Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood PDF

Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood Learning Objectives LO 9.1 Describe ways in which children grow LO 9.6 Explain how children develop cognitively du...

Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood Learning Objectives LO 9.1 Describe ways in which children grow LO 9.6 Explain how children develop cognitively during middle childhood and factors in middle childhood according that influence their growth. to information processing approaches. LO 9.2 Outline the course of motor development LO 9.7 Summarize Vygotsky’s interpretation in middle childhood. of cognitive development during middle childhood. LO 9.3 Summarize the main physical and mental health concerns of school-age children. LO 9.8 Describe how language develops during middle childhood. LO 9.4 Describe the sorts of special needs that may become apparent in school-age LO 9.9 Explain how children learn to read. children and how can they be met. LO 9.10 Summarize what schools teach beyond LO 9.5 Summarize the Piagetian view of cognitive the basics in middle childhood. development in middle childhood. 300  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 301 LO 9.11 Describe how intelligence is measured LO 9.12 Describe how children with intellectual and what controversies arise from disabilities and children who are measuring it. intellectually gifted are educated in middle childhood. Chapter Overview Physical Development Vygotsky’s Approach to Cognitive Development The Growing Body and Classroom Instruction Motor Development Language Development: What Words Mean Physical and Mental Health during Middle Childhood Schooling: The Three Rs (and More) of Middle Childhood Children with Special Needs Reading: Learning to Decode the Meaning behind Words Intellectual Development Educational Trends: Beyond the Three Rs Piagetian Approaches to Cognitive Development Intelligence: Determining Individual Strengths Information Processing in Middle Childhood Below and Above Intelligence Norms: Intellectual Disabilities and the Intellectually Gifted Prologue: A Heads-Up Play It was nine-year-old Jan Vega’s first Little League baseball game. With strong encouragement from her parents, she had tried out for the local team—one of only two girls to do so—and now she was a Yankee. Jan was assigned to second base. She kept her eyes on the ball and her glove ready at all times, but play after play, the ball went to the shortstop, who threw it to first base for the out. Though disappointed, Jan remained alert. “Baseball is more than batting and catching,” her coach always said. “To play well, you have to use your head.” Now it was the last inning. The Yankees had a one-run lead, but the Orioles had the final at- bats and their best batter was standing at the plate, with only one out and a runner on first base. The game was on the line. Later, Jan would say that she saw the ball coming straight toward the plate as the batter swung. That she knew it would meet the bat squarely and head right up the middle. That the shortstop was in no position to field it. That it was her ball. As the ball hit the bat she ran to her right, stretched to snare the bouncing ball, tagged second base to get the runner out, and slung the ball to first to complete the double play. Game over. ­Jan Vega had helped her team to victory. Looking Ahead Jan Vega had come a long way since preschool. Then, she would have found it impossible to plot a course to intercept a small, moving object, time a lunge to make a catch with precision, and twist herself around to toss a ball accurately in the opposite ­direction. Middle childhood is characterized by milestones like this one as children’s physical, cognitive, and social skills ascend to new heights. ­Beginning at age six and continuing to the start of ado- lescence at around age 12, the period of middle childhood is often referred to as the “school years” because it marks the beginning of formal education for most ­children. Sometimes the physical and cognitive growth that occurs during middle childhood is gradual; other times it is sudden; but always it is remarkable. We begin our consideration of middle childhood by examin- During middle childhood, children’s physical, cognitive, and social ing physical and motor development. We discuss how children’s skills ascend to new heights. 302 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years bodies change and the problems of ­malnutrition and—the other side of the coin—child- hood obesity. We also consider the development of children with special needs. Next, we turn to the development of children’s cognitive abilities in middle childhood. We examine several approaches put forward to ­describe and explain cog- nitive development, including Piagetian and information processing theories and the important ideas of Vygotsky. We look at language development and the ques- tions surrounding bilingualism—an i­ ncreasingly pressing social policy issue in the United States. Finally, we consider several issues involving schooling. After discussing the scope of education throughout the world, we examine the critical skill of reading and the nature of multicultural education. The chapter ends with a discussion of intelli- gence, a characteristic closely tied to school success. We look at the nature of IQ tests and at the education of children who are either significantly below or above the intel- lectual norm. Physical Development Cinderella, dressed in yella, went upstairs to kiss her fellah. But she made a mistake and she kissed a snake. How many doctors did it take? One, two, … While the other girls chanted the classic jump-rope rhyme, Kat proudly displayed her newly developed ability to jump backwards. In second grade, Kat was starting to get quite good at jumping rope. In first grade, she simply had not been able to master it. But over the summer, she had spent many hours practicing, and now that practice seemed to be paying off. As Kat is gleefully experiencing, middle childhood is a time when children make great physical strides, mastering all kinds of new skills as they grow bigger and stronger. How does this progress occur? We’ll first consider typical physical growth during middle childhood and then turn our attention to a look at children with special needs. The Growing Body LO 9.1 Describe ways in which children grow during middle childhood and factors that influence their growth. Slow but steady. If three words could characterize the nature of growth during middle childhood, it would be these. Especially when compared to the swift growth during the first five years of life and the remarkable growth spurt characteristic of adolescence, mid- dle childhood is relatively tranquil. On the other hand, the body has not shifted into neutral. Physical growth continues, although at a more stately pace than it did during the preschool years. HEIGHT AND WEIGHT CHANGES. While they are in elementary school, children in the United States grow, on average, 2 to 3 inches a year. By the age of 11, the ­average height for girls is 4 feet, 10 inches and the av- erage height for boys is slightly shorter at 4 feet, 9 1/2 inches. This is the only time during the life span when girls are, on average, taller than boys. This height difference reflects the slightly more rapid ­p hysical Variations of 6 inches in height between children of the same age are not ­development of girls, who start their adolescent growth unusual and well within normal ranges. spurt around the age of 10.  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 303 Weight gain follows a similar pattern. During middle childhood, both boys and girls gain around 5 to 7 pounds a year. Weight is also redistributed. As the rounded look of “baby fat” disappears, children’s bodies become more mus- cular and their strength ­increases. These average height and weight increases disguise significant individual differences, as anyone who has seen a line of fourth graders walking down a school corridor has doubtless noticed. It is not unusual to see children of the same age who are 6 or 7 inches apart in height. CULTURAL PATTERNS OF GROWTH. Most children in North America receive sufficient nutrients to grow to their full potential. In other parts of the world, however, Inadequate nutrition and disease affect growth significantly. Children in inadequate nutrition and disease take their toll, produc- poorer areas of cities such as Calcutta, Hong Kong, and Rio de Janeiro are ing children who are shorter and who weigh less than smaller than their counterparts in affluent areas of the same cities. they would if they had sufficient nutrients. The discrep- ancies can be dramatic: ­Children in poorer areas of cities, such as Calcutta, Hong Kong, and Rio de Janeiro, are smaller than their counterparts in affluent areas of the same cities. In the United States, most variations in height and weight are the result of ­d ifferent people’s unique genetic inheritance, including genetic factors relating to racial and ­ethnic background. For instance, children from Asian and Oceanic Pacific backgrounds tend to be shorter, on average, than those with northern and central European ­h eritages. In addition, the rate of growth during childhood is generally more rapid for blacks than for whites (Deurenberg, ­Deurenberg-Yap, Guricci, 2002; ­Deurenberg et al., 2003). Of course, even within particular racial and ethnic groups, there is significant varia- tion between individuals. Moreover, we cannot attribute racial and ethnic ­differences solely to genetic factors because dietary customs as well as possible variations in levels of affluence also may contribute to the differences. In addition, severe stress—brought on by factors such as parental conflict or alcoholism—can affect the functioning of the ­pituitary gland, thereby affecting growth (Koska et al., 2002). PROMOTING GROWTH WITH HORMONES: SHOULD SHORT CHILDREN BE MADE TO GROW? Being tall is considered an advantage in most of U.S. society. Because of this cultural preference, parents sometimes worry about their children’s growth if their chil- dren are short. To the manufacturers of Protropin, an artificial human growth hormone that can make short children taller, there’s a simple solution: Administer the drug to make the children grow taller than they naturally would (Sandberg & Voss, 2002; Lagrou et al., 2008; Pinquart, 2013). Should children be given such drugs? The question is a relatively new one: Artifi- cial hormones to promote growth have become available only in the last two decades. ­Although tens of thousands of children who have insufficient natural growth hormone are taking such drugs, some observers question whether shortness is a serious enough problem to warrant the use of the drug. Certainly, one can function well in s­ ociety without being tall. Furthermore, the drug is costly and has potentially dangerous side effects. In some cases, the drug may lead to the premature onset of puberty, which may—­ironically—restrict later growth. From a health-care provider’s perspective Under what circumstances would you recommend the use of a growth hormone such as Protropin? Is shortness primarily a physical or a cultural problem?  304 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years On the other hand, there is no denying that artificial growth hormones are ef- Figure 9-1 Nutritional Benefits fective in increasing children’s height, in some cases adding well over a foot in Children who received higher levels of nutrients height to extremely short children, placing them within normal height ranges. had more energy and felt more self-confident than those whose nutritional intake was lower. Ultimately, until long-term studies of the safety of such treatments are com- What policy implications does this finding pleted, parents and medical personnel must carefully weigh the pros and cons suggest? before a­ dministering the drug to their children (Ogilvy-Stuart & Gleeson, 2004; (Source: Based on Barrett & Radke-Yarrow, 1985.) Webb et al., 2012; Poidvin et al., 2014). NUTRITION. As we discussed earlier, there is a rather obvious relationship Self-confidence Girls between size and nutrition. But size isn’t the only area affected by children’s levels of nutrition. For instance, longitudinal studies over many years in Gua- Boys temalan villages show that children’s nutritional backgrounds are related to several dimensions of social and emotional functioning at school age. Children Energy Level Girls who had received more nutrients were more involved with their peers, showed more positive emotion, and had less anxiety than their peers who had received Boys less adequate nutrition. Better nutrition also made children more eager to ex- plore new environments, more persistent in frustrating situations, and more 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 alert at some types of activities, and these children displayed generally higher Ratings energy levels and more self-confidence (Barrett & Frank, 1987; Nyaradi et al., 2013; see Figure 9-1). Low Nutrient High Nutrient Level Level Nutrition is also linked to cognitive performance. For instance, in one study, children in Kenya who were well nourished performed better on a test of verbal abilities and on other cognitive measures than those who had mild to moderate undernu- trition. Other research suggests that malnutrition may influence cognitive development by dampening children’s curiosity, responsiveness, and motivation to learn (Wachs, 2002; Grigorenko, 2003; Jackson, 2015). CHILDHOOD OBESITY. In spite of a widely held view that thinness is a virtue, at least in the United States, increasing numbers of children are becoming obese. Obesity is defined as body weight that is more than 20 percent above the average for a person of a given age and height. By this definition, 15 percent of U.S. children are obese—a proportion that has tripled since the 1960s (see Figure 9-2; Brownlee, 2002; Dietz, 2004; Mann, 2005). The costs of childhood obesity last a lifetime. Children who are obese are more likely to be overweight as adults and Figure 9-2 Obesity in Children have a greater risk of heart disease, type 2 diabetes, c­ ancer, Obesity in children from ages 6 to 12 has risen dramatically and other diseases. Some scientists believe that an epidemic of over the past three decades. obesity may be leading to a decline in life span in the United (Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, retrieved from World Wide Web, States (Park, 2008; Mehlenbeck, Farmer, & Ward, 2014). 2009.) Obesity is caused by a combination of genetic and social 20 characteristics as well as diet. Particular inherited genes are 18 related to obesity and predispose certain children to be over- 16 weight. For example, adopted children tend to have weights that are more similar to those of their birth parents than to those 14 of their adoptive parents (Bray, 2008; Skledar et al., 2012; Maggi 12 et al., 2015). Percent 10 Social factors also enter into children’s weight prob- 8 lems. Children need to learn to control their eating them- 6 selves. P ­ arents who are particularly controlling and directive ­regarding their children’s eating may produce children who 4 lack ­internal controls to regulate their own food intake (John- 2 son & Birch, 1994; Faith, Johnson, & ­A llison, 1997; Wardle, 0 ­Guthrie, & Sanderson, 2001). 1976–1980 1988–1994 1999–2002 2003–2006 Poor diets also contribute to obesity. D­ espite their knowl- Age: 2 to 5 6 to 11 12 to 19 edge that certain foods are necessary for a balanced, ­nutritious  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 305 diet, many parents provide their children with Figure 9-3 Balanced Diet? too few fruits and vegetables and more fats and Recent studies have found that the diet of children is almost the opposite of that sweets than recommended (see Figure 9-3). recommended by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, a situation that can lead School lunch programs have sometimes con- to an increase in obesity. The typical 10-year-old is 10 pounds heavier than a tributed to the problem by failing to pro- decade ago. (Source: USDA, 1999; NPD Group, 2004.) vide nutritious options (Johnston, Delva, & O’Malley, 2007; Story, Nanney, & Schwartz, 2009). Given how energetic children in middle childhood can be, it is surprising that a ma- jor factor in childhood obesity is a lack of exercise. School-age children, by and large, tend to engage in relatively little exercise and are not particularly fit. For instance, around 40 percent of boys age 6 to 12 are unable to do more than one pull-up, and a quarter can’t do any. Furthermore, children have shown little or no improvement in the amount of exercise they get, despite national efforts to increase the level of fitness of school-age children, in part because many schools have reduced the time available for recess and gym classes. From the ages of 6 to 18, boys decrease their physical activity by 24 percent and girls by 36 percent (Moore, Gao, & Bradlee, 2003; Sallis & Glanz, 2006; Weiss & Raz, 2006). Why, when our visions of childhood in- clude children running happily on school playgrounds, playing sports, and chasing one another in games of tag, is the actual level of exercise relatively low? One answer is that many kids are inside their homes, watching television and com- puter screens. Such sedentary activities not only keep chil- WATCH THIS VIDEO ON MYPSYCHLAB THE PROBLEM OF CHILDHOOD OBESITY dren from exercising but often also encourages them to snack while viewing TV or surfing the Web (Pardee et al., 2007; Landhuis et al., 2008; Goldfield, 2012; Cale & Harris, 2013; also see the Are You an Informed Consumer of Develop- ment? feature). Motor Development LO 9.2 Outline the course of motor development in middle childhood. The fact that the fitness level of school-age children is not as high as we would desire does not mean that such children are physically incapable. In fact, even without regular exercise, children’s gross and fine motor skills develop substantially over the course of the school years. GROSS MOTOR SKILLS. One important improvement in gross motor skills is in the realm of muscle coordination. When watching a softball player pitch a ball past a batter to her catcher, a runner reach the finish line in a race, or Kat, the jump-roper described earlier in the chapter, we are struck by the huge strides that these children have made since the more awkward days of preschool. 306 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years Are You an Informed Consumer of Development? Keeping Children Fit Here is a brief portrait of a contemporary American: Sam Encourage the child to find a partner. It could be a friend, works all week at a desk and gets no regular physical a sibling, or a parent. Exercising can involve a variety of exercise. On weekends he spends many hours sitting in activities, such as snowboarding or hiking, but almost all front of the TV, often snacking on sodas and sweets. Both at activities are carried out more readily if someone else is doing them too. home and at restaurants, his meals feature high-calorie, fat- Start slowly. Sedentary children—those who aren’t used saturated foods. (Segal & Segal, 1992, p. 235) to regular physical activity—should start off gradually. For Although this sketch could apply to many adult men and instance, they could start with 5 minutes of exercise a women, Sam is actually a six-year-old. He is one of many day, seven days a week. Over 10 weeks, they could move school-age children in the United States who get little or no toward a goal of 30 minutes of exercise three to five days regular exercise and who consequently are physically unfit and a week. at risk for obesity and other health problems. Urge participation in organized sports activities, but do not Several things can be done to encourage children to push too hard. Not every child is athletically inclined, and become more physically active (Tyre & Scelfo, 2003; Okie, 2005): pushing too hard for involvement in organized sports may backfire. Make participation and enjoyment the goals of Make exercise fun. In order for children to build the habit of such activities, not winning. exercising, they need to find it enjoyable. Activities that keep Don’t make physical activity, such as jumping jacks or children on the sidelines or that are overly competitive may push-ups, a punishment for unwanted behavior. Instead, give children with inferior skills a lifelong distaste for exercise. schools and parents should encourage children to Be an exercise role model. Children who see that exercise participate in organized programs that seek to involve is a regular part of the lives of their parents, teachers, or children in ways that are enjoyable. adult friends may come to think of fitness as a regular part Provide a healthy diet. Children who eat a healthy diet of their lives, too. will have more energy to engage in physical activity Gear activities to the child’s physical level and motor skills. than those who have a diet heavy in soda and snack For instance, use child-size equipment that can make foods. participants feel successful. During middle childhood, children master many types of skills that earlier they could not perform well. For instance, most school-age children can readily learn to ride a bike, ice skate, swim, and skip rope (Cratty, 1986; see Figure 9-4). Do boys and girls differ in their motor skills? Years ago developmentalists ­concluded that ­gender differences in gross motor skills became increasingly pronounced d ­ uring these years, with boys outperforming girls (Espenschade, 1960). However, when ­comparisons are made between boys and girls who regu- larly take part in similar ­a ctivities—such as softball— gender variations in gross motor skills are minimal (Hall & Lee, 1984; Jurimae & Saar, 2003). Why the change? Expectations probably played a role. Society did not expect girls to be highly physically ac- tive and told girls that they would do worse than boys in sports, and the girls’ performance reflected that ­message. Today, however, society’s message has changed, at least officially. For instance, the American Academy of Pediatrics suggests that boys and girls should engage in the same sports and games, and that they can do so together in mixed-gender groups. There is no reason to separate the sexes in physical exercise and sports until puberty, when the smaller size of fe- During middle childhood, children master many types of skills that ear- males begins to make them more susceptible to injury in con- lier they could not perform well, such as those that depend on fine motor tact sports (Vilhjalmsson & Kristjansdottir, 2003; American coordination. Academy of Pediatrics, 2004; Kanters et al., 2013).  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 307 Figure 9-4 Gross Motor Skills Gross motor skills developed by children between the ages of 6 and 12 years. (Source: Adapted from Cratty, 1979, p. 222.) 6 Years 7 Years 8 Years 9 Years 10 Years 11 Years 12 Years Girls superior in Can balance on Can grip objects Girls can jump Can judge and Boys can achieve Can achieve high accuracy of one foot with eyes with 12 pounds of vertically 8.5 intercept directions standing broad jump of 3 feet. movement; boys closed. pressure. inches over their of small balls jump of 5 feet; superior in more standing height thrown from a girls can achieve forceful, less Can walk on a Can engage in plus reach; boys distance. standing broad complex acts. 2-inch-wide alternate can jump vertically jump of 4.5 feet. balance beam rhythmical 10 inches. Both girls and boys Can throw with without falling off. hopping in a 2-2, can run 17 feet per the proper weight 2-3, or 3-3 pattern. Boys can run 16.6 second. shift and step. Can hop and jump feet per second; accurately into Girls can throw a girls can run 16 Acquire the ability small squares small ball 33 feet; feet per second. to skip. (hopscotch). boys can throw a small ball 59 feet. Can correctly execute a The number of jumping-jack games exercise. participated in by both sexes is the greatest at this age. FINE MOTOR SKILLS. Typing at a computer keyboard. Writing in cursive with pen and pencil. Drawing detailed pictures. These are just some of the accomplishments that ­depend on improvements in fine motor coordination that ­occur during early and middle childhood. Six- and seven-year-olds are able to tie their shoes and fasten buttons; by age 8, they can use each hand independently; and by 11 and 12, they can manipulate objects with almost as much capability as they will show in adulthood. One reason for advances in fine motor skills is that the amount of myelin in the brain increases significantly between the ages of six and eight (Lecours, 1982). Myelin provides protective insulation that surrounds parts of nerve cells. Because increased levels of ­myelin raise the speed at which electrical impulses travel between neurons, messages can reach muscles more rapidly and control them better. Physical and Mental Health during Middle Childhood LO 9.3 Summarize the main physical and mental health concerns of school-age children. Imani was miserable. Her nose was running, her lips were chapped, and her throat was sore. Although she had been able to stay home from school and spend the day watching TV, she still felt that she was suffering mightily. Despite her misery, Imani’s situation is not so bad. She’ll get over the cold in a few days and be no worse for having experienced it. In fact, she may be a little better off, for she is now immune to the specific cold germs that made her ill in the first place. Imani’s cold may end up being the most serious illness that she gets during middle childhood. For most children, this is a period of robust health, and most of the ailments they do contract tend to be mild and brief. Routine immunizations during childhood have produced a considerably lower incidence of the life-threatening illnesses that 50 years ago claimed the lives of a significant number of children.  308 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years Illness is not uncommon, however. For instance, more than 90 percent of children are likely to have at least one serious medical condition over the six-year period of middle child- hood, according to the results of one large survey. And although most children have short- term illnesses, about one in nine has a chronic, persistent condition, such as ­repeated migraine headaches. And some illnesses are actually becoming more prevalent (Dey & Bloom, 2005). ASTHMA. Asthma is among the diseases that have shown a significant increase in asthma prevalence over the last several decades. Asthma is a chronic condition characterized a chronic condition characterized by p­ eriodic attacks of wheezing, coughing, and shortness of breath. More than 7 million by periodic attacks of wheezing, U.S. children suffer from the disorder, and worldwide the number is more than 150 mil- coughing, and shortness of breath lion. Racial and ethnic minorities are particularly at risk for the disease (Celano, Holsey, & ­Kobrynski, 2012; Bowen, 2013; Konis-Mitchell et al., 2014). Asthma occurs when the airways leading to the lungs constrict, partially block- ing the passage of oxygen. Because the airways are obstructed, more effort is needed to push air through them, making breathing more difficult. As air is forced through the obstructed airways, it makes the whistling sound called wheezing. Asthma attacks are triggered by a variety of factors. Among the most common are respiratory infections (such as colds or flu), allergic reactions to airborne i­rritants (such as pollution, cigarette smoke, dust mites, and animal dander and excretions), stress, and exercise. Sometimes even a sudden change in air temperature or humidity is enough to bring on an attack (Noonan & Ward, 2007; Marin et al., 2009; Ross et al., 2012). One of the most puzzling questions about asthma is why more and more children are suf- fering from it. Some researchers suggest that increasing air pollution has led to the rise; others believe that cases of asthma that might have been missed in the past are being identified more accurately. Still others have suggested that exposure to “asthma triggers,” such as dust, may be increasing because new buildings are more weatherproof—and therefore less drafty—than old ones, and consequently the flow of air within them is more restricted. Although asthma and other illnesses are threats to children’s well-being during mid- dle childhood, the greater potential risk comes from the possibility of injury. During this period, children are more likely to suffer a life-threatening injury from an accident than a severe illness, as we discuss next (Woolf & ­Lesperance, 2003). Figure 9-5 Injury Death Rates by Age During middle childhood, the most frequent causes of accidental death are ACCIDENTS. The increasing independence transportation-related. Why do you think transportation-related deaths soar just and mobility of school-age children lead to new after middle childhood? safety issues. Between the ages of 5 and 14, the (Source: Borse et al., 2008.) rate of injury for children increases. Boys are 30 more apt to be injured than girls, probably be- Fires or Burns cause their overall level of physical activity is Drowning greater. Some ethnic and racial groups are at 25 Transportation-related greater risk than others: Injury death rates are Death Rate per 100,000 Population Poisoning highest for American Indian and Alaska Na- Suffocation 20 tives, and lowest for Asian and Pacific Islanders. Whites and African Americans have approxi- mately the same death rates from injuries (see 15 Figure 9-5; Noonan, 2003a; Borse et al., 2008). The increased mobility of school-age chil- 10 dren is a source of several kinds of ­accidents. For instance, children who regularly walk to school on their own, many traveling such a dis- 5 tance alone for the first time in their lives, face the risk of being hit by cars and trucks. Because 0 of their lack of experience, they may misjudge Less Than 1 1 to 4 5 to 9 10 to 14 15 to 19 distances when calculating just how far they Age Group in Years are from an oncoming vehicle. Furthermore,  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 309 ­ icycle accidents pose an increasing risk, particularly as children more frequently ven- b ture out onto busy roads (Schnitzer, 2006). The most frequent sources of injury to children are automobile accidents and other transportation injuries. Auto crashes annually kill 4 out of every 100,000 children be- tween the ages five and nine. Fires and burns, drowning, and gun-related deaths follow in frequency (Field & Behrman, 2002; Schiller & Bernadel, 2004). Two ways to reduce auto and bicycle injuries are to use seat belts consistently inside the car and to wear appropriate protective gear outside. Bicycle helmets have signifi- cantly reduced head ­injuries, and in many localities their use is mandatory. Similar pro- tection is available for other activities; for example, knee and e­ lbow pads have proven to be important sources of injury ­reduction for roller-blading and skateboarding (Blake et al., 2008; Lachapelle, Noland, & Von Hagen, 2013). PSYCHOLOGICAL DISORDERS Ben Cramer, eight, loves baseball and mystery stories. He has a dog, Frankie, and a blue racing bike. Ben also has bipolar disorder, a serious psychological disorder. Engaged in his schoolwork 1 minute, he’ll refuse to even look at his teacher the next. Often a good friend, he’ll suddenly lash out at the other children in the class. Sometimes, he believes he can do anything: touch fire and not get burned or jump off the roof and fly. Other times, he feels so sad and small, he writes poems about dying. Bipolar disorder such as Ben’s is diagnosed when a person cycles back and forth between two emotional states: unrealistically high spirits and energy at one extreme, and depression on the other. For years most people neglected the symptoms of such psychological disor- ders in children, and even today parents and teachers may overlook their presence. Yet it is a common problem: One in five children and adolescents has a psychological disorder that produces at least some impairment. For example, about 5 percent of preteens suffer from childhood depressive disorder, and 13 percent of children between 9 and 17 experience an anxiety disorder. The estimated cost of treatment of children’s psychological disorders is $250 billion (Cicchetti & Cohen, 2006; Kluger, 2010; Holly et al., 2015). In part, the neglect of children’s psychological disorders occurs because children’s symptoms are not entirely consistent with the ways adults ex- press similar disorders. Even when childhood psychological disorders are diagnosed, the correct treatment is not always apparent. For example, the use of antidepressant drugs has become a popular treatment for a variety of childhood psychological disorders, including depression and anxiety. More than 10 million prescriptions are written annually for children under the age of 18. Surprisingly, though, antidepressant drugs have never been approved by ­governmental regulators for use with children. Still, because the drugs have received approval for adult use, it is perfectly legal for physicians to write prescriptions for children (Goode, 2004). Advocates for the increased use of antidepressants, such as Prozac, Zoloft, Paxil, and Wellbutrin, for children suggest that depression and other psychological disorders can be treated quite successfully using drug thera- pies. In many cases, more traditional nondrug therapies that largely employ traditional psychotherapy simply are ineffective. In such cases, drugs can provide the only form of relief. Furthermore, at least one clinical test has shown that the drugs are effective with children (Barton, 2007; Lovrin, 2009; Hirschtritt et al., 2012). Critics, however, contend that there is little evidence for the long- term effectiveness of antidepressants in children. Even worse, no one knows the consequences of the use of antidepressants on the children’s developing brains nor the long-term consequences more generally. Little Psychological disorders, such as ­bipolar disorder is known about the correct dosages for children of given ages or sizes. and depression, can impair children’s thinking and Furthermore, some observers suggest that the use of special c­ hildren’s behavior. 310 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years versions of the drugs, in orange- or mint-flavored syrups, might lead to overdoses or perhaps eventually encourage the use of illegal drugs (Cheung, Emslie, & Mayes, 2006; Rothenberger & Rothenberger, 2013; Seedat, 2014). Finally, there is some evidence linking the use of antidepressant medication with an increased risk of suicide. Although the link has not been firmly established, the U.S. ­Federal Drug Administration issued a warning about the use of a class of antidepressants known as SSRIs in 2004. Some experts have urged that the use of these antidepressants in children and adolescents be banned completely (Bostwick, 2006; Sammons, 2009). Although the use of antidepressant drugs to treat children is controversial, it is clear that childhood depression and other psychological disorders remain a significant prob- lem for many children. Childhood psychological disorders must not be ignored. Not only are the disorders disruptive during childhood, but those who suffer from psychological problems as children are at risk for future disorders during adulthood (Bostwick, 2006; Gören, 2008; Sapyla & March, 2012). As we’ll see next, adults also need to pay attention to other, ongoing special needs that affect many school-age children. Children with Special Needs LO 9.4 Describe the sorts of special needs that may become apparent in school-age children and how can they be met. Karen Avery was a happy-go-lucky child. Until she got to first grade. A reading assess- ment put Karen in the lowest reading group. Despite lots of one-on-one time with her teacher, Karen’s reading did not improve. She couldn’t recognize words she’d seen the day before or the day before that. Her retention problems soon became apparent across the curriculum. Karen’s parents agreed to let the school give her some diagnostic tests. The r­ esults suggested Karen’s brain had problems transferring information from her short-term (working) memory to her long-term memory. She was labeled with a learning ­disability. By law, she could now get the help she really needed. Karen Avery joined millions of other children who are classified as having a specific learn- ing disorder, one of several types of special needs that children can have. Although every child has different specific capabilities, children with special needs differ significantly from typical children in terms of physical attributes or learning abilities. Furthermore, their needs present major challenges for both care providers and teachers. We turn now to the most prevalent exceptionalities that affect children of normal intelligence: sensory difficulties, learning disabilities, and attention-deficit disorders. We will consider the special needs of children who are significantly below and above aver- age in intelligence later in the chapter. SENSORY DIFFICULTIES: VISUAL, AUDITORY, AND SPEECH PROBLEMS. Anyone who has temporarily lost his or her eyeglasses or a contact lens has had a glimpse of how difficult even rudimentary, everyday tasks must be for those with sensory impairments. To function with less than typical vision, hearing, or speech can be a tremendous challenge. visual impairment Visual impairment can be considered in both a legal and an educational sense. The a difficulty in seeing that may definition of legal impairment is quite straightforward: Blindness is visual acuity of less ­include blindness or partial than 20/200 after correction (meaning the inability to see even at 20 feet what a typical ­sightedness person can see at 200 feet), whereas partial sightedness is visual acuity of less than 20/70 after correction. Even if individuals are not so severely impaired as to be ­legally blind, his or her vi- sual problems may still seriously affect schoolwork. For one thing, the legal criterion per- tains solely to distance vision, while most educational tasks require close-up vision. In addition, the legal definition does not consider abilities in the perception of color, depth, and light—all of which might influence a student’s educational success. About one stu- dent in a thousand requires special education services relating to a visual impairment.  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 311 Most severe visual problems are identified fairly early, but it some- times happens that an impairment goes undetected. Visual problems can also emerge gradually as children develop physiologically and changes occur in the visual apparatus of the eye. Parents and teachers need to be aware of the signals of visual problems in children. Frequent eye irritation (redness, sties, or infection), continual blinking and facial contortions when reading, holding reading material unusually close to the face, difficulty in writing, and frequent headaches, dizziness, or burning eyes are some of the signs of visual problems. Auditory impairments can also cause academic problems, and they can produce social difficulties as well, since considerable peer interac- tion takes place through informal conversation. Hearing loss, which af- fects some 1 to 2 percent of the school-age population, is not simply a Auditory impairments can produce both academic and matter of not hearing enough. Rather, auditory problems can vary along social difficulties, and they may lead to speech difficulties. a number of ­dimensions (Yoshinaga-Itano, 2003; Smith, Bale, & White, 2005). In some cases of hearing loss, the child’s hearing is impaired at only a limited auditory impairment range of frequencies, or pitches. For example, the loss may be great at pitches in the a special need that involves the normal speech range yet quite minor in other frequencies, such as those of very high loss of hearing or some aspect of or low sounds. A child with this kind of loss may require different levels of amplifica- hearing tion at different frequencies; a hearing aid that indiscriminately amplifies all frequencies equally may be ineffective because it will amplify the sounds the person can hear to an ­uncomfortable degree. How a child adapts to this impairment depends on the age at which the hearing loss begins. If the loss of hearing occurs in infancy, the effects will probably be much more severe than if it occurs after the age of three. Children who have had little or no exposure to the sound of language are unable to understand or produce oral language themselves. On the other hand, loss of hearing after a child has learned language will not have seri- ous consequences on subsequent linguistic development. Severe and early loss of hearing is also associated with difficulties in abstract think- ing. Because children with hearing impairment may have limited exposure to language, they may have more trouble mastering abstract concepts that can be understood fully only through the use of language than concrete concepts that can be illustrated visually. For example, it is difficult to explain the concept of “freedom” or “soul” without use of language (Marschark, Spencer, & Newsom, 2003; Meinzen-Derr et al., 2014). Auditory difficulties are sometimes accompanied by speech impairments, one of the most public types of exceptionality: Every time the child speaks aloud, the impair- speech impairment ment is obvious to listeners. The definition of speech impairment suggests that speech speech that deviates so much from is impaired when it deviates so much from the speech of others that it calls attention to the speech of others that it calls itself, interferes with communication, or produces maladjustment in the speaker. In other attention to itself, interferes with words, if a child’s speech sounds impaired, it probably is. Speech impairments are pres- communication, or produces mal- ent in around 3 to 5 percent of the school-age population (Bishop & Leonard, 2001). adjustment in the speaker Childhood-onset fluency disorder, or stuttering, involves a substantial disruption in childhood-onset fluency disorder the rhythm and fluency of speech and is the most common speech impairment. ­Despite (stuttering) a great deal of research, no specific cause has been identified. Occasional s­ tuttering is not substantial disruption in the unusual in young children—and occasionally occurs in ­normal adults—but chronic stut- rhythm and fluency of speech; the tering can be a severe problem. Not only does stuttering hinder communication, but it can most common speech impairment produce ­embarrassment and stress in children, who may become inhibited from convers- ing with others and speaking aloud in class (Altholz & Golensky, 2004; S ­ asisekaran, 2014). Parents and teachers can adopt several strategies for dealing with stuttering. For starters, attention should not be drawn to the stuttering, and children should be given sufficient time to finish what they begin to say, no matter how protracted the statement becomes. It does not help stutterers to finish their sentences for them or otherwise correct their speech (Ryan, 2001; Beilby, Byrnes, & Young, 2012). 312 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years LEARNING DISABILITIES: DISCREPANCIES BETWEEN ACHIEVEMENT AND ­CAPACITY TO LEARN. Like Karen Avery, who was described at the beginning of this section, some 1 in 10 school-age children are labeled as having specific learning disorders. specific learning disorder Specific learning disorders are characterized by difficulties in the acquisition and use of difficulties in the acquisition and listening, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities. A somewhat ill- use of listening, speaking, reading, defined, grab-bag category, learning disorders are diagnosed when there is a discrepancy writing, reasoning, or mathemati- between children’s actual academic performance and their apparent potential to learn cal abilities (Lerner, 2002; Bos & Vaughn, 2005). Such a broad definition encompasses a wide and extremely varied range of ­difficulties. For instance, some children suffer from dyslexia, a reading disability that can result in the misperception of letters during reading and writing, unusual difficulty in sounding out letters, confusion between left and right, and difficulties in spelling. Although dyslexia is not fully understood, one likely explanation for the disorder is a problem in the part of the brain responsible for breaking words into the sound elements that make up language (McGough, 2003; Lachmann et al., 2005; Summer, Connelly, & Barnett, 2014). The causes of specific learning disorders in general are not well understood. ­Although they are generally attributed to some form of brain dysfunction, probably due to genetic factors, some experts suggest that they are produced by such environmental causes as poor early nutrition or allergies (Shaywitz, 2004). ATTENTION-DEFICIT/HYPERACTIVITY DISORDER Troy Dalton, age seven, exhausted his teacher. Unable to sit still, he roamed the class- room all day, distracting the other children. In reading group, he jumped up and down in his seat, dropping his book and knocking over the whiteboard. During read aloud, he ran around the room, humming noisily and shouting, “I’m a jet plane!” Once, he flung himself through the air, landing on another boy and breaking his arm. “He’s the definition of perpetual motion,” the teacher told Troy’s mother (who looked pretty exhausted herself). The school finally decided to split Troy’s day between the three second-grade classrooms. It was not a perfect solution, but it did allow his primary teacher to do some actual teaching. Seven-year-old Troy Dalton’s high energy and low attention span are due to attention- deficit/hyperactivity disorder, which occurs in 3 to 5 percent of the school-age popu- lation. Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, or ADHD, is marked by inattention, impulsiveness, a low tolerance for frustration, and generally a great deal of inappropriate activity. All children show such traits some of the time, but for those diagnosed with ADHD, such behavior is common and interferes with their home and school functioning (American Academy of Pediatrics, 2000b; Whalen et al., 2002; Van Neste et al., 2015). What are the most common signs of ADHD? It is often difficult to distinguish be- tween children who simply have a high level of activity and those with ADHD. Some of attention-deficit/hyperactivity the most common symptoms include: disorder, or ADHD a learning disability marked by Persistent difficulty in finishing tasks, following instructions, and organizing work inattention, impulsiveness, a low Inability to watch an entire television program tolerance for frustration, and gen- Frequent interruption of others or excessive talking erally a great deal of inappropriate activity A tendency to jump into a task before hearing all the instructions Difficulty in waiting or remaining seated Fidgeting, squirming Because there is no simple test to identify whether a child has ADHD, it is hard to know for sure how many children have the disorder. The Centers for Disease Con- trol and Prevention put the proportion of children 3 to 17 years of age with ADHD at 9 percent, with boys being twice as likely to be diagnosed with the disorder as girls. Other estimates are lower. What is clear is that the incidence of diagnoses of ADHD has increased significantly over the past 20 years (see Figure 9-6). It is unclear whether the increase is due to an actual increase in the disorder or instead to an increase in its  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 313 labeling. In any case, only a trained clinician can Figure 9-6 Rising Diagnoses of ADHD make an accurate diagnosis following an exten- Over the last 20 years, diagnoses of ADHD have increased for boys and girls. sive evaluation of the child and interviews with (Source: CDC/NCHS, Health Data Interactive and National Health Interview Survey. http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/ parents and teachers (Sax & Kautz, 2003; CDC, data/databriefs/db70.htm) 2010). 14 The causes of ADHD are not clear, although some ­research finds that it is related to a delay in 12 neural development. Specifically, it may be that Male 10 the thickening of the brain’s cortex in children with ADHD lags three years behind that of chil- 8 Percent All dren without the disorder (see Figure 9-7). 6 The treatment of children with ADHD has been a source of considerable controversy. Be- 4 Female cause it has been found that doses of Ritalin or 2 Dexedrine (which, paradoxically, are stimulants) reduce activity levels in hyperactive children, 0 many physicians routinely prescribe drug treat- 1998–2000 2001–2003 2004–2006 2007–2009 ment (­A rnsten, Berridge, & McCracken, 2009; 3-year period Weissman et al., 2012). Although in many cases such drugs are effective in increasing WATCH THIS VIDEO ON MYPSYCHLAB SPEAKING attention span and compliance, in some cases the side effects (such OUT: JIMMY: ADHD as irritability, reduced appetite, and depression) are considerable, and the long-term health consequences of this treatment are un- clear. It is also true that though the drugs often help scholastic per- formance in the short run, the long-term evidence for continuing improvement is mixed. Some studies suggest that after a few years, children treated with drugs do not perform any better academically than untreated children with ADHD. Nonetheless, the drugs are being prescribed with increasing frequency (Mayes & Rafalovich, 2007; Rose, 2008; Prasad et al., 2013). In addition to the use of drugs for treating ADHD, behav- ior therapy is often employed. With behavior therapy, children are trained to control their impulses and achieve goals, primarily through the use of rewards (such as verbal praise) for desired be- havior. In addition, teachers can increase the structure of classroom activities and use other class management techniques to help chil- dren with ADHD, who have great difficulty with unstructured tasks (Chronis, Jones, & Raggi, 2006; DuPaul & Weyandt, 2006). (Parents and teachers can receive support from the Children and Adults with Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity ­Disorder organization at www.chadd.org. Also see the From Research to Practice box.) Figure 9-7 The Brains of Children with ADHD The brains of children with ADHD (in the top row) show less thickening of the cortex compared to the brains of typical children at the same age. (Source: Shaw et al., 2007.) Children with ADHD 7 years 8 years 9 years 10 years 11 years 12 years 13 years Typically developing children 314 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years From Research to Practice Does Medicating Children with ADHD Produce Academic Benefits? The common wisdom for a long time has been that drugs such translate into better grades. The problem may be that children with as Ritalin or Adderall help children with attention-deficit/hyper- ADHD are no different from other children in terms of their moti- activity disorder—ADHD for short—to perform better at school. vations, discipline, and study skills. Using drugs to improve their Research bore this notion out, establishing that these drugs ­focus doesn’t guarantee that they will use that focus appropriately help ADHD children with attention, concentration, and memory. or consistently—and it may even work against them if, for exam- But more recent research is casting a shadow of doubt by sug- ple, they choose to focus on telephone conversations with friends gesting that it just may not matter much in the long run (Wang, or on a Netflix binge. It’s clear that more research is needed to an- 2013). swer this question more definitively, and the answer is important: The discrepancy arises when researchers take a long view If we’re going to be medicating young children with stimulants to rather than focus on short-term outcomes. When one study ex- overcome deficiencies in their academic performance, we need to amined educational outcomes over a period of 11 years for sev- be reasonably sure that the medications do in fact do that (Ilieva, eral thousand boys with ADHD, some who were medicated and Boland, & Farah, 2013). some who were not, the medicated boys were actually performing worse in school than non-medicated with similar symptom profiles Shared Writing Prompt (Currie, Stabile, & Jones, 2014). If you were creating a school program for students with special The puzzling question, of course, is why clear short-term needs, what factors would you bear in mind when trying to help benefits such as improved concentration and retention wouldn’t children achieve their full potential? Module 9.1 Review During the middle childhood years, the body grows at a slow Many school-age children have special needs, particularly but steady pace that is influenced by both genetic and social in the areas of vision, hearing, and speech. Some also factors. Adequate nutrition is important for physical, social, have learning disabilities. Attention-deficit/hyperactivity and cognitive development, but overnutrition may lead to disorder, marked by attention, organization, and activity obesity. problems, affects between 3 and 5 percent of the school- Children substantially improve their gross and fine motor age population. Treatment through the use of drugs is highly skills during the school years, with muscular coordination and controversial. manipulative skills advancing to near-adult levels. The incidence of asthma and childhood depression has Journal Writing Prompt increased significantly over the last several decades. The Applying Lifespan Development: What are some aspects of increasing independence and mobility of school-age children U.S. culture that may contribute to obesity among school-age lead to new safety issues. children? Intellectual Development Jared’s parents were delighted when he came home from kindergarten one day and ex- plained that he had learned why the sky was blue. He talked about the earth’s atmo- sphere—although he didn’t pronounce the word correctly—and how tiny bits of moisture in the air reflected the sunlight. Although his explanation had rough edges (he couldn’t quite grasp what the “atmosphere” was), he still had the general idea, and that, his parents felt, was quite an achievement for their five-year-old. Fast-forward six years. Jared, now 11, had already spent an hour laboring over his eve- ning’s homework. After completing a two-page worksheet on multiplying and dividing fractions, he had begun work on his U.S. Constitution project. He was taking notes for his report, which would explain what political factions had been involved in the writing of the document and how the Constitution had been amended since its creation.  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 315 Jared is not alone in having made vast intellectual advances during middle childhood. During this period, children’s cognitive abilities broaden, and they become increasingly able to understand and master complex skills. At the same time, though, their thinking is still not fully adultlike. What are the advances, and the limitations, in thinking during childhood? Several perspectives explain what goes on cognitively during middle childhood. Piagetian Approaches to Cognitive Development LO 9.5 Summarize the Piagetian view of cognitive development in middle childhood. Let’s return for a moment to Jean Piaget’s view of the preschooler, which we consid- ered in Chapter 7. From Piaget’s perspective, the preschooler thinks preoperationally. This type of thinking is largely egocentric, and preoperational children lack the ability to use ­operations—organized, formal, logical mental processes. THE RISE OF CONCRETE OPERATIONAL THOUGHT. All this changes, according to Piaget, during the concrete operational period, which coincides with the school years. The concrete operational stage, which occurs between 7 and 12 years of age, is characterized concrete operational stage by the active, and appropriate, use of logic. the period of cognitive develop- Concrete operational thought involves applying logical operations to concrete prob- ment between 7 and 12 years of lems. For instance, when children in the concrete operational stage are confronted age, which is characterized by the with a conservation problem (such as determining whether a constant amount of liq- active, and appropriate, use of uid poured from one container to another container of a different shape stays the logic same), they use cognitive and logical processes to answer, no longer being influenced solely by appearance. They are able to reason correctly that since none of the liquid has been lost, the amount stays the same. Because they are less egocentric, they can take multiple aspects of a situation into account, an ability known as decentering. decentering Jared, the sixth grader described at the beginning of this section, was using his the ability to take multiple aspects ­decentering skills to consider the views of the different factions involved in creating of a situation into account the U.S. Constitution. The shift from preoperational thought to concrete operational thought does not happen overnight, of course. During the two years before children move firmly into the concrete operational period, they shift back and forth between preoperational and con- crete operational thinking. For instance, they typically pass through a period when they can answer conservation problems correctly but can’t articulate why they did so. When asked to explain the reasoning behind their answers, they may respond with an unen- lightening, “Because.” Once concrete operational thinking is fully engaged, however, children show several cognitive advances. For instance, they attain the concept of reversibility, which is the no- tion that processes transforming a stimulus can be reversed, returning the stimulus to its original form. Grasping reversibility permits children to understand that a ball of clay that has been squeezed into a long, snake-like rope can be returned to its original state. More abstractly, it allows school-age children to understand that if 3 + 5 equals 8, then 5 + 3 also equals 8—and, later during the period, that 8 - 3 equals 5. Concrete operational thinking also permits children to understand such concepts as the relationship between time and speed. For instance, consider the problem shown in Figure 9-8 in which two cars start and finish at the same points in the same amount of time, but travel different routes. Children who are just entering the concrete operational period reason that the cars are traveling at the same speed. However, between the ages of 8 and 10, children begin to draw the right conclusion: that the car traveling the longer route must be moving faster if it arrives at the finish point at the same time as the car traveling the shorter route. 316 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years Figure 9-8 Routes to Conservation After being told that the two cars traveling on routes 1 and 2 start and end their journeys in the same amount of time, children who are just entering the concrete operational period still reason that the cars are traveling at the same speed. Later, however, they reach the correct conclusion: that the car traveling the longer route must be moving at a higher speed if it starts and ends its journey at the same time as the car traveling the shorter route. 1 te Ro u A B Route 2 Despite the advances that occur during the concrete operational stage, children still experience one critical limitation in their thinking. They remain tied to concrete, physical reality. Furthermore, they are unable to understand truly abstract or hypothetical ques- tions, or ones that involve formal logic. PIAGET IN PERSPECTIVE: PIAGET WAS RIGHT, PIAGET WAS WRONG. As we learned in our prior consideration of Piaget’s views in Chapters 5 and 7, researchers fol- lowing in Piaget’s footsteps have found much to cheer about—as well as much to criticize. Piaget was a virtuoso observer of children, and his many books contain pages of bril- liant, careful observations of children at work and play. Furthermore, his theories have powerful educational implications, and many schools employ principles derived from his views to guide the nature and presentation of instructional materials (Flavell, 1996; Siegler & Ellis, 1996; Brainerd, 2003). In some ways, then, Piaget’s approach was quite successful in describing cognitive development (Lourenco & Machado, 1996). At the same time, though, critics have voiced compelling and seemingly legitimate grievances about his approach. As we have noted before, many researchers argue that Piaget underestimated children’s capabilities, in part because of the limited nature of the mini-experiments he conducted. When a broader array of experimental tasks is used, children show less consistency within stages than Piaget would predict (Bjorklund, 1997b; Bibacel, 2013). Furthermore, Piaget seems to have misjudged the age at which children’s cognitive abilities emerge. As might be expected from our earlier discussions of Piaget’s stages, in- creasing evidence suggests that children’s capabilities emerge earlier than Piaget envisioned. Some children show evidence of a form of concrete operational thinking before the age of seven, the time at which Piaget suggested these abilities first appear. Cognitive development makes substantial advances in middle Still, we cannot dismiss the Piagetian approach. ­Although childhood. some early cross-cultural research seemed to imply that  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood 317 c­ hildren in certain cultures never left the preoperational Figure 9-9 Conservation Training stage, failing to master conservation and to develop con- Rural Australian Aborigine children trail their urban counterparts crete operations, more recent research suggests otherwise. in the development of their understanding of conservation; with For instance, with proper training in conservation, children training, they later catch up. Without training, around half of 14-year- in non-Western cultures who do not conserve can read- old Aborigines do not have an understanding of conservation. ily learn to do so. For instance, in one study, urban Aus- What can be concluded from the fact that training influences the understanding of conservation? tralian children—who develop concrete operations on the (Source: Based on Dasen, Ngini, & Lavallee, 1979.) same timetable as Piaget suggested —were compared to 14 rural Aborigine children, who typically do not demonstrate Without training With training an understanding of conservation at the age of 14 (Dasen, 13 Ngini, & Lavallee, 1979). When the rural Aborigine children 12 were given training, they showed conservation skills sim- 11 ilar to those of their urban counterparts, although with a Age in Years time lag of around three years (see Figure 9-9). 10 Furthermore, when children are interviewed by re- 9 searchers from their own culture, who know the language 8 and customs of the culture well and who use reasoning 7 tasks that are related to domains important to the cul- ture, the children are considerably more likely to display 6 concrete operational thinking (Nyiti, 1982; Jahoda, 1983). 5 Ultimately, such research suggests that Piaget was right 0 when he argued that concrete operations were universally 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Children Demonstrating Understanding of Conservation (percent) achieved during middle childhood. Although school-age children in some cultures may differ from Westerners in the Urban Australians Rural Australian Aborigines demonstration of certain cognitive skills, the most probable explanation of the difference is that the non-Western children have had different sorts of experiences from those that permit children in Western societies to perform well on Piagetian measures of conservation and concrete operations. The progress of cognitive development, then, cannot be understood without looking at the nature of a child’s cul- ture (Mishra, 1997; Lau, Lee, & Chiu, 2004; Maynard, 2008). Information Processing in Middle Childhood LO 9.6 Explain how children develop cognitively in middle childhood according to information processing approaches. memory It is a significant achievement for first graders to learn basic math tasks, such as addition the process by which information and subtraction of single-digit numbers, as well as the spelling of simple words such as is initially encoded, stored, and dog and run. But by the time they reach the sixth grade, children are able to work with retrieved fractions and decimals, like the fractions worksheet that Jared, the boy in the example at the start of this section, completed for his sixth-grade homework. They can also spell such words as ex- hibit and residence. According to information processing approaches, children be- come increasingly sophisticated in their handling of informa- tion. Like computers, they can process more data as the size of their memories increases and the “programs” they use to pro- cess information become increasingly sophisticated (Kuhn et al., 1995; Kail, 2003; Zelazo et al., 2003). MEMORY. As we saw in Chapter 5, memory in the information processing model is the ability to encode, store, and retrieve in- formation. For a child to remember a piece of ­information, the Although some early cross-cultural research seemed to imply that three processes must all function properly. Through encoding, the children in certain cultures never left the preoperational stage, more child initially records the information in a form usable to ­memory. recent research suggests otherwise. 318 PART 4 The Middle Childhood Years Children who were never taught that 5 + 6 = 11, or who didn’t pay attention when they were exposed to this fact, will never be able to recall it. They never encoded the informa- tion in the first place. But mere exposure to a fact is not enough; the information also has to be stored. In our example, the information that 5 + 6 = 11 must be placed and maintained in the mem- ory system. Finally, proper functioning of memory requires that material that is stored in memory must be retrieved. Through retrieval, material in memory storage is located, brought into awareness, and used. During middle childhood, the capacity of short-term memory (also referred to as working memory) improves significantly. For instance, children are increasingly able to hear a string of digits (“1-5-6-3-4”) and then repeat the string in reverse order (“4-3-6- 5-1”). At the start of the preschool period, they can remember and reverse only about two digits; by the beginning of adolescence, they can perform the task with as many as six digits. In addition, they use more sophisticated strategies for recalling informa- tion, which can be improved with training (Rose, 2008; Jack, Simcock, & Hayne, 2012; Jarrold & Hall, 2013). Memory capacity may shed light on another issue in cognitive development. Some developmental psychologists suggest that the difficulty children experience in solv- ing conservation problems during the preschool period may stem from memory limi- tations (Siegler & Richards, 1982). They argue that young children simply may not be able to recall all the necessary pieces of information that enter into the correct solution of ­conservation problems. metamemory Metamemory, an understanding about the processes that underlie memory, also an understanding about the pro- emerges and improves during middle childhood. By the time they enter first grade and cesses that underlie memory, their theory of mind becomes more sophisticated, children have a general notion of what which emerges and improves memory is, and they are able to understand that some people have better memories than ­during middle childhood others (Cherney, 2003; Ghetti & Angelini, 2008; Jaswal & Dodson, 2009). School-age children’s understanding of memory becomes more sophisticated as they grow older and increasingly engage in control strategies—conscious, intentionally used tactics to improve cognitive processing. For instance, school-age children are aware that rehearsal, the repetition of information, is a useful strategy for improving memory, and they increasingly employ it over the course of middle childhood. Similarly, they pro- gressively make more effort to organize material into coherent patterns, a strategy that ­permits them to recall it better. For instance, when faced with remembering a list includ- ing cups, knives, forks, and plates, older school-age children are more likely to group the items into coherent patterns—cups and plates, forks and knives—than children just entering the school-age years (Sang, Miao, & Deng, 2002; Dionne & Cadoret, 2013). Similarly, children in middle childhood increasingly use mnemonics (pronounced “neh MON ix”), which are formal techniques for organizing information in a way that makes it more likely to be remembered. For instance, they may learn that the spaces on the music staff spell the word FACE or learn the rhyme “Thirty days hath Septem- ber, April, June, and November …” to try to recall the number of days in each month (Bellezza, 2000; Carney & Levin, 2003; Sprenger, 2007). IMPROVING MEMORY. Can children be trained to be more effective in the use of con- trol strategies? Definitely. School-age children can be taught to use particular strategies, although such teaching is not a simple matter. For instance, children need to know not only how to use a memory strategy but also when and where to use it most effectively. Take, for example, an innovative technique called the key word strategy, which can help students learn the vocabulary of a foreign language, the capitals of the states, or other information in which two sets of words or labels are paired. In the key word strategy, one word is paired with another that sounds like it (Wyra, Lawson, & Hungi, 2007). For instance, in learning foreign language vocabulary, a foreign word is paired with a common English word that has a similar sound. The English word is the key word. Thus, to learn the Spanish  Chapter 9 Physical and Cognitive Development in Middle Childhood