Climate Change, Gender-Based Violence, & Policy Responses (Kenya & Bangladesh) PDF

Climate Change, Gender-Based Violence, and Policy Responses A Comparative Case Study of Rural Women in Kenya and Bangladesh Anna Helene Koch Jørgensen, Fatima Sameeh Abid Al-Abboody, Gloria Baby, Kiona Milner Henriksen & Mathilde Lund Baggesen International Relations, 7th Semester, Aalborg University Supervisor: Suen Wang Number of Keystrokes: 109.020 Abstract This paper explored the intersection between climate change and gender-based violence with a focus on rural women in Bangladesh and Kenya. A combination of frameworks on gender mainstreaming, intersectionality, and feminist political ecology was incorporated to examine how climate change exacerbated gender inequalities and vulnerabilities, such as gender-based violence. A comparative case study framework and social constructivism was applied to investigate rural women’s vulnerabilities of gender-based violence, and how policies of Kenya and Bangladesh address the relationship between climate change and gender-based violence. The first part of the analysis, which was elaborated through feminist political ecology, examined the lived experiences of rural women affected by climate change, along with their similarities and differences. The findings of the analysis indicated an increase in gender-based violence in rural areas as a result of climate change. The focus of the second part of the analysis, using gender mainstreaming and intersectionality, was on the national policies, regarding either climate change or gender, and further the policies were critically compared to the lived experiences of rural women. The results included certain gaps in the policies, which expose the rural women in Kenya and Bangladesh to gender-based violence. Finally, the rural Bangladeshi and Kenyan women face exacerbated gender-based violence as a result of climate change, and the vulnerabilities are not completely emphasized in their national policies. Keywords: Bangladesh; Climate Change; Gender-Based Violence; Kenya; Rural Women 1 Indholdsfortegnelse List of Abbreviations............................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction: Exploring the Impacts of Climate Change on Rural Women........................................ 4 Research Question................................................................................................................................ 5 Problem formulation............................................................................................................................ 5 Context................................................................................................................................................. 6 Theories................................................................................................................................................ 7 Gender Mainstreaming..................................................................................................................... 7 Intersectionality................................................................................................................................ 9 Feminist Political Ecology............................................................................................................. 12 Methodology...................................................................................................................................... 14 Philosophy of science: Ontology and epistemology...................................................................... 14 Social Constructivism.................................................................................................................... 15 Comparative Case Study Framework............................................................................................ 16 Case Selection................................................................................................................................ 17 Justification of selected data.......................................................................................................... 19 Qualitative Research Design.......................................................................................................... 19 Analysis.............................................................................................................................................. 20 Limitations..................................................................................................................................... 21 The Rural Women of Bangladesh.............................................................................................. 22 The Rural Women of Kenya...................................................................................................... 25 Similarities and Differences: Types and Causes of Gender-Based Violence................................. 29 Gender Mainstreaming and Intersectionality................................................................................. 31 Gender Mainstreaming Bangladeshi Policies............................................................................ 31 From Gender Mainstreaming to Intersectionality...................................................................... 33 Intersectionality: Bangladeshi Policies and Rural Women........................................................ 34 Gender Mainstreaming Kenyan Policies.................................................................................... 37 From Gender Mainstreaming to Intersectionality...................................................................... 39 Intersectionality: Kenyan Policies and Rural Women............................................................... 39 Similarities and Differences: Evaluation of the Bangladeshi and Kenyan policies....................... 43 Conclusion......................................................................................................................................... 45 Bibliography....................................................................................................................................... 48 2 List of Abbreviations BCAS The Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies ccGAP The Climate Change and Gender Action Plan EIGE European Institute for Gender Equality GBV Gender-based violence GoK Government of the Republic of Kenya IUCN International Union for Conservation of Nature KMoEF Kenyan Ministry of Environment and Forest MoEFCC The Bangladeshi Ministry of Environment, Forest, and Climate Change MoWCA The Bangladeshi Ministry of Women and Children Affairs NAP The National Action Plan to Prevent Violence Against Women and Children 2018-2030 NCCAP The National Climate Action Plan 2018–2022 NPGD The National Policy on Gender and Development OCCs One-Stop Crisis Centers SASAL Spring of the Arid and Semi-Arid Lands SDGs Sustainable Development Goals UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNDP United Nations Development Programme WEDO The Women’s Environment and Development Organization 3 Introduction: Exploring the Impacts of Climate Change on Rural Women Environmental crises, climate change, natural disasters, and resource depletion are among the most significant challenges of the 21st century. These events are caused by human activities like pollution, overuse of resources, and deforestation, which upset ecosystems and have a big social and economic impact (Fiveable, n.d.). Despite the global nature of these issues, vulnerable groups in developing countries, particularly rural women, bear an unfair share of their consequences. Due to ingrained gender inequality, restricted economic and social mobility, and their reliance on natural resources, women in these communities frequently face compounded challenges (UN Womenwatch, n.d.). In rural areas, the intersection of GBV and climate change is especially severe. Rural women are more vulnerable to GBV during and after climate disasters due to cultural stigma, systemic barriers to accessing resources, and geographic isolation (Western University, n.d.). Competition for limited resources, like water and arable land, for example, can exacerbate tensions in families and communities, leading to forced marriages, sexual exploitation, and abuse. (Western University, n.d.). This cycle is most evident during climate change, when social instability, resource shortages, and displacement exacerbate already-existing inequalities. In Bangladesh disasters like floods and cyclones brought on by climate change have severe effects on women. Given their caregiving responsibilities and dependence on agriculture for a living, rural women are frequently disproportionately impacted in this situation. According to the IUCN (2015), food insecurity, income loss, and migration brought on by climate change typically result in an increase in sexual exploitation and domestic violence (p. 12). Similarly, droughts and water scarcity in Kenya cause rural livelihoods to be disrupted, causing women to walk longer distances in search of food or water, putting them at risk for violence. According to the UNFCCC (n.d.), resource conflicts in rural Kenya make these climate issues worse, with women being caught between gendered power struggles and environmental degradation. Additionally, rural women are particularly impacted by climate change globally; however, they are not adequately represented in the frameworks of policies intended to address these climate issues (UN Womenwatch, n.d.). Although gender-sensitive approaches are emphasized by international frameworks such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), national implementation of these policies frequently falls short. When it comes to addressing the relationship between GBV and ecological catastrophes, 4 policy gaps still exist in Bangladesh and Kenya. For example, disaster response frameworks frequently neglect to address the long-term socioeconomic effects of crises on women's well-being or incorporate protection measures for them (IUCN, 2015, p. 14; UNFCCC, n.d.). The above-mentioned provides the foundation for the choice of Kenya and Bangladesh as case studies due to their different socioeconomic and policy environments and similar experiences of environmental vulnerability. Rural women who depend on agriculture and pastoralism for their livelihoods are disproportionately affected by Kenya's frequent droughts and water shortages (UNFCCC, n.d.). In contrast, Bangladesh is among the world's most climate-vulnerable nations, regularly suffering from cyclones and severe flooding that force millions of people to flee their homes each year (IUCN, 2015). The importance of assessing whether current policies effectively address the difficulties faced by rural women at the intersection of climate change and GBV is highlighted by both cases. This research examined how climate change exacerbates GBV and assessed the effectiveness of policies in addressing this intersection, drawing on theoretical frameworks such as intersectionality, gender mainstreaming, and feminist political ecology. These frameworks contributed to assess the complex interplay of factors influencing rural women’s vulnerability to GBV, the effectiveness of gender-sensitive measures in policies. Furthermore, the gendered power relations shape access to resources and decision-making processes in climate adaptation strategies. The findings provided insights into the gaps in policy responses and suggest ways to strengthen interventions for rural women facing these challenges. Research Question How does climate change exacerbate gender-based violence in Kenya and Bangladesh? Problem formulation This paper aimed to critically analyze how the national policies in Bangladesh and Kenya address the intersection of climate change and gender-based violence experienced by rural women. It explored how these policies address the complex and intersecting factors that increase the vulnerabilities of rural women, including gender, socio-economic status, and geographic location. The paper also assessed how the experiences and perceptions of the rural women reflect the gendered knowledge, 5 particularly the roles women play in managing resources and ensuring household survival during climate change. To answer the aforementioned, the three following sub-questions had been formed in order to elaborate the research question of the project: 1. How effective are the national policies, ccGAP, NAP, NCCAP, and NPGD, in Bangladesh and Kenya in addressing the GBV linked to climate change? 2. What are the causes and forms of GBV that rural women experience due to climate change? 3. What are the comparative perspectives of rural women´s experiences and the national policies? Context Studies have shown that customary norms in rural areas impact gender norms and responsibilities. Often village leaders and chiefs are male, while women participate in different activities in the household and the community and spend much time on the atmosphere of the village. This gives women knowledge regarding managing natural resources and this expertise in managing resources sustainably means they know how to make decisions concerning the issues resulting from natural disasters. This means that when natural disasters occur, women often carry the load and frequently have the responsibility of creating strategies to deal with the effects (Pritchard & Azad, 2023). Kenya is among the nations prone to climate change. In recent years Kenya has been affected by drought and famine in most of the regions of the country, impacting over four million people. This has worsened gender inequalities and left women and girls more vulnerable to various types of gender-based violence (Allen, 2021, pp.1-2). In Kenya, gender norms assign women the responsibility of household and reproductive tasks. Women are seen as the primary caregivers and responsible for providing food, water, and fuel (UNDP Kenya, 2020, p. 4). During climate disasters, their role as caregivers expands, forcing them to spend more time collecting water and firewood. Considering this, women are exposed to various types of violence when a climate disaster strikes. In rural Bangladesh patriarchal norms are strongly present, and there is a high susceptibility to climate change disasters, such as floods, droughts, storms, and tidal waves. The rural areas are most affected by these climate change disasters due to lack of resources and less ability to adapt (Pritchard & Azad 2023). Women make up approximately half of the population in Bangladesh, and 80% of these women live in rural areas. Women in Bangladesh play an active role when disaster strikes, due to 6 their role in the community and the household, as the ones primarily responsible for the domestic labor (Pritchard & Azad 2023; WEDO, 2008, pp. 49-51). This means that women play various roles when disaster strikes, as traditional norms regarding caregiving and housekeeping play an important role in adaptability and stability during floods (Pritchard & Azad, 2023). As a result, women in Bangladesh face various challenges during climate disasters, a key challenge being GBV. Theories This project drew upon three theories to examine the intersection between climate change and GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh: feminist political ecology, intersectionality, and gender mainstreaming. For this study, relevant aspects of the three theories were selected, and the selection is based on what was the most suitable for answering the research question of the project. Gender Mainstreaming Gender mainstreaming is the intergovernmental strategy for achieving gender equality globally. This strategy aims to include a gendered perspective in every aspect of policymaking and the general structures of state institutions. The goal is to identify and eliminate policies and measures that discriminate against any gender and ultimately attain gender equality. Furthermore, gender mainstreaming not only focuses on the gender perspective but also on implementing and monitoring gender equality policies (EIGE, 2024; UN Women, 2020, p. 2). This strategy is endorsed and used by the EU, and was adopted in 1996 (EIGE, 2024). It aims to achieve social and systemic change, ultimately leading to gender equality. It promotes awareness of systemic inequality across all sectors of society. The goal is gender equality, and gender mainstreaming serves as the strategy for achieving this goal (Gupta et al., 2023, p. 2). The EIGE has categorized gender mainstreaming into four phases: define, plan, act, and check. These four stages are interconnected and illustrated as a cycle, meaning each step will be repeated eventually. This ensures that any gaps or obstacles can be identified, and changes can be made (EIGE, 2024). Define The first phase seeks to define the policies that need to be addressed. This includes determining whether women and men are affected differently by certain policies and whether the policies gender- discriminate by considering socially constructed gender roles and norms. This is done by analyzing 7 the policy to gather pertinent information and assessing how the policy impacts the lives of women and men (EIGE, 2024). Plan The second phase involves planning a policy by determining how to best implement it to achieve the desired goal. In this phase, EIGE states the importance of analyzing budgets from a gender perspective, meaning how resources are allocated in a budget to promote gender equality. Here, it is also important to establish indicators to track and monitor the policy's impact and effectiveness, as well as to identify possible disadvantages or shortcomings. This ensures that policies remain current and consider any new data (EIGE, 2024). Act The third phase concerns the implementation of policies. This involves assisting the departments or teams affected by the new policy. This ensures that these individuals are on board can significantly impact a policy's success and implementation. This might include gender equality training, which consists of various activities designed to enhance people’s knowledge and competencies regarding gender mainstreaming. It may also involve gender awareness-raising, which entails promoting awareness about gender equality by sharing ideas and knowledge to empower people to foster positive societal change. Essentially, this phase focuses on spreading awareness of how to tackle gender inequality throughout an organization to effectively adopt the gender mainstreaming approach (EIGE, 2024). Check Lastly, the fourth phase is about monitoring the policy, including its effectiveness and impact. The indicators mentioned in the second phase should be utilized in this phase to collect data on the policy's progress. If the data reveals any gaps or obstacles, they should be addressed immediately. This phase should also include an evaluation to better understand what works and what doesn’t work in the gender mainstreaming approach. This will ensure that the approach is best suited to help achieve the goals for which it was implemented (EIGE, 2024). 8 Application of Theory This paper used gender mainstreaming to analyze Bangladeshi and Kenyan policies on climate change and gender equality to evaluate how the implementation and monitoring influence the effectiveness of these policies. The gender mainstreaming cycle provided a systematic framework to analyze how the policies address the disproportionate impact that climate change has on women compared to men. Each of the four phases of the gender mainstreaming cycle was applied to the policies of both countries in a systematic order. The first phase defined and identified inequalities in the policies and the second phase addressed the planning of the policies. The third phase considered how the policies was applied, and lastly, the fourth phase evaluated the effectiveness of the policies. By applying gender mainstreaming, this paper assessed how well the chosen policies consider gender-specific vulnerabilities and further gender equality in relation to climate change and GBV. Intersectionality Patricia Hill Collins and Sirma Bilge emphasize that within the field of social inequality, individuals’ lives and the organization of power are not formed by just one aspect of social division, such as gender, class, or race. Contrary, social inequality occurs because these diverse aspects overlap and influence each other within a specific society (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 12). This definition establishes the entry point for a greater understanding of the intersectionality framework. Following this analytical framework, various discriminatory practices are interconnected, meaning that sexism, classism, and racism frequently occur simultaneously, yet in multiple ways (Losleben & Musubika, 2023, p. 72). The core of intersectionality revolves around how systems of oppression are generated, sustained, and constructed by discrimination. Moreover, forms of oppression cannot be separated but are also considered interconnected, and their interaction has a further reinforcing effect (Losleben & Musubika, 2023, p. 72). The objective of intersectionality is to facilitate inclusion and thus combat exclusion, resulting in a valuable framework for addressing a variety of social issues through different approaches (Collins & Bilge, 2016, pp. 13–14). Intersectionality Beyond Individual Identities It is misleading to characterize intersectionality as a concept that solely concerns identities since a society and its structures are important aspects of this approach as well. Intersectionality further explores how these societal structures contribute to either oppressing or privileging individuals or groups based on their identity markers (Losleben & Musubika, 2023, p. 72). Individuals are complex 9 beings with a wide range of identity markers, such as age, gender, ability, race, social background, language, ethnicity, religion, sexuality, and class, and these identity markers only gain meaning when individuals attach meaning to them (Losleben & Musubika, 2023, pp. 72–73). These identity markers equally make it impossible to ascribe individuals to a single category, as the wide range of possible identities means that individuals can be categorized into several different categories (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 13). On this basis, different discriminatory actions can affect individuals simultaneously depending on which identity markers the individuals possess. Intersectionality is therefore useful to clarify how inequality is realized in different ways and further form an understanding of what individuals experience based on their identity markers (Losleben & Musubika, 2023, p. 74). Domains of Power in Intersectionality Within intersectionality, Collins and Bilge further explain that identity markers and power relations are connected and reciprocally influence each other. Different identity markers, such as class, gender and race, are given meaning by power structures such as classism, sexism and racism, and these structures determine how individuals experience discrimination and inequality (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 15). In this context, the domains of power can be analyzed within four separate but interrelated domains: structural, disciplinary, cultural and interpersonal. The goal is to utilize intersectionality to improve understanding of the four different layers of a social issue (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 15). This framework of the domains of power examines power within each domain separately, allowing a social phenomenon to be thoroughly analyzed, although in practice the domains constantly overlap (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 25). Structural domain of power The structural domain of power focuses on the organization and structuring of institutions or countries (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 18). This means that it is essential to examine the degree to which equality is shaped and prioritized in a country’s structure, for example. Therefore, a country’s structure can promote certain interests, which can increase inequality for marginalized groups. Central to this domain of power is an examination of how power relations between different identity markers, such as class, gender and race, shape the institutionalization and organization of a country's policies (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 18). Disciplinary domain of power 10 The disciplinary power domain refers to how individuals experience discrimination in terms of what rules apply to them and how these rules are implemented (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 16). This means that in some contexts, individuals may experience oppression in terms of their rights being denied because of their identity markers, such as belonging to the wrong class or gender. In contrast, others will benefit from the same context because they belong to the accepted social divisions. Therefore, discipline can be used to either undermine or realize opportunities for individuals based solely on their identity markers (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 16). Cultural domain of power Ideas are the focal point of the cultural domain of power, and different social contexts produce important ideas about the specific context. Ideas are central to explaining social inequalities, and the notion that all individuals are equal is incorrect (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 17). This means that beliefs in a society create its rules, which should favor everyone, thereby justifying the purpose of the rules. Nevertheless, the social divisions mean that complete equality cannot exist. For example, inequality becomes apparent if two individuals with different socio-economic backgrounds are compared. Here, the individual with the stronger background is positioned favorably in society in contrast to the other individual, illustrating inequality (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 17). Interpersonal domain of power The interpersonal domain of power refers to how individuals relate to each other and who is favored or disfavored in social interactions (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 15). Within the interpersonal domain, intersectionality is about how different identity markers are connected. These markers position each individual differently and thus their experiences of the world in interpersonal relations (Collins & Bilge, 2016, p. 16). Application of theory The overall application of intersectionality examined how overlapping social divisions increase the vulnerability of rural women in the context of climate change. To achieve these findings, intersectionality further addressed how Bangladeshi and Kenyan policies each may contribute to reinforcing oppression of rural women. Furthermore, it examined how the interaction between forms of discrimination has a reinforcing effect on rural women’s lived experiences. In this context, identity markers were identified to clarify which exacerbated inequalities rural women are exposed 11 to, based on gender, poverty, and rurality. Therefore, the purpose of the implementation of intersectionality was to further explore how rural women in Bangladesh and Kenya perceive GBV as a form of oppression caused by climate change. The domains of power made the policies from Bangladesh and Kenya transparent through a division of their content into the four different but interconnected domains. The use of the domains of power improved the understanding of rural women's challenges through a comparison of the policies with the women's own perceptions from Kenya and Bangladesh. Through a critical angle, this theoretical framework contributed to analyze how intersecting factors contribute to greater exposure to GBV and whether the forms of discriminations are emerging as a consequence of climate change. Feminist Political Ecology Political ecology is a body of research which concerns the impact that the environment and human society have on each other by addressing how social relations at various levels over time affect human practices of resources. Political ecology also investigates how these social relations impact, and are impacted by, the physical environment. (Walker, 1998, p.131-132). Building on this foundation, feminist political ecology is a conceptual framework introduced in Feminist Political Ecology: Global Issues and Local Experience (Rocheleau et al, 1996). Feminist political ecology provides a feminist view of political ecology based on various frameworks concerning gender and the environment (Elmhirst, 2011, p.129) (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p.4). While political ecology focuses on how class and ethnicity play a role in the unequal distribution of access and control of resources, feminist political ecology focuses on the claim that gender plays a crucial role in influencing the accessibility and control of resources (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p.4). Feminist political ecology asserts that gender interacts with cultural identity, ethnicity, social class, race, and caste. Through this interaction gender impacts ecological changes, the work that men and women put into maintaining ecologically sustainable lifestyles, and the prospects of sustainable development in a community. There are three themes within feminist political ecology that analyze the relationship between gender and the environment. The themes relevant to this project are gendered knowledge, gendered environmental rights and responsibilities (Rocheleau et al., 1996, pp. 4–5). Gendered Knowledge "Gendered knowledge" is a "science of survival", which concerns how healthy environments at home, at work, and in regional ecosystems are created, maintained, and protected. It examines the different 12 relationships between people and the environment, the difference between the sciences and technologies of production and reproduction, public and private spheres, and work, home and habitat spaces (Rocheleau et al, 1996, pp. 4 -7). The key ideas within gendered knowledge are that women’s various roles as consumers, producers and reproducers have meant that they needed to transform and preserve their abilities to manage the house, community, and the environment. Furthermore, women’s role is often to manage and provide daily necessities and are normally responsible for dealing with home and community-level cleaning, taking care of children, and healthcare. This means that women are placed in a position where they must confront aspects threatening life, health, and crucial resources, disregarding economic benefits and dealing with environmental problems considering the home, personal, and family health (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p. 8). Gendered Environmental Rights and Responsibilities The theme of gendered environmental rights and responsibilities concerns how environmental rights and responsibilities are divided between men and women. This means that the access and control between women and men is normally divided between the public and private sphere and home and workplace. These gendered divisions affect the ownership of resources and control of the standard of the environment. Furthermore, there is not merely a division of resources but also a division of power to maintain, transform, build, and restore environments and control the actions of others (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p.4-10). Hence, women and men have different rights and responsibilities concerning production, keeping the physical environment healthy, and deciding the standard of life and the state of the environment. Gender has an impact on the control over various aspects concerning the environment and determining how the effects of this are distributed. Moreover, gender controls the right to have a say in one’s labor and to control others actions (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p.10). Application of theory The application of feminist political ecology examined how the themes gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities contribute to women’s vulnerability during climate change. This framework was applied to examine rural women’s experiences with GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh. 13 The purpose was to reveal the types and causes of GBV exacerbated by climate change in these two countries. A combination of the two themes was applied in the analysis because they can be perceived as interconnected, since gendered rights and responsibilities are affected by women’s gendered knowledge. These were applied to examine the main issues faced by rural women in Kenya and Bangladesh and finally answering the research question of this project. Methodology This section outlines the methodological choices of this project. The methodological section consists of philosophy of science, comparative case study framework, qualitative research and collection and justification of selected data. All of the choices within this section are justified and applied to the project, aligning them with the research question. Philosophy of science: Ontology and epistemology In philosophy of science, a distinction is made between ontology and epistemology. Ontology is the conception of what reality and existence in the world is, and it is the nature of the phenomena sought to be understood (Kuada, 2012, p. 58). Unlike ontology, epistemology is concerned with knowledge and how knowledge is obtained (Kuada, 2012, p. 59). This research is based on social constructivism as philosophy of science. Consequently, both social constructivist ontology and epistemology were prevalent in the way reality and knowledge were incorporated into the research. Based on this ontological framework, this means that the nature of reality and reality itself is perceived as being socially constructed, and reality exists solely in one’s own consciousness (Rasborg, 2021, pp. 406-407). In this research, the reality sought to be explored is the relationship between climate change and GBV, which is socially constructed. This implies that this reality solely exists based on how Bangladeshi and Kenyan rural women experience and perceive the reality. From the epistemological perspective, knowledge of a reality is further socially constructed. The social context determines knowledge, and social factors continuously influence knowledge (Rasborg, 2021, pp. 406-407). For this reason, knowledge about the relationship between climate change and GBV is also socially constructed. This means that this knowledge has been shaped through social interactions, and the rural women in Bangladesh and Kenya are constructing this knowledge through these social processes. 14 Social Constructivism The statement that all knowledge emerges from observing reality from various perspectives encapsulates the core of social constructivism as philosophy of science (Burr, 2015, p. 9). This implies that the reality being observed will always be an interpreted reality and these interpretations of the reality arise from the various perspectives on this reality (Rasborg, 2021, p. 403). The role of knowledge is essentially to construct the reality itself. This aspect of social constructivism de facto underscores that neither a “real reality” nor objective facts can exist (Rasborg, 2021, p. 403). Additionally, a wide range of phenomena and concepts are perceived as socially constructed and can be subject to an analysis within social constructivism (Rasborg, 2021, p. 404). The aforementioned can seem quite abstract to comprehend but André Kukla's (2000) example of the concept of woman provides a tangible explanation of what is meant (p. 4). Kukla states that the concept of woman is constructed, but this does not mean that women as individuals are constructed (Kukla, 2000, p. 4). The concept has been molded through social interactions, highlighting how women eventually can prove to be constructed. Kukla continues to construct the concept of woman by including traditional characteristics, such as caring, social intelligence and so on, in this concept (Kukla, 2000, p. 4). Women are imposed to this idea because it applies to them, and they can change their behavior based on this categorization because women are perceived as being this specific manner by society. This results in a social construction, not only of the concept of woman, but of women, and they would not have existed in the given way if certain social interactions had not occurred (Kukla, 2000, p. 4). In relation to this research, climate change and GBV are solely perceived as either environmentally damaging or as patriarchal practices, because of the knowledge that has been assigned to these concepts. As these concepts are also perceived as socially constructed, their meaning can never be fixed because social processes are constantly changing them over time. Drawing on Kukla’s example, rural women are constructed in the sense that social interactions have formed them both as a concept and how the women perceive themselves. Rural Bangladeshi and Kenyan women are only vulnerable due to social and gendered norms, which is clearly visible based on the lived experiences of these women through the analysis. These experiences construct the perspective of the reality of this research, which, yet again, is not an objective reality, but only the reality of these rural women. 15 In social constructivism, a recognition of reality is determined by the historical and cultural aspects (Burr, 2015, p. 4). This implies that knowledge is perceived as a central aspect, which social constructivism addresses. To obtain knowledge about a concrete circumstance implies the existence of a phenomenon that is recognized by a subject or several subjects (Rasborg, 2021, p. 404). Therefore, the knowledge that is gained through the Kenyan and Bangladeshi policies forms the accepted way of understanding how the two countries construct GBV within policymaking. The different approaches and strategies within these policies shows a recognition of either climate change and GBV, which has been constructed through the historical and cultural aspects in Bangladesh and Kenya, respectively. According to social constructivism, there is no such thing as truth as it is solely the result of social interactions and processes, i.e. when individuals interact with each other. Fundamentally, social phenomena are not perpetual or immutable, rather they are continuously constructed through historical and social processes. This can further be considered a transformation perspective, as nothing can be perceived as static or fixed, rather phenomena are constantly in flux (Rasborg, 2021, p. 403). A truth is only considered as the current and accepted way of understanding a reality (Burr, 2015, p. 5). In relation to this research, the fact that climate change exacerbates GBV is only seen as a truth for rural Bangladeshi and Kenyan women because of social, historical, cultural interactions over a period of time. Comparative Case Study Framework This research employed a comparative case study methodology based on Shea and Müller-Rommel’s (2016) framework for analyzing multiple cases (p. 425). Bangladesh and Kenya were selected as case studies given their comparable systemic factors, such as social and cultural norms, and vulnerability to climate change (Shea & Müller-Rommel, 2016, p. 425). The case selection ensured significant variation in climate change while recognizing similarities and differences, enabling a systematic comparison. This resulted in a deeper understanding of how climate change exacerbates GBV among rural women. The comparative framework played a central role in this research which identified similarities and differences in policy responses and the types and causes of GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh. The comparisons were conducted and illustrated in Table 1 and Table 2. This framework ensured a structured approach to understand how different contexts affected the efficiency of policies (Ragin, 16 2014, pp. 30-31, 45). The cases were specifically chosen to highlight how structural inequalities interact with challenges of climate change to shape GBV risks. In addition to the comparative framework, this study incorporates process tracing to examine the causal pathways linking climate change to GBV (Seha & Müller-Rommel, 2016, p. 419). This method helps to identify the mechanisms that exacerbate gendered vulnerabilities due to climate change and evaluates the effectiveness of policy interventions aimed at mitigating these risks. By combining these methods, this paper offers a thorough analysis of the intersection between climate change and systemic inequalities. The selection of Bangladesh and Kenya was also used to examine the equifinality, or how different climate disasters may lead to similar outcomes, such as increased GBV. This approach strengthened the comparative case study, which showed how common structural factors can drive similar vulnerabilities in various climate contexts (Ragin, 2014, p. 45). This methodological framework offered a nuanced understanding of the research problem and provided a reliable foundation for evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of how the policies address GBV during climate change. Based on the comparative case study framework, this paper aligns with established practices for investigating complex, context-dependent relationships in social science (Seha & Müller-Rommel, 2016, p. 419). Case Selection The intersection of climate change and GBV is a critical and pressing issue in both Kenya and Bangladesh, profoundly affecting the livelihoods of families, particularly women and girls. As scholars of international relations and social science, it was essential to shed light on these ongoing challenges and address them, as they align closely with broader humanitarian issues worldwide. The selection of Kenya and Bangladesh as case studies stemmed from their unique yet comparable vulnerabilities to the intersection of climate change and GBV. Both countries face significant challenges related to resource scarcity, social inequalities, and climate-induced crises that disproportionately affect rural women. These cases are particularly relevant because they highlight how distinct geographical contexts, such as Kenya with its recurring droughts and Bangladesh with its frequent floods and cyclones, lead to similar outcomes in terms of heightened risks for women and girls. For example, drought-stricken 17 regions in Kenya expose women and girls to increased GBV, including physical violence, forced marriages, and sexual exploitation, as they travel farther in search of water and food (Cause and Effect: Climate Change and GBV in East Africa, n.d.; UN News, 2022, p. 2). Similarly, regular flooding in Bangladesh increases vulnerabilities by forcing rural women to relocate and putting them at risk of sexual assault, harassment, and stalking in relief shelters (Chowdhury et al., 2022, p. 440; Zaman et al., 2008, p. 8). The intersection of climate change and GBV appears to be an underexplored area, where the two issues are often analyzed separately, which formed the background interest for this topic. The recognition of climate change as a significant driver of gender inequality, and the specific ways in which it increases women's vulnerabilities, especially in relation to GBV have not been sufficiently examined (UN Women, 2022). This gap in research motivated an investigation into how climate change impacts women's safety and well-being in countries like Kenya and Bangladesh. Both nations face unique climate-induced challenges that, when considered together, provide valuable insights into the combined effects of climate change and GBV. By exploring these countries as comparative case study, we aimed to highlight both the shared and distinct dimensions of this issue, contributing to the development of more sustainable and inclusive solutions. Finally, Kenya and Bangladesh were chosen because of their broader significance to global efforts to integrate gender perspectives into climate policy. Women and girls, who make up half of the world’s population, are often overlooked in global discourses, yet their leadership and participation are crucial for achieving equitable and sustainable solutions to interconnected crises like climate change and GBV (Global Women’s Issues - United States Department of State, 2023). By focusing on these two cases, this paper aims to bridge critical gaps in understanding and offer insights into actionable strategies for empowering vulnerable communities. Data Collection The project used secondary data, which is information that has been gathered by someone else (Tight, 2019, p.96). The project conducted interpretive data collection, using the technique of documentation, which is when external documents are used to gather insight into a phenomenon or to assist in providing evidence (Bhattacherjee, 2012). These sources were collected by searching various online databases and search engines, such as Aalborg University’s Library Primo, Google Scholar, and YouTube. The data collection of the project consists of vast of qualitative data: academic and 18 theoretical articles, reports and websites from countries, international- and non-governmental organizations, different national policies from Bangladesh and Kenya, action plans, studies and case studies, survey reports and one YouTube video. Justification of selected data The selection of the policies from Bangladesh and Kenya was primarily based on the availability of this data. Furthermore, all four policies were issued by the governments of the two countries, which also increases the credibility of the data. In addition, the material was also published within roughly the same time frame, which gave this paper a coherent time perspective. The policies all have a common denominator in terms of gender being a focal point across all of them. The ccGAP (2018) and the NCCAP (2018) focus on climate change and the gender perspective is included to varying degrees in the two policies. Additionally, the NAP (2020) and the NPGD (2019) involve gender to a greater extent and link it to GBV. The diversity of the policies enabled a solid analysis to be conducted, and the material proved fruitful in addressing the study's stated research question. Nevertheless, it was required to supplement the material in the case of Kenya, in the form of two reports, as Kenya's policies seemed to have a more unclear and limited scope. The credibility of these reports' content was evident as they were published by international organizations, such as UNDP (2020) and UN Women, which initiated the Generation Equality Forum (2019). The two reports on Kenya were similarly crucial to addressing the research question. By contrast, it was not relevant to include additional material on Bangladesh as its policies were more extensive. The wide range of empirical data in the form of studies and case studies, a YouTube video, survey reports based in rural areas in both Bangladesh and Kenya were selected. The justification for this amount of data was aimed at forming a broad perspective of rural women's perceptions, ensuring the reliability of the project's analysis. This empirical data was valuable and credible in the sense that the rural women themselves shared and expressed their experiences on how GBV has been exacerbated by climate change. This data further encapsulates the focal point of this study and its research question. Qualitative Research Design This project has an interpretivist research design and uses qualitative data and approach to increase the understanding of a specific phenomenon. Qualitative sources refer to textual data, increasing understanding of certain events, locations, organizations, or persons (Lamont, 2022, p.29). This project conducts qualitative research as it analyses textual data such as interviews with women in 19 Bangladesh and Kenya which provide an insight into their experience with GBV during climate disasters and policies to solve climate change-induced GBV in these countries. Furthermore, the interpretivist method is a research method where data is collected and observed to gather an idea about a specific phenomenon. More in depth, interpretivist research is a research paradigm that focuses on the idea that social reality is not equal for everyone but is influenced by people’s experiences and social contexts. To study this properly researchers attempt to develop an understanding of the social and historical context of the phenomenon by attempting to understand the personal experiences of the people involved. Moreover, interpretivism views social reality as connected to social settings and therefore, interprets reality through a process of making sense rather than testing a hypothesis (Bhattacherjee, 2012). Considering the previous, through qualitative data this paper increases information and make sense of climate disaster-induced GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh and the policies of these two countries to address this. Furthermore, the research attempts to understand the social and historical context of climate-induced GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh by examining the personal experiences of the women involved in this through an examination of interviews conducted with them. Analysis The analysis of the study was organized in two main sections, which consist of a particular focus on rural women and national policies separately. The first part of the analysis was based on feminist political ecology, which was used to examine the experiences of rural women. First, the focus is assigned to rural women in Bangladesh, where various case studies were used as analysis material. Subsequently, rural women in Kenya are analyzed using a survey report and video. This video has been transcribed and attached as Appendix 1, and in the analysis, reference was done to the exact line numbers in the transcription. Finally, these two separate analyses of the two countries formed a comparison between them. The purpose was to outline the differences and similarities, through the theoretical lens of feminist political ecology, between the rural women's experiences of GBV as a result of climate change, and the findings were illustrated as Table 1. After an examination of the experiences of rural women, the second part of the analysis was based on a merge between gender mainstreaming and intersectionality, and their interplay was used to 20 examine the Bangladeshi and Kenyan policies. First, both ccGAP and NAP, which are the selected policies from Bangladesh, were examined through the use of the gender mainstreaming circle. Next, intersectionality was applied to analyze the same policies with a critical approach by comparing their strategies and goals with rural women's own experiences. The exact same analysis strategy was adopted for the case of Kenya, where it first addressed the policies NCCAP and NPGD, and then drew on the experiences of Kenyan rural women to critically examine these policies. Finally, a comparison and evaluation of the Bangladeshi and Kenyan policies were elaborated. The comparison emphasized their differences, similarities, and effectiveness in addressing GBV as a consequence of climate change, and Table 2 is an illustration of the findings. Limitations The limitations of this paper has certain limitations that needs to be addressed. Bangladesh has placed significant emphasis on climate change since 2004 (Giovetti, 2021). On the other hand, Kenya first acknowledged the issue of climate change in the year of 2010 (KMoEF, 2016, p. I). This creates a limitation, as the availability and depth of information vary significantly between the two cases. In Bangladesh, the reviewed articles provided detailed provisions, as the country has developed a more comprehensive national plan for climate change resilience. In contrast, the Kenyan policies, particularly in the gender mainstreaming section, lacked clear illustrations of the specific impacts of climate change on Kenyan women, especially rural women. This limitation is only relevant within the policies, the NCCAP and the NPGD, however, this did not enable the purpose of elaboration comparisons and conclusions from the policies. Another limitation of this study is its focus on rural women. This limitation is evident in the context of rural areas in Bangladesh and Kenya, particularly the Maasai community in Musenke in Kenya, which was the object of analysis in this research. Since Bangladesh has made more significant progress in establishing a connection between climate change and GBV, it has been possible to gather a considerably larger amount of data compared to Kenya. Consequently, a limitation concerning Kenya is that this paper focuses solely on one single community, namely Musenke Village. As a result, the representation of rural women in Kenya is neither as comprehensive nor as nuanced as that of rural women in Bangladesh, representing a constraint on the scope of this research. 21 Feminist Political Ecology The Rural Women of Bangladesh The theory of feminist political ecology highlights the relationship between gender and the environment (Rocheleau et al., 1996, pp. 4–5). This analytical section will use the two themes of feminist political ecology, namely gendered rights and responsibilities, and gendered knowledge to examine women’s experience in Bangladesh during climate disasters. The purpose being to identify the types of gender-based violence experienced by women in Bangladesh and to assess the underlying causes. The studies to be examined include a case study by the BCAS titled Climate Change-Induced Gender-Based Violence Against Women During Water Collection: A Case Study in Shatkhira Upazila, Bangladesh (2008); a study by WEDO, Gender, Climate Change, and Human Security: Lessons from Bangladesh, Ghana, and Senegal (2008); a study by Plan International, Study on Women and Girls’ Participation in Community Disaster Risk Management in Bangladesh (2022); and a study by Chowdhury et al., Lived Experience of Women’s Well-Being in the Cyclone Shelters of Coastal Bangladesh. Violence against women during water collection Climate change in Bangladesh has contributed to GBV by increasing women’s responsibilities in providing daily resources such as clean water. The BCAS conducted a study on women who have been victims of violence during water collection in one of the most vulnerable areas in Bangladesh, the coastal district of Shatkhira Upazilla. The study found that the lack of clean water increases the probability of GBV against women during water collection. Such violence during water collection includes stalking, involuntary interaction, harassment, teasing, causing obstacles for women during water collection, criticism of women, and men arriving late and forcing women to let them take water first. This type of violence often happens when women are alone and there are not many people around, this is in the early morning, noon and evening (Zaman et al., 2020, p. 11). The BCAS has found that adolescent girls who gather water face violence, as these girls are often verbally and physically assaulted by their parents if they arrive home late from water collection (Zaman et al., 2020, p.11). Furthermore, the BCAS interviewed Rokeya, a Bangladeshi woman, who experienced a threatening situation with her daughter during water collection, where a man acted offensively causing her to fear for their survival (Zaman et al., 2020, p.12). Two key themes within feminist political ecology that can explain the violence that women face, and Rokeya’s experience 22 are gendered knowledge and gendered environmental rights and responsibilities. The BCAS study highlights the ideas of gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities by illustrating women’s roles in Bangladesh, specifically as water collectors, and how this role puts women in vulnerable situations, where they are exposed to GBV. For instance, Rokeya’s experience where she faced a threatening situation and the verbal and physical assault that adolescent girls claim to face demonstrate this. Rokeya’s encounter facing a threatening situation during water collection highlights the vulnerabilities that women in Bangladesh face during climate disasters. The climate disasters cause a lack of clean water, giving women the responsibility of fetching water for their families (Zaman et al., 2020, p.11). This role is influenced by women’s knowledge within this field, which comes from their gendered roles of caring for the home. These responsibilities mean that women are put in a position where they must confront threats to life, health, and important resources, prioritizing survival (Rocheleau et al, 1996, p.8). Domestic violence during climate disasters The climate disasters in Bangladesh also exacerbate GBV because of gendered obligations. The WEDO conducted a study together with independent consultants from ActionAid Bangladesh. The study focuses on how climate change exacerbates violence against women in Bangladesh (WEDO, 2008, p. 47). The study found that women in Bangladesh claim to experience different forms of violence, which worsens during and after a natural disaster occurs. Moreover, this violence experienced by women in Bangladesh is both emotional, physical and sexual (WEDO, 2008, p.52). The WEDO study reveals that climate disasters cause an increase in domestic violence because many men are left without work and there is an increase in psychological stress. Women report that male relatives release this frustration through verbal or physical abuse. The reasoning for this abuse being that women are incapable of proper resource management, untimely serving of food, and are not able to acquire relief materials (WEDO, 2008, p.52). WEDO interviewed Nasima from the neighborhood of Nandi Para in Bangladesh, who experienced domestic violence. Nasima claimed to have been physically abused by her husband, and this abuse worsened after the flood of 2007. Nasima claimed that this abuse was a result of her inability to work and get relief due to constant headaches (WEDO, 2008, pp.52-53). This domestic violence can be 23 understood through the themes of gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities within feminist political ecology. The WEDO study finds that women face domestic violence when not being able to meet their gendered obligations. For instance, Nasima’s experience, where her husband physically abused her for being unable to get relief after the 2007 crisis demonstrates the domestic violence that women in Bangladesh face when they fail to meet gendered expectations and demands. Nasima’s experience with domestic violence demonstrates that climate disasters not only contribute to gender-based violence in the public sphere but also the private sphere by highlighting how women’s knowledge and traditional roles in Bangladesh mean that they are responsible for gathering relief during climate disasters which makes them more vulnerable to domestic violence, and that this violence is often a result of men’s discontent with women’s resources management, which is visible in Nasima’s case. Violence against women in shelters during climate disasters Women in Bangladesh also face gender-based violence during climate disasters in shelters. This can be viewed because of power dynamics and gendered access to the public and private sphere. Plan International and Rapid Asia conducted a study including data on women’s experiences with gender- based violence in shelters during natural disasters in Bangladesh. The study highlights the lack of security and power that women have in public areas; this includes evacuation shelters. This is a result of a lack of effective state mechanisms, such as policies and social protection, that can protect women and girls in disaster shelters (Plan International, 2022, pp.10-11). Furthermore, there are no separate toilets for women and men in shelters. One woman, Kachia, claimed that the evacuation shelter’s lack proper equipment as there are no gender separated rooms, bathrooms or toilets and as a result women feel unsafe and uncomfortable (Plan International, 2022, p.24). The study documents that various women and girls have claimed to be forced into sex and raped in disaster shelters (Plan International, 2022, p. 10). The feminist political ecologist theme of gendered rights and responsibilities can explain how this violence that women face in disaster relief shelters in Bangladesh is a result of gendered division of the public and private sphere and gendered power dynamics. The Plan International and Rapid Asia states that during natural disasters women must coexist with men in shelters, here women lack power and one of the factors that puts them in danger 24 is the practice of purdah, which is based on the idea that women cannot be unaccompanied in public and go outside without a male relative. Purdah expresses the difference in access that men and women have between the public and private sphere and the gendered divisions of power, as men can control what women wear and whether they go outside and punish them if they don’t follow this without consequence. Another study was also conducted focusing on women in shelters in Bangladesh which reflects the differences in power between men and women. The study focused on Coastal Bangladesh and the well-being of women in cyclone shelters. The study includes interviews with nineteen women from vulnerable districts in coastal Bangladesh and their experiences in the cyclone shelters. Some women reported GBV in relief shelters. The study claims that the mindset of viewing women as weaker led to various negative situations for women in Cyclone centers, including gender-based persecution. Regarding this, the study interviewed one woman who reported getting mocked and teased by men in the relief shelter. Furthermore, the women reported that she and other women were pushed by men while getting up and down from the shelter (Chowdhury et al., 2022). This study highlights how gendered power divisions contribute to GBV in Bangladesh through the idea that men perceive women as weaker leading them to take advantage of the situation, which is documented in the woman’s report of facing mental and physical violations by men. These women's experiences with gender-based violence demonstrated above, illustrate how in climate disaster relief shelters, where women flee to and have to co-exist with men, women face gender-based violence as a consequence of demonstrate a result of men having power over women and ideas regarding the division of men’s access to the public and private sphere women face violence. The Rural Women of Kenya The video Gender-Based Violence is Real & Amplified by Climate Change (2023) sheds light on the troubling intersection of climate change and GBV. It explores how issues such as water scarcity and climate disaster intensify the risks of violence against women, particularly during water collection and domestic crises, through personal stories. Furthermore, the survey report Root causes of Gender- Based Violence amongst Drought Affected Communities of Musenke Sub-Location, Kajiado County (2023) also present various perceptions and narratives from the rural Kenyan women. 25 Violence Against Women During Water Collection Climate disasters in Kenya contribute significantly to GBV, particularly in communities like Musenke Village, where women are responsible for fetching water. For instance, one woman shared her experience of narrowly escaping a sexual assault while herding animals to the river for water. She described how the constant fear of such attacks accompanies her every trip to collect water, reflecting the vulnerabilities women face due to gendered responsibilities and unsafe environments (Appendix 1, l. 14-17). As climate change worsens water scarcity, women are forced to travel increasingly long distances to access water, exposing them to physical and sexual violence. This example illustrates key themes from feminist political ecology: gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities. According to Rocheleau et al. (1996), gendered knowledge refers to women’s roles as primary caregivers and resource managers, a form of “science of survival” gained through daily interactions with their environment (p. 4). This knowledge is inextricably linked to gendered rights and responsibilities, as Kenyan rural women are often tasked with managing household and community needs, such as securing water and food. The video emphasizes how these gendered dynamics burden women disproportionately. The Maasai woman’s experience of attempted rape while collecting water underscores how the act of fulfilling essential domestic duties renders women vulnerable to violence in isolated and insecure areas. These challenges reveal how climate disasters leave women to bear the brunt of climate change’s effects. Concerning violence during water collection, a report focusing on incidences of sexual violence, which has intensified due to drought conditions, identifies how women and girls are compelled to travel great distances in pursuit of natural resources like water and firewood, putting them at increased danger of rape and sexual assault. These journeys are required due to the drought's devastating effect on livestock and local livelihoods (SASAL, 2023, p. 12). In Musenke Village, specific locations such as Orongelata, Llangata, Oremit, River Iremit, forest areas, Osiati, and Endim have been identified as high-risk zones for sexual violence (SASAL, 2023, p. 8). It is common for women and girls to gather firewood for cooking in these areas. The lack of these natural resource scarcity, displacement caused by drought increase the risk of physical abuse. (SASAL, 2023, p. 8). The report outlines the two key themes within feminist political ecology. 26 Gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities, as the report illustrates that women in Musenke experience sexual violence which worsen during drought season. Since women depend on agriculture to be able to feed their families but prolong seasons of drought that women are placed in a position where they must confront aspects threatening life, health, and crucial resources, prioritizing the home, personal, and family health over economic benefits. Domestic Violence During Climate Disasters Climate disasters, particularly droughts, also exacerbate domestic violence in Kenya. A survey report titled Root Causes of Gender-Based Violence Amongst Drought-Affected Communities of Munseke Sub-Location, Kajiado County highlights the connection between climate diasters nd GBV. For instance, the husbands beat the wives even when they trek for water and leave the home unattended (SASAL, 2023, p. 7). The report finds that women can be beaten for delaying to fetch water despite undertaking essential responsibilities. Droughts not only increase women’s physical workload but also exacerbate their vulnerability to domestic violence. This observation underscores the differing responsibilities associated with natural resource management and access between genders. Women face dangers while traveling remote areas in search of resources, and the scarcity of these resources due to drought intensifies their risk to GBV. This uneven distribution of environmental duties highlights the gendered dynamics of access to and management of natural resources in the area. More importantly, girls and women married in the Musenke Sub-location are unable to avoid these mandatory tasks, since it is their major responsibility to have a domestic role. Domestic violence in Kenya is deeply intertwined with climate disasters, and gendered norms. These dynamics become more pronounced during climate disasters, where natural resource scarcity and pressures from their husband exacerbate tensions within households. Women, who are traditionally tasked with caregiving and household responsibilities, often bear the brunt of these challenges. Despite fulfilling their primary roles, women may still face violence due to external pressures beyond their control. An example comes from a woman living in Musenke village. She narrates her experience, recounting how her partner would often beat her for the smallest perceived mistake such as caring for animals, a task traditionally assigned to men in the Maasai tribe. She explains that, even though 27 she worked diligently to fulfill her duties of caring for the household, her efforts were never enough during times of crisis (Appendix 1, l. 23-27) The pressure of environmental challenges, like drought and food shortages, compounded the situation, leading to violence as her partner. Her story reveals the deeply rooted issue: even when women adhere to societal expectations, they are still vulnerable to violence when circumstances change. This narrative highlights the two themes of gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities in perpetuating domestic violence. Gendered knowledge referring to the traditional understanding of roles within communities, where women manage domestic chores, due to their knowledge. When women are forced to take on additional roles of taking care her family needs and agricultural tasks due to climate change and due to duties, which can lead to violence at home. Similarly, gendered rights and responsibilities frame how societal norms assign unequal expectations and entitlements to men and women. Men are often seen as primary decision-makers and providers, while women are expected to ensure the smooth running of the household. (Rocheleau et al, 1996, pp.7-8). Climate change challenge these gendered roles, especially when women are tasked with ensuring food security or water collection under increasingly difficult conditions. When these responsibilities cannot be met—often due to factors beyond their control—violence becomes a way for men to reassert control, reflecting the imbalance in rights and accountability. Psychological Violence Women in the Musenke Village encounter difficult challenges that impact their mental wellbeing. Following incidents of rape and sexual assault, psychological violence often emerges in communities suffering from drought. These women often endure mental traumas, including anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder, with sexually transmitted infections such as Human Immunodeficiency Virus and Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome AIDS (SASAL, 2023, p. 9, 11). The report further explains that one of the main contributors to the prevalence of GBV is the lack of adequate water and firewood, forcing women to undertake long and risky journeys to access these necessities. Perpetrators are often aware of the lack of law enforcement officers that are near to rural regions. This exposes women to heightened risks of various forms of attack during their vulnerable treks (SASAL, 2023, p. 11). Feminist political ecology can also explain this psychological violence that women experience because of having to take long journeys to gather necessities. Specifically, the feminist political 28 ecologist theme of gendered knowledge and gendered rights and responsibilities. As the study illustrates women gather necessities for their families when a climate disaster takes place putting them in vulnerable situations. This is likely due to their knowledge and responsibilities for household needs. Similarities and Differences: Types and Causes of Gender-Based Violence Kenya and Bangladesh are two countries that are susceptible to climate disasters. In Kenya, these disasters often present themselves as droughts and famine (Allen, 2021, pp.1-2). Moreover, Bangladesh is vulnerable to floods, droughts, storms, and tidal waves because of its geographical location, changes in rainfall patterns, and the Himalayan glacial melt (Pritchard & Azad 2023). In both countries, these natural disasters have left women vulnerable to GBV, highlighting the impact that climate change has on GBV. Following, the similarities and differences between climate change- induced GBV in Kenya and Bangladesh will be examined concerning the types of GBV and their causes. Similarities and Differences in the Types and Causes of Gender-Based Violence Climate disasters in both Kenya and Bangladesh exacerbate GBV during women’s water collection, in both countries, this is linked to women’s knowledge and responsibilities. In Kenya, climate disasters contribute to GBV due to women’s responsibility of collecting water for their families during climate disasters (Spring of the Arid & Semi-Arid Lands, 2023, pp. 14-17), affected by their knowledge and roles as the main caregivers of the family. This means that women are required to walk long distances, exposing them to physical and sexual violence. Similarly, in Bangladesh, women are also the main caregivers of the family, also collecting water for their families. This also occasionally means that they must travel far, exposing them to GBV (Zaman et al., 2020, p.11). Both Kenya and Bangladesh also report a rise in domestic violence as a result of climate disasters. In Kenya, women face domestic violence stemming from tensions in the household and natural resource scarcity caused by climate disasters (Sasal Foundation 2023, p. 7). Women in Kenya face an increase in workload resulting from natural disasters, due to their caregiving and household roles, facing domestic violence if they do not meet their husband’s expectations. In Bangladesh, women are also victims of domestic violence when climate disasters occur due to an increase in men’s psychological 29 stress which they release on women (WEDO, 2008, p.52). This abuse is for similar reasons as Bangladesh which is women not being able to meet the expectations of their roles as women. Another similarity between Kenya and Bangladesh is the presence of psychological violence resulting from climate disasters. In Kenya, women face psychological violence such as rape and sexual assault, resulting from physical assault while gathering resources for their families, which is part of their gender roles. This causes mental traumas in women, such as anxiety, depression, and post-traumatic stress (Sasal Foundation, 2023, p.9 &11) In Bangladesh, psychological violence is also reported such as stalking, involuntary interaction, harassment, teasing, and criticism of women, some of which can be both physical and psychological during women’s responsibility of collecting water (Zaman et al., 2020, p.11). In Bangladesh, emotional violence is also reported in the domestic sphere, where men abuse women either physically or emotionally (WEDO, 2008, p.52), due to women not meeting the expectations of their responsibilities. Furthermore, in relief shelters in Bangladesh women face psychological violence in the form of getting mocked and teased by men (Plan International, 2022, p.10), due to power dynamics between men and women and men’s opinions on women’s presence in the public sphere. Differences in the Types and Causes of Gender-Based Violence Despite all the similarities, there is also a difference between Kenya and Bangladesh, as documented in the sources. In Kenya GBV is not documented in shelters, however, one of the sources on climate change in Bangladesh reports gender-based violence in climate disaster shelters (Plan International, 2022, p.10), where women get violated because of men’s opinions on women’s presence in the public sphere and the unequal power dynamics between men and women, women having less power and how this contributes to violence against women in relief shelters. 30 Table 1: Findings (Own elaboration) Gender Mainstreaming and Intersectionality Gender Mainstreaming Bangladeshi Policies As mentioned in the theoretical framework, gender mainstreaming is a strategy used to assure that the perspective of gender is systematically integrated, in all parts of policymaking and state institutions. The two policies are the Climate Change and Gender Action Plan (ccGAP) and the National Action Plan to Prevent Violence Against Women and Children 2018-2030 (NAP). The ccGAP is created by the MoEFCC, and the NAP is created by the MoWCA. This section will apply the four phases of the gender mainstreaming cycle, as formulated by EIGE, to two Bangladeshi policies. The aim of this is to identify and address inequalities by assessing how these policies integrate the gender perspective, and whether they successfully acknowledge and meet the needs of women affected by climate change. Define The ccGAP claims that some of the reasons why the risks of gender-based violence increase as an effect of climate change are poor shelter and lack of water resources (MoEFCC et al., 2024, pp. 10- 11). By focusing specifically on the risks of GBV that women face as an effect of climate change, the ccGAP addresses the unique vulnerabilities of women. This aligns with the first phase of the gender 31 mainstreaming cycle on defining how a policy impacts people differently based on their gender. During this phase, it should be determined whether a policy includes gender-sensitive strategies. These strategies should consider the social and cultural barriers that increase the risks of GBV during climate change (EIGE, 2024). The ccGAP also acknowledges these barriers by stating the risks and consequences of climate change in Bangladesh, and how these have a much different impact on women than men, ultimately intensifying the vulnerabilities of women. An example of this is the increase in GBV following a climate disaster, because of the increase in unpaid labor. Unpaid labor is the labor force in the home that’s imposed on women and girls due to social norms and traditional gender roles (MoEFCC et al., 2024, p. II). Similarly, a strategy within the NAP includes an objective of recognizing and valuing unpaid labor and essentially promoting the shared responsibility of home and family (MoWCA, 2020, p. 46). However, it fails to address how unpaid labor increases the risks of GBV, and how these risks are influenced by social and cultural barriers. The severity and risks of GBV in Bangladesh are addressed in the policy, however, it generally lacks a focus on the intersection between GBV as an effect of climate change, and the different social and cultural barriers of Bangladeshi women (MoWCA, 2018). Plan The second phase of the gender mainstreaming cycle is about the planning of a policy and how to achieve the goals of the policy in the best possible way. A policy should incorporate a gender perspective in its budget planning, to ensure funding to promote gender equality (EIGE, 2024). The ccGAP and the NAP consist of several strategies designed to allocate funds to address GBV and climate change. A strategy within the ccGAP promotes the participation of women in all levels of decision-making processes, as well as planning, by allocating funds to initiatives on increasing women’s participation in leadership positions (MoEFCC et al., 2024, p. 37). This aligns with the principles of gender mainstreaming as it applies gender-responsive budgets throughout the policy. Similarly, the NAP has allocated funds to ensure the participation of women in agriculture production. This promotes women’s economic independence as well as their preparedness for climate-related disasters, by including them in otherwise male-dominated fields (MoWCA, 2020, p. 39). Act The third phase considers the application of a policy by looking at how it implements its provisions to best achieve the aim of the policy. To successfully apply this phase, a policy should include actions 32 that support the implementation of the policy (EIGE, 2024). The NAP outlines several strategies to empower women and eradicate GBV in Bangladesh, such as creating awareness campaigns on the prevention of violence against women and children (MoWCA, 2018, p. 36). Similarly, the ccGAP includes strategies for creating communication platforms to better inform and teach women about the use of natural resources, to better prepare them for climate-related disasters and thus reduce risks of GBV due to those disasters (MoEFCC et al., 2024, p. 13). Both policies demonstrate a commitment to gender mainstreaming, by incorporating gender-sensitive approaches to implement their provisions. Check As mentioned in the second phase, both the ccGAP and the NAP have several provisions for promoting the inclusion of women in decision-making processes. However, the goal of the fourth phase is to monitor and evaluate a policy to identify possible gaps and obstacles, and the before- mentioned provisions both have gaps and obstacles (EIGE, 2024). Both policies fail to address the social and cultural barriers Bangladeshi women face in male-dominated fields, such as leadership positions and agriculture production (MoEFCC et al., 2024, p. 37; MoWCA, 2020, p. 46). These barriers are upheld by the patriarchal norms of society, which exclude the voices of women in favor of men. This does not align with the principles of gender mainstreaming, as it lacks strategies to dismantle the social and cultural norms. The lack of good indicators makes it difficult to measure and evaluate the effectiveness of a policy's impact on reducing GBV. From Gender Mainstreaming to Intersectionality While gender mainstreaming offers a broad framework for incorporating gender perspectives into policymaking, it often lacks the specificity needed when addressing the specific challenges experienced by rural women. Intersectionality complements gender mainstreaming by bringing attention to exacerbated vulnerabilities of marginalized groups, in this case, the rural women in Bangladesh, whose experiences are shaped by the interplay of gender, socioeconomic status, and geographic isolation. For example, while the ccGAP encourages women to participate in decision- making, it overlooks how patriarchal norms and limited mobility restrict rural women from accessing leadership roles (MoEFCC et al., 2024, p. 37). Similarly, GBV is addressed in the NAP, but it ignores how rurality and cultural stigmas discourage women from seeking help (MoWCA, 2018, p. 36). Gender mainstreaming can more effectively address the overlooked dimensions by 33 integrating an intersectional lens, ensuring that policies are inclusive as well as beneficial for these rural women who are part of the most vulnerable populations. Intersectionality: Bangladeshi Policies and Rural Women This analysis examines how intersectionality, the overlap of gender, socio economic status, and rurality, heightens the vulnerability of rural women in Bangladesh to gender GBV during climate induced crises. It evaluates the effectiveness of policies like the Climate Change and Gender Action Plan (ccGAP) and the National Action Plan (NAP) in addressing these issues, focusing on the structural, cultural, and interpersonal barriers that continue to perpetuate GBV despite policy efforts. In Bangladesh, climate disasters such as floods and cyclones disproportionately affect marginalized groups, particularly rural women, exacerbating preexisting inequalities and heightening vulnerabilities to GBV (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 9). Rural women in Bangladesh are particularly vulnerable to exploitation during crises due to intersecting characteristics such as gender, rurality, and socioeconomic status, which restrict women's access to resources and protections in times of need and intensify existing inequalities. For example, in Shatkhira Upazila, women have to travel long distances to fetch water due to climate-induced water scarcity therefor they are often exposed to stalking, harassment, and physical violence, underscoring the link between gendered responsibilities and climate vulnerability (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 9). To address these risks, policies such as the ccGAP integrate gender-sensitive strategies into climate adaptation and disaster management, emphasizing the need to protect vulnerable groups during climate disasters (MoEFCC, 2024, pp. 10–11). These efforts are further supported by the NAP, which combines economic, social, and legal interventions to mitigate GBV during and after crises (MoWCA, 2020, p. 46). Structural Domain of Power The structural domain of power focuses on how institutions and policies are organized to either challenge or sustain inequality. Both ccGAP and the NAP address structural issues by focusing on shelters, protection mechanisms, and economic rehabilitation programs for survivors of GBV 34 (MoEFCC., 2024, pp. 27–28; MoWCA, 2020, pp. 34–36). These efforts are important for helping rural women regain independence after crises. However, according to the Shatkhira case study, these interventions frequently fall short in addressing the structural inequalities that keep marginalized women from receiving the full benefits. For instance, it is challenging for many rural women to break free from cycles of poverty and abuse because they do not have access to financial resources, land, or work opportunities (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 12). This lack of access is compounded by systemic neglect, where disaster preparedness and response frameworks fail to integrate women's unique needs. For example, shelters are often poorly equipped, failing to provide privacy or security for women during crises, which increases their risk of GBV (MoEFCC, 2023, p. 22) Furthermore, vulnerabilities during crises are worsened in rural areas by a lack of infrastructure for clean water. Local governments have failed to create secure and accessible infrastructure, as evidenced by the regular harassment that women in Shatkhira report experiencing while gathering water (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 13). These results show that structural inequalities embedded in institutional frameworks exacerbate GBV rather than mitigating it. The Shatkhira study highlights how the failure to account for systemic barriers in policies, such as access to land and credit for women, perpetuates existing inequalities, making rural women especially vulnerable during crises. Both policies must use more comprehensive strategies to address these systemic barriers and to ensure that marginalized women are not forgotten during climate disasters. Disciplinary Domain of Power The disciplinary domain of power highlights the unequal application of rules and systems, which frequently serves to reinforce systemic biases. In order to guarantee quick and sensitive responses to GBV cases, the NAP places a high priority on strengthening the legal and judicial systems through mobile tribunals and courts (MoWCA, 2018, pp. 29–30). Rural women's access to justice is nevertheless limited by systemic barriers, even while these initiatives target biases and procedural delays. For example, survivors are discouraged from seeking legal action by societal stigmas and the absence of female representation in the judiciary. Because of societal shame and fear of retaliation many women in Shatkhira Upazila avoid reporting GBV, which perpetuates cycles of violence (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 14). Additionally, while the ccGAP emphasizes the necessity of protection mechanisms, it does not adequately address discriminatory legal frameworks, such as inheritance laws or access to 35 credit, which further marginalize rural women. Despite acknowledging these challenges, the NAP fails in addressing systematic biases in the judiciary, which results in rural women being excluded from the legal system. Cultural Domain of Power The cultural domain of power examines how cultural norms and ideologies perpetuate gendered inequalities. Both the NAP and the ccGAP recognize the importance of challenging damaging cultural norms that support GBV. For example, the NAP places a strong emphasis on educational initiatives and community awareness campaigns, to change societal perceptions and promote gender equality (Ministry of Women and Children Affairs, 2018, pp. 32–33). However, the Shatkhira case study highlights a critical gap due to these campaigns frequently overlooking rural areas, where GBV is sustained due to entrenched traditional norms and lower literacy rates. For instance, the Shatkhira study notes that social stigmas discourage men from assisting in water collection, reinforcing harmful gender norms and increasing women’s risks of GBV. In Shatkhira the women are the ones in charge of gathering water, and this task exposes them to harassment and violence. The cultural stigma discourages men from participating in this task, and this reinforces harmful gender roles as well as increase women´s isolation (Zaman et al., 2008, p. 10). Neither policy provides practical strategies to break these damaging norms, especially in rural areas. Despite acknowledging the importance of shifting cultural norms, the policies fail to implement actionable measures that specifically target rural areas. For example, the NAP does not adequately address the literacy gap in rural regions, which hinders the success of its educational campaigns (MoWCA, 2018, p. 36). Furthermore, while some community-level initiatives exist, they do not account for deeply entrenched patriarchal beliefs that perpetuate GBV during climate change. Interpersonal Domain of Power The interpersonal domain of power examines how individuals interact with one another and how systemic inequalities manifest in interpersonal relationships. By implementing interventions that have a direct effect on survivors, the ccGAP and NAP aim to mitigate GBV. For instance, the NAP establishes One-Stop Crisis Centers (OCCs) to offer survivors legal, psychiatric, and medical help (MoWCA, 2018, pp. 27–28). 36 However, according to the Shatkhira case study rural women frequently lack the mobility and knowledge of accessible resources to utilize these services. The women responsible for collecting water report that they experience physical abuse, harassment, and stalking; nevertheless, many choose not to seek help out of fear, stigma or a lack of knowledge about available institutional support systems (Zaman et al., 2008, pp. 11-14). The lack of proactive outreach by crisis centers and limited efforts to educate rural women about these services further limit their effectiveness. These gaps indicate that although the policies theoretically target interpersonal vulnerabilities, they do not take into consideration the particular challenges that rural women encounter when trying to access services in times of crisis. Gender Mainstreaming Kenyan Policies The following section examines strategies from the National Policy on Gender and Development (NPGD) of the Republic of Kenya and the National Climate Action Plan 2018–2022 (NCCAP). Using the four cycles of gender mainstreaming—Define, Plan, Act, and Check, as outlined in the theoretical framework—this analysis evaluates the effectiveness of these policies while identifying the gaps that limit their ability to address gender-based violence effectively. Define The NCCAP and the NPGD both highlight water scarcity as a significant concern in Kenya due to climate change. One of the strategies of the NCCAP is to establish better access to water sources for, among other things, domestic use, however, it fails to recognize that water scarcity disproportionately affects women and girls compared to men (GoK, 2018, p. 16). Social gender norms and traditional gender roles assign the burden onto women, and due to poor access to water resources, women are forced to undertake long journeys to fetch water which increases the risk of GBV (GoK, 2019, pp. 19-20). It is thus apparent that the policy fails to include gender-sensitive strategies by considering social and cultural barriers. Similarly, the NPGD emphasizes that climate change exacerbates the vulnerabilities faced by women, however, contrary to the NCCAP, it aligns with the principles of gender mainstreaming by stating that the differences are due to social gender norms (GoK, 2019, pp. 19-20). With that being said, the NPGD also fails to recognize that the issue of water scarcity is among the challenges that exacerbate GBV. 37 Plan In the planning phase, both policies emphasize the development of strategies to address gender disparities. The NPGD highlights the need to allocate funds for safe spaces and shelters for GBV survivors but fails to account for the importance of separate gender shelters due to challenges like GBV during climate-related disasters (GoK, 2019, p. 36). Gender-separated shelters and safe spaces reduces women’s risks of GBV by potential male predators due to poor security. Similarly, the NCCAP outlines actions such as involving stakeholders and vulnerable groups, including women (GoK, 2018, p. 28), aligning with the goal of gender mainstreaming of eliminating GBV by promoting gender equality. By including vulnerable groups, especially women, it ensures that policies are inclusive and consider the specific needs of those most affected by GBV. Increasing women's participation in climate finance and adaptation strategies reduces economic dependency, a key driver of GBV, while empowering women in monitoring and reporting, fosters the inclusion of women in decision-making processes. Act The NPGD enforces laws designed to promote gender equality in all aspects, which include strategies to reduce GBV by addressing systemic inequalities (GoK, 2019, p. 31). Similarly, the NCCAP emphasizes securing financial resources for climate initiatives, ensuring that women have access to funding for climate resilience projects (GoK, 2018, p. 28). These efforts are crucial for e.g., alleviating the burden of water scarcity on women and mitigating the risk of GBV. Thus, aligning with the principles of gender mainstreaming on gender-sensitive implementation, the NCCAP and the NPGD addresses a fundamental barrier to women’s participation in climate adaptation strategies, which often leaves them more exposed to risks such as GBV. For example, when women lack financial support for sustainable water solutions or income-generating activities, they may be forced into dangerous situations, such as long journeys to fetch water, where the risk of GBV increases. Check The NPGD acknowledges existing gaps, particularly the limitations in decision-making processes (GoK, 2019, p. 11). This lack of inclusion in decision-making reinforces gender inequality and restricts the effectiveness of these policies in reducing GBV and promoting gender equality. Furthermore, the NCCAP provision of separate gender shelters in the aftermath of climate-related disasters fails to address the social and cultural barriers that women face (GoK, 2018, p. 28). While 38 the NCCAP emphasizes the need for climate financing, it does not fully establish gender-responsive financing mechanisms to ensure that women have equal access to funds for climate adaptation and mitigation projects. However, both policies identify gaps, including social and cultural barriers that limit equitable job opportunities for all genders. Without targeted financing, women may be unable to benefit from climate resilience programs, further exacerbating gender inequalities and GBV. From Gender Mainstreaming to Intersectionality As seen in the collaboration of intersectionality and gender mainstreaming in the case of Bangladesh, the interaction betwe

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