Soc Ch. 3 Culture.docx

Soc Ch.3-Culture Introduction Canada is a famously multicultural country, so it would be fitting to start the discussion of culture with a brief history of the cultures within Canada. The earliest cultures in Canada belonged to the First Nations and Inuit peoples, who were the original inhabitants d...

Soc Ch.3-Culture Introduction Canada is a famously multicultural country, so it would be fitting to start the discussion of culture with a brief history of the cultures within Canada. The earliest cultures in Canada belonged to the First Nations and Inuit peoples, who were the original inhabitants dating back at least 14,000 years. A prevailing theory suggests they migrated from Siberia, crossing the Bering Strait via a land bridge that has since vanished. Alternative theories exist, and certain Indigenous traditions suggest the presence of First Nations on the continent since the Earth's creation, as mentioned by Dickason and Newbigging in 2019. During the extensive period when the First Nations and Inuit inhabited North America without European influence, they formed numerous communities and diverse cultures, many of which persist today. Technologically, these societies varied from nomadic hunter-gatherers to settled farmers and fishers, each possessing distinctive technologies, intricate social structures, and economies. Interactions among these communities involved trade, competition, alliances, and conflicts, leading to the establishment of shifting empires, alliances, and trade routes with fluctuating fortunes. In the Great Lakes region, wampum agreements dating back to the sixteenth century contributed to regional peace, though such arrangements were not universally observed across the Americas (Dickason & Newbigging, 2019). In the tenth century CE, Norsemen arrived in present-day Canada, introducing their Scandinavian culture. While they briefly visited Newfoundland, they did not establish settlements. Subsequently, Portuguese sailors and fishers arrived to catch cod off the Grand Banks, contributing another cultural influence. The first European immigrants to settle in significant numbers were from France, seeking to claim territory in the "New World." The French settlers brought seventeenth-century French culture to what they perceived as an uninhabited land. The interactions between French trappers and First Nations led to the emergence of a new culture, the Métis (Dickason & Newbigging, 2019). Additionally, settlers brought slaves, including Black individuals from Africa and the Caribbean, resulting in the incorporation of diverse cultural influences along with European ones in Canada (Library and Archives Canada, 2020). As French traders settled in Canada, women were sent from France to marry them and establish households in Quebec. This contributed to the growth of settlements, with these families producing large populations. In 1763, English troops decisively defeated French troops on the Plains of Abraham at Quebec City, marking the end of centuries of warfare between England and France. This victory granted England military, economic, and cultural control over most of North America, shared with the Spanish in the south. The newfound stability facilitated the influx of settlers, and in the early nineteenth century, immigrants from England, Wales, Scotland, and Ireland arrived to settle various regions, including the Maritimes, Lower Canada (later Quebec), Upper Canada (later Ontario), the Prairies, and British Columbia. Throughout the century, investors promoted the exploitation of new "staple products" for the European market, starting with cod from the Grand Banks, followed by furs from Quebec, timber from the Maritimes, Quebec, and Ontario, minerals from northern Ontario and Quebec, wheat from the Prairies, and, notably, oil and gas from Alberta. The settlement patterns driven by staple products also influenced the cultural development in Canada. The country's history reflects the objectives of British and later American financiers and capitalists seeking to maximize profits from Canadian resources. While advantageous for investors, these patterns led to significant regional disparities in development, resulting in lingering competition and conflicts, such as between Ontario and Alberta, that persist to the present day. Today, distinct regional cultures endure in Canada, with Ontario sharing more similarities with New York State or Massachusetts than with, for example, New Brunswick, and Alberta having more in common with Texas than with, say, Quebec or British Columbia. In the face of continuous arrival of new cultures, the resilience of Indigenous cultures and languages against constant threats of erosion is remarkable. Varan (1998) identifies four types of cultural erosion, each posing a menace to original Indigenous cultures, akin to the challenges faced by early French and English cultures in Canada. Cultural abrasion results from friction between an existing cultural landscape and a foreign media agent, illustrated by the impact of American television on Canadian viewers. The constant exposure to American content may lead to changes or abrasions in the Canadian cultural landscape as it interacts with foreign media influences. Cultural deflation occurs when the less consolidated aspects within a culture are vulnerable to foreign influence. This refers to elements or aspects of a culture that may be less unified, firm, or well-established, like the translation of English-language scientific and technical language into other languages. These components might be more vulnerable to influence or change when exposed to different languages or cultural elements. Cultural deposition takes place when foreign beliefs, practices, and artifacts intermingle with a cultural landscape, a phenomenon ongoing through global commerce. Through global commerce, various cultures intermingle, depositing elements from one culture into another. Lastly, cultural saltation involves the adoption of new foreign social practices in response to the perceived threat of a foreign media agent, such as radio producers using the internet to distribute podcasts of their audio shows. In response to the changing media landscape, radio producers adapt by incorporating new practices, like podcast distribution, to address the perceived threat posed by the evolving influence of the internet. Indigenous Peoples have endured and survived over 500 years of colonialism in North America, defying theories solely focused on colonial domination. Duane Champagne (1996) underscores the complexity of Indigenous survival, highlighting key factors. Firstly, Indigenous people were strategic and pragmatic in their approach to dealing with the challenges posed by colonialism. Indigenous communities actively and intentionally adjusted their strategies, practices, and ways of life to navigate and endure the impact of colonial pressures. Secondly, Indigenous communities were united by a strong sense of solidarity. The cohesive and collective strength of the community was a crucial factor in their capacity to bring about and navigate change. Thirdly, communities with well-defined and organized institutions and a strong social and political integration are more capable of collectively agreeing on and implementing changes that benefit the community. Lastly, Indigenous communities with cultural and institutional similarities to the colonizer exhibit greater resilience in adapting to the imposed colonial order than those with greater cultural disparities (Champagne, 1996). The Indigenous population in Canada, including their communities and languages, has decreased but remains substantial. Counting the Indigenous population is a political issue, and Chris Andersen (2008) criticizes the notion of a "Métis population" in Canada. He argues that the increase in the count between 1996 and 2001 is questionable and stems from a flawed understanding. Andersen suggests that the concept of a "Métis population" is an artifact of Canada's racial and colonial perspective, reducing the Métis from an indigenous nation to individuals who identify as Métis, contributing to a racialized construction rather than acknowledging their indigenous national identity. The author highlights the influence of the Canadian census in shaping contemporary meanings in society, emphasizing the lack of explicit categories to distinguish Métis Nation allegiance, perpetuating a racialized view. The Indigenous population in Canada has been growing in recent censuses, but historically, colonization significantly impacted First Nations, Métis, and Inuit communities during the 18th, 19th, and 20th centuries. Colonization led to population declines due to diseases, wars against colonial forces, and starvation. Contrary to the claim that Indigenous people benefited from progress and prosperity brought by colonizing forces, they were instead systematically disadvantaged and forced into economic dependency by the colonizing countries. This disadvantage was built into the capitalist economy and the post-Enlightenment European culture. It was not restricted to Canada. Nor have its results been different in Canada than in other modern countries. Indigenous people who live in distinct rural communities in the United States, Australia, New Zealand, Norway, Finland, and Greenland all report higher-than-average rates of poverty, unemployment, addiction, poor health, and suicidality (Axelsson et al., 2016). So, it is with justification that many propose the problems facing Indigenous people today—especially those on reserves—are a result of the colonialism they or their ancestors suffered. The problem sociologists face is knowing how to link a (possibly) distant cause—for example, colonization two centuries ago, or forced residential schooling a generation ago—to present-day issues. As it turns out, cultural erosion—even cultural genocide—may provide the intervening variables that link these causes and effects. Auger (2016) draws on various qualitative sources to propose that interrupted or eroded cultural continuity itself serves as a source of distress among Indigenous populations. The idea of linking colonialism and mental distress is not new, as Franz Fanon, in his book "The Wretched of the Earth" (1961/1965), explored the connection in the context of Algeria. Fanon, a psychoanalyst, viewed the challenges faced by colonized people in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean through the lens of powerlessness and low self-worth. This sense of powerlessness and low self-esteem hindered the ability of colonized individuals to take positive action for self-improvement, leading to apathy and self-destructive behaviors. Fanon argued that the revival of culture and identity was crucial for their survival. Glen Coulthard (2007) critiques Franz Fanon's analysis, acknowledging its value but asserting that it falls short. While Fanon recognized the importance of self-affirmation and revaluation of Native history and culture in temporarily liberating colonized populations from colonial recognition, Coulthard contends that Fanon's failure to explore how critically revived cultural practices could construct lasting alternatives to colonialism sets his theory apart from contemporary Indigenous anti-colonial theory and practice. Coulthard emphasizes the necessity for the resurgence of Indigenous cultural practices to be accompanied by a conscious resistance to settler-colonial power and structures, aiming to prevent the replication and reinforcement of these structures. Jennifer Adese (2012) discusses the concerning development of Indigeneity as a commercial product in a society where cultural objects are commodified. The marketing of Indigenous peoples, lands, art, and culture as part of tourism creates a complex web of negotiations involving imagery, authenticity, nationalism, economics, and identity. Adese argues that it is more productive to view the Aboriginal as an allegorical figure in a market-focused society. She highlights how the commodification of Indigenous identity conceals state projects linked to ongoing Canadian state racism and colonial agendas, seeking assimilation through neoliberal economic terms. Adese notes that Indigenous participation in producing this commodified Aboriginal identity is positioned by the state as evidence of willingness to assimilate, as well as a sign of reconciled relationships between Indigenous and settler Canadians. This perspective aligns with Coulthard's point that reproducing Indigenous cultures without critically analyzing settler-colonial structures can have harmful consequences for the very cultures being represented. Over the past 15 years, there has been extensive research on the repercussions of cultural erosion, including the effects of colonization, family fragmentation, cultural genocide, and impoverishment, on Indigenous communities in Canada. Colonization is recognized as profoundly traumatic, causing physical, emotional, spiritual, and psychological harm to individuals. Indigenous scholars refer to the enduring effects as "historical trauma" or more commonly as "intergenerational trauma." This term denotes the emotional and social responses exhibited by the descendants of trauma survivors, impairing their health and longevity, as described by Marsh et al. (2015). The prevailing theory suggests that intergenerational trauma among Indigenous communities in Canada is transmitted through socialization or childhood learning. In essence, parents transfer their pain to their children, and the difficulties they face become challenges for the subsequent generations. Scholars have identified various channels through which trauma is passed down, including cultural (via storytelling, culturally sanctioned behaviors), social (through inadequate parenting, lateral violence, and acting out of abuse), and psychological (through memory processes) channels, as observed by Wesley-Esquimaux and Smolewski (2004). We can easily see how intergenerational trauma results from the forced cultural erosion brought by residential schooling. Hartmann and Gone (2014) note the “four Cs” of Indigenous historical trauma: colonial in origin, collectively experienced, with cumulative effects, and cross-generational impacts. This happens because culture is fundamental to social stability and personal identity. For Indigenous Peoples, the dispossession of land by colonizers has profound cultural consequences, as highlighted by Vanessa Watts (2013). Indigenous communities view communication with Place-Thought, involving ceremonies with the land, territory, and the four directions, as both an obligation and a means to preserve their ability to act and think in accordance with their cosmologies. The abandonment of these practices results in a loss of understanding, not because the non-human world ceases to communicate but because comprehension diminishes. Despite enduring five centuries of colonialism, Indigenous peoples remain uncolonized to some extent and continue to resist, possessing the capacity to communicate with the land. However, the colonial framework has corrupted their agency as Indigenous peoples, creating an ongoing struggle (Watts, 2013, p. 32). Since the onset of colonialism, Indigenous scholars, knowledge keepers, and activists have advocated for the preservation and revitalization of Indigenous cultures. Despite bans on practices such as sundances, Indigenous communities engaged in secret gatherings to maintain their traditions. Religious artifacts and regalia, which were prohibited, were concealed, and passed down through generations covertly. Cultural practices that had suffered erosion, like Inuit face tattoos, have been revived through the efforts of community members actively resisting the colonial project. Recognizing the vital role of culture in the physical, emotional, social, and economic well-being of any society, Indigenous Peoples are actively fighting to ensure the continuity and preservation of their cultural heritage. What Counts as Culture? Culture serves as the repository for a society's values, encompassing notions of good and evil, purity and impurity, virtue, and vice. It is the framework through which a society establishes goals, sets standards, and assigns meaning to its existence. Given these roles, culture is considered the foundational element of both a society as a whole and everyone within that society. In Chapter 1, it was highlighted that the significance of the "nonrational" in social life remains despite the prevalence of rational thought. The persistence of religious beliefs, ethnic loyalties, political ideologies, and irrational consumer practices, even in the face of scientific evidence, was emphasized. These nonrational aspects of social life cannot be directly explained by science and technology and often contradict rational explanations, persisting despite opposing evidence. They are not evidence-based but are rooted in belief and faith. An example provided is the "anti-lockdown" protests in several provinces in 2020, expressing dissatisfaction with measures to prevent the spread of COVID-19. These nonrational elements are integral to what is referred to as culture. The concept of culture has been a subject of intense debate for centuries. While there is general agreement that culture is something learned through socialization and enacted in everyday life, there are disagreements about the number of cultures or subcultures in Canada and how to differentiate between them. Additionally, there may be differing opinions on whether a common culture serves to integrate people, regulate, and control them, or perhaps both. In essence, culture reflects the values and norms that guide the behavior of individuals within a specific society. Values encompass everything that people in a community feel, think, and aspire to, including perspectives on good and evil, right, and wrong, purity and impurity, and more. Norms, on the other hand, are the rules established by society to regulate behavior. Some norms are implicit and unspoken yet collectively understood and enforced through social pressure. Additionally, there are norms that are formalized as laws and upheld through the criminal justice system. As we have said, technological developments also shape and change culture. Science and technology both shape our culture, and both also develop their own cultures. As a small example, consider how social media are reshaping culture in Canada and around the world, in Box 3.1. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 3.1 | Social Media Reshaping Canadian Culture Since the year 2000, social media platforms like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Weibo, and TikTok have become integral parts of various cultures, boasting user bases in the hundreds of millions. The internet, along with these platforms, enables the rapid sharing and accessing of cultural content, including music, videos, and written works. Canada has been a forefront player in the technological and cultural revolution, as noted by the London-based agency We Are Social (Kemp, 2014). According to this agency, Canada leads the world in internet penetration, with 93% of the population having access, well above the global average of 43%. Additionally, Canada ranks fourth globally in per capita Facebook use and holds the highest per capita use among countries with populations exceeding 10 million. These statistics indicate a significant role of Canadians in embracing the internet as a means of communication beyond their immediate social circles (Kemp, 2014). No doubt, we live in a strange society: a society driven by signs, fashions, and fantasies, many of which are online. Yet it can be difficult to see the strangeness of our own society, and it can be equally hard to understand other cultures, or even our own culture in the past. This fact, in turn, calls for what sociologists’ call “cultural relativism.” Cultural Universals and Cultural Relativism People often have trouble accepting the worth of other people’s cultural values, norms, and beliefs. As a result, they are often vulnerable to ethnocentrism. Ethnocentrism is a tendency to use one’s own culture as a basis for evaluating another culture. We can be so emotionally involved with our own culture that we do not see that our way of life is merely one way of life out of many. Ethnocentrism, a common aspect of socialized behavior, is shaped by one's upbringing. It involves evaluating other cultures based on the values and norms of one's own culture. Comparisons with other cultures can lead to the realization that they may have more appealing lifestyles, whether in terms of friendliness, leisure, or health. To navigate these comparisons, cultural relativism becomes important—an approach that involves a willingness to understand and accept cultural practices that differ from one's own, recognizing their validity within the context of the society being studied. To make matters more complicated, any society—for example, Canadian society—contains many cultures and many subcultures. Similarly, any culture—for instance, French or Kanien’keha:ka (Mohawk) culture—has influenced many societies but in different ways. Once we understand the differences between and within cultures, we can more usefully examine the practices that all cultures share. Sociologists and anthropologists, in their quest to identify cultural similarities, have proposed the existence of universal cultural features. George Murdock, an anthropologist, compiled an extensive list of such features, including athletic sports, bodily adornment, cooking, dancing, and language. While recognizing the presence of these elements across various cultures, Murdock also acknowledged cultural variations. Despite commonalities like dancing in every society, the specific practices and forms differ between cultures and evolve over time. Similarly, other cultural features Murdock identified, such as sports, adornment, and language, manifest diversely in different cultures. Theoretical Approaches to Culture Conflict Theory In the study of sociological topics, including culture, sociologists employ various approaches. Conflict theory, as highlighted in Chapter 1, emphasizes that those in power often manipulate culture to shape people's ideas, values, and trust in social institutions. Noam Chomsky, a linguist, and political theorist, describes this process as an attempt to "manufacture consent," achieved primarily through controlling the quantity and nature of information that individuals can access. Marx, as discussed in Chapter 1, proposed that culture is shaped by class-based relations of dominance and subordination. In his perspective, economic relations of production are primary or structural, while cultural ideas are secondary or superstructural. According to Marx, each new economic order gives rise to a distinctive culture. For example, hunter-gatherer societies, characterized by no private landholding, will exhibit a different culture compared to feudal societies, where wealth is predominantly derived from agriculture and land ownership. Likewise, capitalist societies, where most wealth comes from the sale of mass-produced goods and services, will have a distinct culture from feudal societies. According to Marxist and other conflict theorists, ideology is a crucial component of culture. Ideology refers to a set of beliefs or ideas. In Marxist perspective, the dominant class in any society creates and promotes a dominant ideology—a set of thoughts and beliefs that rationalize and sustain the ruling class. Powerful individuals in society disseminate, reinforce, and perpetuate this dominant ideology, often utilizing mass communication. While alternative ideologies may exist, they typically face challenges in gaining widespread acceptance. In a capitalist society, the dominant ideology is often characterized by free-market liberalism, supported by consumer culture. Ideology often operates subtly, remaining unnoticed by its adherents, and plays a role in establishing norms for inclusion and exclusion within a society. While eliminating ideology entirely is deemed impractical, the concept of class consciousness is seen as a practical alternative. Consumer ideology, in this context, is defined as the belief that material well-being, achieved through consumer spending, is the foundation of a fulfilling life. Marxists view consumer culture as a phenomenon that reduces social life to seemingly impersonal, nonpolitical exchanges of marketable goods. Consumer ideology, by promoting the idea that comfort and pleasure can be attained through spending, mitigates the perceived need for social conflict or change. In this way, consumerism actively supports capitalism as an economic system. Under capitalism, the modern mass media play an important role (as we will see in Chapter 14). Since the bourgeoisie—the members of the ruling class—own most of the media, they can control which ideas become part of public opinion, or the dominant ideology. Further, the bourgeoisie use the mass media to broadcast the ideas that they agree with, making their views seem legitimate, commonplace, and factual. Beyond Marxism, there are various forms of conflict theory, with one prominent variant being critical race theory (Delgado & Stefancic, 2012). This theory views culture as a tool for perpetuating the dominance of white individuals. According to Delgado and Stefancic, racism is a norm within the dominant ideology in North American society, working to uphold existing power structures. They argue that according to critical race theory, social structures and institutions may perpetuate systemic disadvantages for people of color without necessarily being driven by explicit hatred or individual animosity. White privilege extends beyond mere advantages and encompasses the unearned benefits and immunities that Caucasian individuals enjoy compared to those considered "nonwhite." Critical race theorists highlight that individual perceived as white, particularly in Western societies, experience privileges not extended to those identified and treated as nonwhite. Peggy McIntosh (1989) describes these advantages as an "invisible package of unearned assets," which may include greater success in job or housing searches and freedom from police targeting and harassment. Feminism Like critical race theory, feminist theorists identify cultural values as reinforcing misogyny. In their cultural analyses, some feminist scholars emphasize gender socialization, which encompasses the various ways individuals are trained to fulfill gender-specific roles and appreciate male traits. Gender socialization is notable for its deep-seated nature and resistance to change. Across many societies, including our own, gender roles and scripts shape our perceptions of the world, influencing how we navigate it and classify the individuals we encounter. In Chapter 7, it will be explored how gender is a social and cultural construct. Mainstream Canadian society has propagated the constructed binary nature of gender, teaching individuals to accept this simplified categorization. However, sex-based characteristics exist across a diverse spectrum that often gets overlooked in favor of the rigid categories of "male" and "female." Notably, many Indigenous cultures within Canada recognize and embrace the concept of "two-spirit" identities, offering a framework for understanding and describing a broader range of nonbinary gender identities. Young people, lacking a full understanding of ideology, are susceptible to what French social philosopher Louis Althusser termed "interpellation." From early childhood, individuals are compelled to accept the truths of the dominant ideology, shaping their identity, and dictating societal expectations. This ideology defines who we are and prescribes how others anticipate us to live. Ignoring these expectations may lead to punishment and social isolation, eventually compelling conformity to the prescribed norms. Queer theorists, in alignment with their perspective, view culture as a force that reinforces sexuality categories, along with the norms and inequalities linked to those categories. Notably, scholars like Namaste (1994, 2000) highlight that, prior to queer theory, sociologists had extensively studied homosexual identities and communities but had largely overlooked the social construction of heterosexuality. In essence, queer theory primarily focuses on challenging the ways in which we categorize reality, with a specific emphasis on questioning and deconstructing norms related to sexuality and gender identities. Queer theory, stemming from the works of Michel Foucault on sexuality and Judith Butler on gender performance (e.g., Foucault's "The History of Sexuality" and Butler's "Gender Trouble" [1990/2006]), asserts that all sex and gender categories, such as heterosexuality, are social constructions with societal origins and implications. These categories are not inherent or rooted in individual characteristics, making them fluid and subject to change. On an individual level, this suggests that people's sexual interests and identities can evolve over time. On a societal level, understanding the meaning of a label requires considering the specific period and cultural context in which it is applied, as these categories are changeable within a society or culture and for individuals. In essence, labels such as "homosexual" hold significance only within a specific society and time, pertaining to an individual's particular behavior at a given moment, rather than being tied to their attributes over a lifetime. This emphasis on context and fluidity distinguishes queer theory from other sociological approaches. Sociologists, as observed by Adam Green (2007), often concentrate on how individuals maintain stable identities, including their sexuality, due to socialization—a concept that will be explored further in Chapter 4. THEORY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 3.2 | Gender Scripts According to Judith Butler, if gender is viewed as a performance, gender scripts serve as the instructions guiding individuals in playing out their roles. Typically, parents socialize their children based on the assigned sex at birth, with intersex and nonbinary children also being socialized as either boys or girls at their parents' discretion. While children often develop a gender identity around the ages of five to seven, this aspect is not always considered in their socialization. Traditional gender scripts dictate that boys should build muscle, dress casually, and behave assertively, while girls are encouraged to make themselves appealing to men, irrespective of their own sexual orientation (Berenbaum, 2018). Girls typically learn the "right" and "wrong" ways of using makeup from their peers, and today, celebrities often provide makeup tutorials on platforms like YouTube. Makeup brands often sponsor these tutorials, compensating the YouTuber for featuring their products. This learning process continues as women age. During adolescence, girls may purchase lower quality but more affordable makeup, with the average teenage Canadian girl spending hundreds of dollars on these products annually. As women grow older, many tend to spend even more on makeup products. For many women, applying makeup is a daily ritual characterized by systematic application using the same products, in the same order, and typically in the same location (such as in front of the bathroom mirror or at a vanity). This ritual often occurs at a consistent time of day, such as in the morning upon waking or before an evening work shift. Like other rituals, like religious ceremonies, the makeup ritual involves elements of repetition, symbolism, codification, and dramatic art. Marketers recognize and leverage these aspects of makeup rituals to promote and sell their products. Functionalism Functionalists view culture as an integral part of society, not mere ideology. For example, they see cultural objects and practices functioning as social markers—items that identify a person’s standing in the social order. Two sociologists who do this, all the while critiquing social inequality, are Thorstein Veblen and Pierre Bourdieu. Economist Thorstein Veblen, in his work, delved into the social functions of conspicuous consumption. Activities such as conspicuous consumption, conspicuous waste, and conspicuous leisure might seem frivolous initially. Still, Veblen was a pioneering social theorist who demonstrated how these cultural behaviors serve to distinguish between the upper and lower social classes in a stratified society. Thorstein Veblen's "The Theory of the Leisure Class" (1899) serves as a critique of modern Western society, particularly targeting the conspicuous consumption of the upper-class bourgeoisie. In his analysis, Veblen portrayed this social class as leading a life of leisure, treating every day as if it were a holiday. He argued that the symbolic nature of social prestige, with its emphasis on fads and fashions, promotes a wasteful and potentially harmful consumption of time and goods. Despite the apparent wastefulness, Veblen argued that this extravagant consumption serves a purpose: it reinforces the status of those who can afford such a lifestyle. Through symbolic means, the leisurely rich distinguish themselves from individuals with lower wealth. This can involve activities like creating elaborate gardens to showcase the ability to afford a staff of gardeners, constructing massive homes that require domestic staff like butlers and cooks, and hosting elaborate costume parties where guests must wear expensive costumes depicting historical figures. The high cost may even extend to hiring celebrities to attend parties, enhancing the desirability of such events. In his classic study "Distinction," French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu emphasizes that individuals do not enter the upper class because of their exquisite or elite taste; instead, they acquire and are exposed to what is considered elite taste due to their upper-class birth and socialization. Bourdieu links the inheritance of upper-class status to the learning of upper-class cultural patterns in private schools, clubs, camps, and other exclusive settings. For example, preferring opera alone does not grant high-class status, but being exposed to opera from childhood enables one to assimilate into a high-class group, irrespective of personal taste. Bourdieu contends that cultural distinctions, acquired in exclusive environments, play a crucial role in preserving and legitimizing social inequalities. Functionalist sociologists—who highlight order—typically look to culture to explain how and why society remains mostly the same from one day to the next. They also consider how culture justifies and legitimates obvious injustices like economic inequality. We see this thinking in the works of both Veblen and Bourdieu. Symbolic Interactionism For symbolic interactionists, culture grows out of individual face-to-face interactions and from what people communicate to each other through these interactions. Human beings are diverse and creative, often deviating from established values and norms. Interactionists view culture not as a rigid set of rules but as a dynamic collection of words, actions, and symbols that shape our conversations. This perspective, influenced by symbolic interactionism, emphasizes the significance of language. For instance, feminist theorists draw from this approach to explore the impact of gendered language on shaping societal perceptions of appropriate behavior in others. Symbolic interactionism explores how humans utilize symbols, with words being essential symbols. For instance, the word "banana" represents a long, yellow, pulpy fruit. This perspective asserts that naming and discussing things play a crucial role in organizing human interactions, influencing the classification of objects as good or evil, pure, or impure, valuable, or valueless. The importance of language for cultural survival is exemplified by the efforts of Indigenous Peoples to preserve their languages. With every interaction, we learn new ways to use culture. While functionalists and conflict theorists think culture controls and regulates people, symbolic interactionists think the opposite—that people control and regulate culture. Interactionists focus on how people continuously invent, revise, and perpetuate their culture through their everyday actions. Culture and Language Language is the most general and flexible form of culture. Everyone uses it and, in principle, anyone can create it. We can use language in an almost infinite number of ways to communicate meanings and express identity. Language is fundamentally an abstract system comprising signs, sentence structures, tone, emphasis, and context clues, whether conveyed through writing, speech, or gestures. In society, individuals utilize these elements to express thoughts, feelings, ideas, plans, and desires. Language, encompassing both verbal and nonverbal forms, serves as the crucial medium through which the accomplishments of one generation are transmitted to the next. Words, like other symbols, carry both intentional and unintentional meanings, and individuals learn these meanings through active participation in their culture, relying on observation and trial and error as much as formal instruction. According to anthropologists Edward Sapir and Benjamin Lee Whorf, language not only expresses thoughts but also shapes and structures them. Roger Brown summarized Whorf's ideas with two hypotheses: 1) Structural differences in language systems correspond to nonlinguistic cognitive differences in native speakers, and 2) The structure of one's native language strongly influences or fully determines the worldview acquired as the language is learned. In essence, the structure of a language has a profound impact on how individuals perceive and experience the world. Various languages offer distinct frameworks for organizing and interpreting reality. When children acquire the language of their culture, they internalize the assumptions inherent in that language. The divergence between languages contributes to the challenges of precise translation, making it difficult to accurately convey the meaning of a text from one language to another. This phenomenon is also why classic works undergo periodic retranslation efforts. Sociologists explore how language is utilized, with symbolic interactionists studying the creation of new words to describe and characterize the world. Meanwhile, structural functionalists examine how various subgroups, like prisoners, use language to express distinct concerns and maintain group cohesion. Feminist sociologists emphasize how culture, particularly through language, shapes perceptions of gender norms. They argue that androcentric or sexist expressions not only reveal gender inequality but also contribute to its perpetuation. Implicit assumptions in language, such as terms like "mankind," "policeman," and "chairman," often go unnoticed, reflecting historical gender roles. The use of such language may have accurately described past roles, but it also highlights the historical sexism prevalent in English-speaking societies. Advocating for the adoption of gender-neutral terms like "police officer" and "chairperson" is not a minor concern. The persistent use of masculine terms suggests an exclusion of other genders from these roles, implying that they are not supposed to be present in such positions. This exclusive language may contribute to viewing women, nonbinary, and intersex individuals in these roles as deviant, potentially discouraging them from pursuing such opportunities. Patterns of Cultural Variation We have already noted there is cultural variation across and within societies. This variation tells us that societies, and social relations, are not universal. No wonder, then, that we find a wide variety of subcultures and countercultures within Canadian society. Subculture and Counterculture A subculture refers to a community that shares cultural elements with the larger society but also possesses distinctive values, beliefs, norms, and behavior patterns. Examples include ethnic communities or Deaf culture, which may even have their own languages. While some sociologists challenge the concept of subcultures, arguing it diminishes the importance of smaller cultural groups, others find it useful for discussing specific thought patterns observed in bounded locations. In contemporary sociology, there has been criticism of the traditional usage of the term "subculture" when studying youth. As an alternative, some sociologists have introduced the term "scene." This shift is motivated by the belief that "scene" better captures the intimate and fluid nature of the communities being studied. The term implies a sense of interconnectedness and flexibility within these social groups. Subcultures abound in our society. A subculture emerges whenever a particular part of society faces unique problems or enjoys exclusive privileges. Members of a subculture often share a similar age, religion, ethnic heritage, belief system, occupation, interest, or hobby. Or, like prison inmates, psychiatric patients, or hockey fans at an away game, they share exclusion from broader society. Large organizations develop their own mini cultures, encompassing norms and values. Corporate cultures, particularly significant in societies where work holds prominence, provide members with solidarity, community, social bonds, and emotional satisfaction. These factors contribute to controlling workers' behavior and influencing their mindset. Additionally, national culture plays a role in shaping behavior within organizations, as different cultures have varying perspectives on order, organization, and control. These cultural distinctions may become evident in multinational corporations. A counterculture is a subculture that actively opposes the norms and values of the larger society. It emerges among individuals, such as teenagers, who have little incentive to conform to mainstream cultural norms and may be perceived as troublemakers by the surrounding community. Countercultures reject conventional values and often face limited prospects for praise, good jobs, or high incomes even if they conform to mainstream cultural rules. A counterculture effectively rejects traditional morality, establishing deviance as the new standard of behavior. It's important to note that members of a counterculture don't reject conformity entirely; rather, they resist adherence to some of the values of the majority culture. Like a subculture, a counterculture has its own beliefs and faces challenges of cultural integration. For instance, groups like Hell’s Angels, anarchists, punk rockers, and hippies adhere to specific values, norms, and even distinctive appearances. Like any culture, a counterculture exhibits contradictions between what its members profess and their actual behavior. The line between subcultures and countercultures is often subtle. A case in point is the subculture of police officers who develop and follow norms in their policing practices beyond what legislation mandates. These shared norms differ from those of the larger culture, making them subcultural. However, they are not considered countercultural since they do not aim to defy or overthrow the existing societal order. Many hobby or sports groups can be characterized as having subcultures. Examples include the subculture around barbershop quartet singing, as explored by Robert Stebbins, and the subculture related to the sport of parkour, as discussed by Michael Atkinson. However, distinguishing between a subculture and a counterculture can be challenging. For instance, is gang subculture solely meant to support or justify a delinquent lifestyle, or is it a deliberate and consistent rejection of mainstream societal values? Sociologists hold different perspectives on this question. Subcultures and countercultures also have their own material cultures. By material culture, we mean those aspects of a society’s culture that are visible and take a material form, such as tools, books, and houses. This includes all those material objects produced within a given culture, including technological, artistic, and ritualistic artifacts. Sociologists find the unequal distribution of material culture revealing. However, they also study nonmaterial culture: the values, norms, and beliefs that are most common in a society. Using such nonmaterial evidence, we can compare cultures and societies with one another, as we do in Box 3.3. THINK GLOBALLY 3.3 | The Law of Jante The Law of Jante, as described in the satirical novel "A Fugitive Crosses His Tracks" by Aksel Sandemose, outlines ten rules reflecting a fictional small town's societal norms in Denmark. Many people in Nordic countries consider these rules as accurately portraying expected behavior. The rules are as follows: 1. You're not to think you are anything special. 2. You're not to think you are as good as we are. 3. You're not to think you are smarter than we are. 4. You're not to imagine yourself better than we are. 5. You're not to think you know more than we do. 6. You're not to think you are more important than we are. 7. You're not to think you are good at anything. 8. You're not to laugh at us. 9. You're not to think anyone cares about you. 10. You're not to think you can teach us anything. These rules reflect a collective emphasis on humility and discouragement of individual pride or exceptionalism within the community. High Culture and Popular Culture Not all subcultures cater to the disadvantaged, and despite benefiting from societal norms, affluent individuals may not necessarily adhere to the mainstream culture. Some high-income people engage in what is referred to as "high culture." High culture refers to the preferences, habits, tastes, values, and norms associated with high-income groups. It encompasses fine art, champagne, ballet, and other sophisticated interests. While not exclusive to the wealthy, some individuals use these cultural pursuits to signal their cultivation and enhance their social standing. Historically, high culture has celebrated the wealthy, as artists created works for affluent patrons, reinforcing the aristocracy's self-image. Intentionally or not, high culture often excludes many individuals by emphasizing exotic themes and neglecting ordinary lives, disconnecting ordinary people from their own history. This exclusion has led to the development of alternative cultures among the middle and working classes, as they create and embrace their own cultural expressions, distinct from highbrow pursuits like ballet or art galleries. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's influential theory on social ranking based on taste and distinction emphasizes that taste is socially constructed, not inherently inherent. Bourdieu contends that refined taste serves as a marker of class membership, prompting an exploration of taste subcultures within society—groups exhibiting distinct cultural preferences. Membership in these subcultures can be influenced by various factors such as ethnicity, social class, age, gender, and location. SPOTLIGHT ON 3.4 | Foodies Foodies represent a taste subculture with social and class implications, typically associated with higher education and wealth. These individuals demonstrate a sophisticated interest in food, viewing eating as both a hobby and a means of displaying social status. Foodies often express concern for cultural diversity, environmental sustainability, organic farming, and fair labor practices. The wealthier and more educated members of society tend to eat in a more stylish and diverse manner, enjoying a broader range of food options and showcasing their culinary preferences in attention-catching ways. Certain businesses cater to affluent food consumers by providing products aligned with sustainable practices. Ethical consumption, in this context, is primarily viewed as an elite social practice. For instance, the Whole Foods Market chain offers a range of organic and sustainable foods, which tend to be more expensive than conventional products. Scholars like Josee Johnston et al. (2011) argue that this pricing strategy restricts democratic participation in foodie culture by limiting choices for lower-income individuals. Additionally, it can hinder environmental sustainability by encouraging increased consumption of higher-priced food products. Present-day consumer culture is synonymous with popular culture, encompassing cultural artifacts and media content created for mass audiences. This aligns popular culture with commercial success, representing content that appeals to the majority. In critical theory, mass culture refers to standardized commercial and media products produced for the masses, believed to reflect the dominant ideology, and encourage conformity among subordinate classes. While such products may be seen as a form of societal control, it's crucial to recognize that the perpetuation of popular culture is voluntary and collective, not officially imposed from above. Sociological study of popular culture involves examining the everyday life, arts, and artifacts of the "average people" in a society, contrasting with the minority tastes associated with elite or high culture. Popular culture is influenced by high culture, as seen in examples like advertising, which often incorporates images from classical oil painting. Notably, this interplay between popular and high culture can be observed in various online platforms showcasing the creative use of famous works of art in advertisements. Historically, scholars linked popular culture to traditional folk culture, particularly oral culture as opposed to literary culture, initially defining it as working-class culture. However, contemporary sociology emphasizes the significance of diverse subcultures within popular culture, such as Black popular culture or teenage popular culture, distinguishing it from the overarching term mass culture. Like all forms of culture, popular culture varies across age, gender, and social class. This diversity is evident in market surveys identifying viewership preferences for different television programs and individuals' varied tastes in leisure, dress, eating, and home decor. This fragmentation underscores the multiple ways culture can be defined. The study of popular culture is also a study of the ways in which members of that culture engage with it to make it their own, such as how viral trends spread and get reinterpreted. Popular culture (as illustrated in social media) clearly plays an important role in developing personal identities, especially among adolescents. Popular culture encompasses material culture, including products and practices related to music, art, fashion, consumption, leisure, literature, online media, film, and television, enjoying widespread support across large sections of the population. The cultural production by ordinary people gained significance during the social movements of the 1960s and 1970s, leading to increased academic interest in popular culture. Nevertheless, it is crucial to acknowledge that a substantial portion of popular culture is driven by commercial motives, designed to generate profit. Still, one must be careful to define popular culture as a culture for the largest number and avoid placing an elitist judgment of “poor quality” on it. It includes high-quality folk art products, so long as they preserve the individual character of the creator and are widely known and enjoyed. Mass media and popular culture have evolved in tandem, both influenced by the emergence of large audiences with significant purchasing power. Simultaneously, trends in high culture have also evolved, particularly in the fine arts since the 19th century, driven by the ascent of the middle classes. The newly affluent sought to demonstrate social status by adopting the cultural tastes of the wealthy, such as purchasing art for their homes. In response, the wealthy continually sought new practices to maintain cultural distinction. This ongoing cycle of innovation and imitation is a driving force behind cultural change in society. Cultural Capital and Cultural Literacy Culture serves to both reflect and uphold inequality within a society. Influential individuals, particularly through high culture, use culture to distinguish themselves and engage within their exclusive circles. Consequently, acquiring the "cultural code" of the powerful can facilitate social connections and interactions with them. French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu introduced the concept of cultural capital, referring to a collection of knowledge, ideas, tastes, preferences, and social skills that contribute to social advancement. Familiarity with high culture is a form of cultural capital, aiding in the establishment of positive social relations with affluent and influential individuals. Cultural capital encompasses various skills, including effective communication, knowledge of appropriate topics, and adherence to behavioral norms such as etiquette. High culture, including the ability to use correct dinner utensils or engage in polite and amusing conversation, serves as a means of distinguishing individuals raised within high culture from others. Additionally, cultural capital extends to proficiency in games and sports that are valued in certain social circles. Cultural capital in Canada and elsewhere encompasses the capacity to speak confidently and persuasively about the business world. This type of capital influences educational achievement, employment opportunities, and even the selection of marriage partners. Acquiring these skills typically involves diverse personal experiences, supportive and knowledgeable parents, dedicated teachers, and the availability of time and financial resources. Like other forms of capital, individuals in a population possess unequal shares of cultural capital, leading to certain people gaining advantages due to starting with more cultural capital than others. Middle-class parents often strive to offer their children experiences that build cultural capital, such as ballet lessons, private schooling, overseas trips, and instructional summer camps. In contrast, working-class parents often face challenges in providing these opportunities. Consequently, working-class children are less likely to experience social advancement compared to their middle-class counterparts. Cultural capital and social capital can be differentiated, with social capital having at least two sociological definitions. As a community characteristic, social capital pertains to the networks of relationships among individuals residing and working in that community. As an individual characteristic, social capital involves the quantity, diversity, and "quality" of network ties a person can utilize for information or support. It's common for individuals with abundant cultural capital to also possess significant social capital. For individuals in lower socioeconomic strata, acquiring cultural literacy is often more crucial than cultural capital. Unlike cultural capital, considered a luxury, cultural literacy is deemed a fundamental necessity. It involves a solid understanding of popular or mainstream culture, serving as the foundation for effective communication and learning. Cultural literacy implies possessing sufficient general knowledge about the world to communicate effectively within society. In the context of Canadian society, it might include knowledge about Shakespeare, the Raptors, Justin Trudeau, and video games, among other things. Historian E.D. Hirsch (1988) contends that schools should prioritize imparting students with a substantial body of cultural knowledge over emphasizing abstract thinking skills. Drawing an analogy with a chess grandmaster, Hirsch argues that the grandmaster excels at recognizing and responding to traditional game strategies, which is crucial for "playing chess." However, this specialized knowledge does not necessarily translate into proficiency in practical tasks like fixing a car or preparing a meal. Hirsch suggests that creativity and problem-solving abilities in real-world situations rely more on in-depth knowledge than on general problem-solving skills. According to E.D. Hirsch, before individuals can learn anything else, they must acquire a foundational body of information. This information, crucial for everyday life, is easy to identify, constituting a shared knowledge storehouse in North America. Hirsch asserts that this storehouse includes a few thousand names, dates, ideas, and expressions, many of which date back 50 years or more. Regardless of ethnic group, region, or social class, literate individuals use these cultural elements. Cultural literacy involves knowing expressions like "Achilles heel" from Greek mythology and contemporary references like Justin Bieber, Drake, and "google it." Without cultural literacy, individuals may miss the context in conversations. Cultural Values and Economic Behaviour Cultural values, stemming from popular culture, subcultures, countercultures, or high culture, exert a pervasive influence on people's behavior across various aspects of life. Notably, values from one domain, such as religion, can impact values in another domain, like the economy. Max Weber explored this interplay in his influential work, "The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism" (1905/1930). The "Protestant ethic," as defined by Max Weber, refers to a doctrine developed by Protestant reformers, particularly John Calvin and Martin Luther. This new way of thinking significantly influenced the thoughts and actions of people in Europe and later in what would become America. The transformation involved a reevaluation of attitudes toward money-lending and profit-making. In medieval Europe, adherents of the predominant Catholic religion considered making a profit from investments and loans as immoral. However, the emergence of the new Protestant religion, Calvinism, introduced different ideas about the morality of moneylending. As individuals converted from Catholicism to Calvinism, they adopted these new ethical principles and experienced economic prosperity. According to Max Weber, Calvinists believed that prosperity and profit-making were ways to discern God's plan. Embracing the idea of predestination, where individuals are destined for either heaven or hell, Calvinists sought signs that they were among the "elect"—those destined for heaven. Prosperity and profit-making were considered indications of their favorable standing with God and divine approval. This perspective encouraged Calvinists to prioritize sobriety, thrift, and hard work as means to understand God's will, shifting their focus from other-worldly concerns to matters in this world. Calvinism, by promoting sobriety, thrift, and hard work, facilitated economic ambition and strategic investments, according to Max Weber. This shift in religious beliefs, he argued, supported economic changes and the rise of capitalism. Weber's theory contrasts with Marx's assertion that structural economic changes precede cultural changes. In Weber's view, religious thought is independent of, and potentially a cause of, economic change. His work highlights the complexity of societies, where one kind of change can lead to unexpected changes in other areas. Importantly, it demonstrates that culture is not static and can contribute to, rather than hinder, social, economic, and political transformations. Lastly, Weber's work emphasizes that alterations in religious values have the potential to influence the course of world history. The Culture of Science The rise of science in seventeenth-century Europe was a significant factor in social and economic change, as acknowledged by Enlightenment thinkers. While scientific thinking existed in various regions earlier, including the Americas, Greece, India, Persia, Arabia, and China, the institutionalization of science as a sustained social practice began in Europe during the seventeenth century. Indigenous science and knowledge systems, culturally distinct from other forms of science, are now being increasingly understood. Robert Merton, like Max Weber, draws parallels between the emergence of science, Protestantism, and capitalism. He views science not only as a mode of thinking but also as a collection of social practices. Merton considers the rise of scientific thinking as the establishment of a new social institution, governed by social norms and cultural values. In this context, he introduces the guiding values of modern science, represented by the acronym CUDO: Communism (free sharing of knowledge), Universalism (assessment by unbiased standards), Disinterestedness (lack of personal investment in results), and Organized Skepticism (close critical review of findings). Merton's concept of the scientific culture doesn't assert complete objectivity or a sole claim to "the truth." Instead, it is viewed as a socially organized and culturally specific method of pursuing knowledge with defined rules. This approach, facilitated by technology, has yielded remarkable accomplishments such as modern medicines, but it has also resulted in catastrophic events, such as climate change and the threat of nuclear warfare. In contemporary times, the actual practice of science, particularly outside of academic settings, frequently deviates from the CUDO ideal, as noted by Ziman (2000). In nonacademic scientific research today, financial, political, or other social interests often influence research outcomes. Science conducted for profit lacks disinterestedness, unbiased perspectives, and universalistic principles. Moreover, it may not consistently share its findings with the broader scientific community. Instances exist where businesses employ scientists to publish research that challenges unbiased findings, such as questioning the link between smoking and cancer or downplaying the impact of casinos on gambling addiction. Some political or business interests claim that scientific results are not believable unless they claim total certainty—a claim that would violate the norm of organized skepticism. Some businesses and governments have used this strategy to undermine scientific findings about smoking, fluoridation, vaccination, gun violence, gambling, climate change, and even human evolution. Certain sociologists consider science as merely one type of claims-making in a broader context. The examination of scientific claims-making falls under the sociology of scientific knowledge (SSK), a subfield where researchers delve into the social and cultural aspects of scientific research. Scholars in this area, such as Shapin (1995) and Myra Hird in her book "Sociology of Science" (2011), explore the social and cultural dimensions inherent in scientific practices. This approach to science aligns with symbolic interactionism, emphasizing that science is a social construct shaped by human interaction. From this perspective, science is viewed as a subculture, challenging the notion of an objective "true" science that science claims to be. Instead, the concept of "good" science is defined by the practices recognized by the scientific institution. This viewpoint renders all scientific work culturally relative, making it subject to social criticism or skepticism. Scientific discoveries, ideas, and inventions undergo a gradual dissemination process in society, with a few pioneers initially adopting them and the majority following suit later. The adoption of new technologies or practices, such as the case of hybrid corn among Iowa farmers, requires critical assessment. This example illustrates how information flow contributes to the generation of new wealth. In the 1930s, scientists developed cold-resistant and drought-tolerant strains of corn through crossbreeding. Initially, a few daring farmers in specific regions tested and successfully adopted these new seeds, leading to an increasing number of farmers trying them. The adoption rate then escalated rapidly until many farmers were using these seeds after about a decade. The process of adoption eventually reached equilibrium, with latecomers gradually adopting the seeds over time. The groundbreaking study on corn innovation diffusion by Ryan and Gross in 1943 sparked a surge in research on the diffusion of innovation, resulting in thousands of studies covering diverse topics such as new crops, technologies, diseases, beliefs, and rumors. The diffusion model developed by Ryan and Gross became highly popular, leading researchers to believe that there was little left to learn about diffusion. Although research on the topic briefly halted, it resumed as new questions emerged, along with novel answers and types of diffusion. Of particular significance is the exploration of the diffusion of ideas through the internet and social media. Everett Roger's innovation adoption curve illustrates the common diffusion process, where certain individuals are ahead of the norm in adopting new ideas and practices, while others lag. The rapid advancement of technologies like smartphones, e-readers, and tablets poses challenges for seniors in keeping up with digital culture. While historical events like wars and revolutions are commonly acknowledged as shaping a culture, the role of scientific theories in forming and changing culture is often overlooked. Science, as mentioned earlier, is not completely objective and is influenced by culture. Acceptance of a scientific discovery is more likely when it aligns with the prevailing beliefs of the dominant culture. Charles Darwin's theory of evolution by natural selection had a profound impact on various areas of knowledge, including economics. While economic competition was common even before Darwin, his theory was later used to rationalize aggressive economic competition. This application led to significant social inequalities within Western societies during the latter half of the nineteenth century and beyond. Thinkers like Herbert Spencer saw free-market competition to achieve social progress by maximizing innovation and meritorious effort. Spencer argued that Darwin's concept of natural competition justified limitations on economic regulation, social assistance, and public health initiatives. He believed that the survival of the "unfit" was unnatural and detrimental to organized social life. THE DIGITAL DIVIDE 3.5 | Technological Acceptance Seniors generally show less enthusiasm for adopting new technology compared to younger consumers, but they constitute a sizable and expanding market that businesses can effectively serve with a nuanced understanding of seniors' needs and customized persuasion strategies. The researchers propose ten strategies to enhance technology acceptance among seniors. Technology acceptance refers to an individual's intention to use technology and their commitment to continue usage. Factors influencing acceptance include voluntariness of use, prior technology experience, and purchasing power. Some suggestions to improve technology acceptance include making technology useful and user-friendly, ensuring seniors are aware of its existence and benefits, avoiding stigmatization of limited technical skills, providing human support, assuring privacy and data security, offering training and support, and marketing technology to family and caregivers to encourage adoption. Some interpreters of Darwin's theory, aside from capitalists viewing it as an economic struggle, perceived it as implying a racial battle. Darwinists envisioned human evolution leading to the triumph of the "most superior race," often identified as a white European subgroup. This biological racism was closely linked to the pseudoscience of eugenics, originally focused on improving livestock through controlled breeding. When applied to humans, eugenics aimed to enhance humanity by altering genetic features. The belief in eugenics extended to Canada, where, for instance, Alberta legalized compulsory sterilization of "unfit" individuals in 1928 (repealed in 1972), and British Columbia followed suit in 1933 (repealed in 1973). This example illustrates a profound connection between science, culture, and morality, highlighting that science and technology can serve both positive and negative social purposes. It underscores that science is not entirely objective, independent from cultural bias, or morally neutral. Present-day technology, facilitating widespread communication and rapid transport, increases the likelihood of forming a global, secular culture. However, whether the creation of a shared global cultural literacy is advantageous or detrimental remains an open question, with no definitive answer currently. List of Key Terms androcentric or sexist expression-Any use of words that implies male dominance or exclusivity (and inferiority or invisibility of other genders), such as postman, mankind, or Rights of Man. Corporate cultures-The values, norms, and patterns of action that characterize social relationships within a formal organization; also, the way an organization deals with its environment. It includes norms and values that are culturally specific to the organization. Counterculture-A subculture that rejects conventional norms and values and adopts alternative ones. Cultural capital-A body of knowledge and social skills that help people get ahead socially. Cultural capital often includes learning about and taking part in high culture. Cultural literacy-Enough general knowledge of a society’s popular culture that allows one to communicate effectively with an adult member of that society. cultural relativism-The principle that we should judge a culture and its beliefs and values by that culture itself, not another culture. dominant ideology-A set of thoughts and beliefs that justifies and perpetuates the ruling class in each society. Ethnocentrism-The tendency to use one’s own culture as a basis for evaluating other cultures; also, the view that one’s culture is superior to other cultures. high culture-High-income group preferences, tastes, and norms. Examples include fine arts, classical music, ballet, and other “highbrow” concerns. Ideology-A set of ideas and beliefs that provides the basis for political or economic action. Material culture- The physical and technological aspects of people’s lives—in short, all the physical objects that members of a culture create and use. popular culture-The culture of “ordinary” (or the majority of) people; the objects, preferences, and tastes that are widespread in society. Signs-A gesture, artifact, or word that represents something other than itself. social capital-Resources (both economic and noneconomic) that one gains from being part of a network of social relationships. subculture-A group that shares the cultural elements of the larger society but also has its own distinctive values, beliefs, norms, style of dress, and behaviour patterns. symbols-A sign whose relationship with something else also expresses a value or evokes an emotion. White privilege-The advantages and immunities that are unequally and unfairly experienced by people whom society views and treats as “white,” compared with what people racialized as “nonwhite” experience under similar circumstances.

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