shaping the process of socialization. In Cooley's theory, social interaction functions as a feedback loop, wherein feedback from others is incorporated into one's self-concept, subsequently influencing future interactions. This concept, known as the looking-glass self, consists of three key elements according to Cooley (1902/1964): The looking-glass self-theory posits that our self-perception is heavily influenced by how we believe others perceive us. Cooley's ideas remain relevant today, particularly in the context of constant social comparison that people engage in. Social pressures, evident especially during adolescence, persist into adulthood. Modern technologies, such as digital platforms, have introduced new avenues for social comparison through data and analytics. Social media, for instance, amplifies the need for comparison as individuals track likes, views, and comments on their posts. This aspect of social media's self-presentation practices aligns with the symbolic interactionist perspective on socialization, which will be further explored in subsequent sections. The Self, Identity, and Social Roles In this section, we will explore core ideas that help explain how people present themselves and their social roles, and how social media influences this self-presentation. Three core ideas help explain how micro-and macrolevel influences work with one another: the self, identity, and social roles. The Self The self-comprises information such as one's name, self-perception, preferences, beliefs, and values. These characteristics undergo changes throughout the lifespan due to exposure to new life experiences. Research by Sedikides and Spencer (2007) and others emphasizes the dynamic nature of the self, which evolves as individuals encounter and engage with different life experiences over time. Information posted on social media about oneself five years ago may now seem outdated or not aligned with current beliefs and opinions. This illustrates how the self evolves and gets updated with new experiences integrated into the self-concept. According to Higgins (1987), the self has three core components: an actual self, described by personal characteristics; an ideal self, representing how a person wishes to be; and an "ought to be" self, reflecting moral values. The three core components of the self, as described by Higgins (1987) – the actual self, ideal self, and "ought to be" self – significantly influence a person's behaviors and attitudes, shaping their everyday interactions. While the self is often perceived as a unified entity, Coser (1975) argues against this notion, asserting that individuals have multiple selves expressed in different social contexts. For instance, people exhibit different characteristics and behaviors when interacting with peers compared to their professional network. This multiplicity of selves is evident on social media platforms, such as LinkedIn and Facebook, where individuals highlight distinct aspects of themselves. LinkedIn emphasizes professional achievements, whereas Facebook typically features more personal and entertaining information. Goffman (1959), like Coser, contends that individuals showcase different aspects of themselves in various social contexts, adjusting their interaction styles and self-presentation to meet social expectations and fit in. He introduces the concept of the "backstage" for private self-presentation and the "frontstage" for public expression. Goffman's theory centers on the idea that social life involves performing a self that aligns with the image individuals want others to see. This concept is termed "impression management," where social behavior is aimed at controlling others' perceptions. The front stage displays an idealized self-adhering to social norms, while the backstage reveals a self-less constrained by societal expectations, as active impression management is not required. Technology, especially social media, has significantly influenced the presentation of self, introducing a new stage for performativity. There is ongoing debate about whether the digital self is a distorted representation of the "real self." According to Hogan (2010), online self-presentation is not random but rather a form of data curation. Users act as curators, carefully selecting pictures, crafting captions, and sharing specific information strategically to represent a unique self to a particular audience. This intentional curation challenges the notion of a straightforward and unfiltered portrayal of one's identity in the digital realm. The advent of the selfie in the 2000s has revolutionized self-presentation, giving rise to a new visual digital culture (Saltz, 2014). Selfies are now ubiquitous in various social contexts, from celebrity to political to even funeral settings. Editing tools like Instagram filters and VSCO provide users with increased control over their appearance, blurring the line between immediacy and alterability (Hand, 2017). The practice of retaking selfies to achieve the perfect picture places a significant emphasis on physical appearance, as individuals strive for constant scrutiny and improvement (Hand, 2017). In line with Goffman's theory of performativity, the preparation and continuous editing of pictures constitute the backstage, while the posting and interacting with the final product represent the frontstage. Social Roles Socialization occurs throughout the life course, encompassing the learning of social norms and values and the recognition of their relevance in diverse social settings. The examination of social roles and their societal functions is termed role theory. Traditionally, role theory perceived social roles as predefined by society, determining one's identity. Symbolic interactionism challenges this static view of social roles (Stryker, 2001). Interactionists argue that if roles were solely determined by society, they would remain unchanged across generations, with minimal input from individuals. Symbolic interactionism proposes a reconsideration of identity, asserting that social role expectations emerge through everyday social interactions. This perspective gives individuals agency in performing roles and shaping their identities. According to symbolic interactionism, social roles and identities are products of social interaction filled with symbolic communication (Bailey & Yost, 2001). In this framework, society continually reconstructs itself through the reciprocal influence of people considering each other's characteristics and expectations, fostering the emergence of symbolic meanings during interactions (Bailey & Yost, 2001). Symbolic interactionism's key contribution is the recognition that neither society nor individuals alone dictate social roles; rather, these roles evolve through a constant interplay of societal expectations and individual choices. Context of Socialization Socialization involves learning to judge which social role is appropriate in various contexts. Coser (1975) introduced the concept of social roles to explain how individuals seamlessly adapt their behavior from one setting to another. For example, at home with family, one may take on the role of a child, following rules and norms. However, in the company of peers, the social role changes, and behavior adjusts to meet different expectations without conscious thought. This illustrates the dynamic nature of social roles and the ability to navigate them in different social contexts. While individuals often seamlessly integrate their various social roles, the occurrence of role conflict is possible in different forms. Role conflict arises when social norms and expectations in one context clash with those in another, leading to anxiety and discord. Context is crucial in understanding social roles, as individuals navigate diverse roles that align with external expectations. This involves adjusting language, dress code, manners, and adopting different social scripts. The practice of code-switching captures the way people adapt their communication, behavior, and appearance based on the social situation, reflecting an awareness of distinct social discourses (Blom & Gumperz, 2000). A prominent form of role conflict is work–family conflict, encompassing both work-to-family and family-to-work conflicts (Clark et al., 2019). This occurs when work expectations clash with family obligations, leading to stress and detrimental effects on well-being. For instance, a person's role as a lawyer may require long work hours, conflicting with their role as a parent. Work–family conflict can result in low job and life satisfaction, burnout, psychological strain, and depression. The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated this conflict as many parents faced the challenge of working from home while also caring for their children due to the closure of child-care centers and schools. New media have further blurred the boundaries of different social roles and expectations. Box 4.5 describes a new social phenomenon referred to as context collapse, where various social roles merge, clash, and possibly create conflict for people. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 4.5 | Context Collapse on Social Media Context encompasses physical environments, social roles, social relationships, shared meanings, and societal norms. As individuals transition between contexts, the expectations of others guide appropriate interactions and dictate which social role to perform. Context collapse, as described by boyd (2006) and Marwick & boyd (2011), refers to the blending or collapsing of people, information, expectations, and norms from one context into another. Collapse involves the unintended overlapping of roles due to the intermingling of distinct networks. Context collapse, as explained by Marwick & boyd (2011), refers to the vast and imagined audiences online compared to the limited groups in face-to-face interactions. Social media platforms like Twitter and Facebook are considered porous contexts, collapsing various social groups, including friends, family, and co-workers, into a single network. Even specialized platforms like LinkedIn, with a more defined purpose, still collapse multiple audiences into one context. The online environment lacks many familiar social cues (dress, expression, tone, body language), making it challenging to navigate (DeGroot & Vik, 2017). Context collapse, as studied by Zillick and Müller (2019) in the context of Facebook, has tangible real-world consequences. Social media users are cognizant of the potential negative outcomes and have adopted strategies to address context collapse challenges. Some users opt for strict privacy settings and refrain from connecting with work contacts. Self-censorship is a common strategy, involving limitations on the content shared, such as posts, comments, and photos. Another approach, known as the lowest common denominator approach, involves consciously avoiding public posts that could adversely impact employment or relationships with co-workers, or that may not interest friends (Hogan, 2010). Roles are connected to both macro-level influences, such as larger institutions like family units, ethnic and religious groups, and professions, as well as micro-level interactions influencing day-to-day behavior. They serve as guiding tools, shaping our behavior in various social situations, and enabling us to integrate into diverse social institutions. While roles are valuable for societal integration, they also impose limits, as deviating from accepted behavior can disrupt social harmony and belonging. Understanding societal expectations is crucial, but the ability to question, adapt, and rewrite social scripts is equally important for fostering social change. List of Key Terms agents of socialization-A person, group, or institution that is responsible for socialization. Anticipatory socialization-The process in which a someone adopts the values and behaviours of a group to which they do not yet belong but that they aspire to join. Backstage-The private space where a person is “off stage” and thus freed from social norms and expectations; they can therefore cease performing and be their “true self.” context collapse-The blending on social media of people, information, expectations, and norms from different contexts and the problems that this may cause. data curation-The activities by which a person carefully chooses what images and information they present to others online for the purpose of impression management. disruptive technologies-Technologies that are responsible for transformative social change. Frontstage-The space where a person performs a role in relation to those around them, the audience; this role follows specific social norms and expectations. Identity-The unique combination of traits, values, and expressions that makes each person who they are. impression management-A conscious or subconscious process in which a person works to shape other peoples’ perceptions of themselves. intergenerational trauma-The effect of parents’ harmful childhood experiences on their relationship with their children, which passes on psychological and social problems from one generation to the next. looking-glass self-A person’s concept of “self,” which develops from interpersonal interactions in society and observations of others. Primary socialization-The first stage in socialization, during which children develop basic values and norms and ideas of the self. reciprocal process-Both the parent and child socialize with each other through their interactions. Resocialization-A process that involves a replacement of a person’s values, beliefs, and sense of self. Reverse socialization-The process by which children influence their parents’ socialization and help them learn or acquire social skills. role conflict-A situation in which a person feels social pressure to fulfill two different social roles that have clashing needs, values, or expectations. role theory-The theory that people’s behaviours are guided by society’s expectations about how they are to perform socially defined categories (such as mother, teacher, doctor). People’s decisions to conform or not conform to these expectations then influence the expectations of that role. Secondary socialization-The learning of the knowledge and skills needed to take part in society beyond the context of the family. Self-A stable understanding of one’s identity and who one is in relation to others. Socialization-The lifelong social learning of norms, values, and ideologies that allows a person to become a member of society and interact with others. Social Mobility-A change in social status by which people or families move from one social strata to another. total institution-An isolated, confined community that controls most aspects of its members’ lives. upward social mobility-The ability to move from the social class one was raised in to a “higher” or more desirable social class with greater earning potential and opportunities, and fewer barriers.

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