Group 7_Sowcarpet Chennai (1) PDF

1 The Historical and Socio-Economic Dynamics of Community Settlements in Georgetown, Chennai. Urban Sociology GROUP 7  2 The Historical and Socio-Economic Dynamics of Community...

1 The Historical and Socio-Economic Dynamics of Community Settlements in Georgetown, Chennai. Urban Sociology GROUP 7  2 The Historical and Socio-Economic Dynamics of Community Settlements in Georgetown, Chennai. Urban Sociology 053066 Prof. Cordini Marta Margherita Politecnico di Milano 2024 Group 07 Shubhankar Aniruddha Joshi - 10975257 Haveen Hrithic Thilagarajan Latha - 10946943 Srivetri Vasuvapatti Chinnasamy Sengkottaian - 10947311 Ming Hsuan Hsu - 10760202 Ivan Roce – 10977034  3 Introduction India, with its large cultural and historical diversity, offers unique insights into the dynamics of social stratification in the perspective of urban settlements. Chennai, amongst its many cities, stands out as a city with a rich history of community formation and migration. Chennai, located in the southern part of India, is the capital of the state Tamil Nadu (see figure 1) and has always served as a mix of diverse cultures, hosting multiple and diverse communities which shaped its urban fabric. Figure 1, Context map – India Level, Source: Author In this context, the Marwadi community’s settlement in Sowcarpet (see figure 3), a sub- neighborhood within the larger George Town area of Chennai (see figure 2), emerges as a uniquely intriguing case. Unlike the typical narrative of segregation elsewhere in the world, which is often centered on immigrant populations’ arrival in urban centers dominated by indigenous communities, the Marwadi settlement in Chennai offers a district reversal of this trend. Originally from the Northwestern state of Rajasthan (see figure 1), the Marwadis  4 established themselves as a prominent trading community even before the significant migration of population from rural Tamil Nadu to its capital city Chennai. Figure 2, Context map –Chennai Level, Source: Author Figure 3, Context map –George Town Level, Source: Author  5 Their case is even more interesting because they created their own opportunities by developing a robust economic ecosystem without relying on government intervention. This is a stark contrast to cases in regions like southern Europe where international migrants often depend on state-supported programs so they can be part of the urban economy (Sonia Arbaci, 2008). Over time, this community has not only maintained its presence but also has thrived without being gentrified, which could be seen in other urban area centers experiencing socio- economic change. The case is also marked by duality. While we can clearly see a social divide in George Town based on religion and Caste, the exposure index shows a complex dynamic between the communities (Neeha Susan Jacob, 2021). Connection between them exists but is confined to business transactions showing a form of limited exposure between the groups. This duality raises interesting questions about the interplay of socio-cultural boundaries and economic collaboration within the segregated spaces. The scope of this study explores the segregation of this specific area in Chennai, analyzing its unique trajectory across multiple scales. On a larger scale, George Town is distinctive within Chennai’s urban dynamics as a neighborhood where a non-local community established itself before the arrival of Tamil-speaking populations. On a smaller scale, the research examines intra-neighborhood segregation, focusing on divisions between communities within George Town, with special emphasis on Sowcarpet and the Jain communities, highlighting cultural distinctions. Furthermore, the study delves into street-level segregation, analyzing various parameters that contribute to this phenomenon. Through this multi-scalar analysis, the study reveals how segregation functions both as a historical phenomenon and as a socio-economic reality within the city.  6 History of Madras and Marwadis Madras, a city rich in history, dates to ancient times and began its modern history in the 17th century. The timeline of Madras can be divided into colonial era and modern Chennai. Colonial era The colonia era started in 1639 when the British East Indian company established Fort St. George (See figure 4 and 5), as the first British settlement in the land of India. Over time, Fort St. George (See figure 4) have become the important site for trading and military training. This triggered the development of surrounding and attracted migrants from all over India. Between 17th to 18th century, British faced frequent conflicts with the French and local rulers. Yet eventually took over control of the area surrounding the fort and integrated it into the Madras Presidency (current day Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Telangana). Figure 4, Plan of Fort St. George, Source: Modern History or, the Present State of all Nations by Thomas Salmon  7 Figure 5, Historic Map of India, Source: Imperial Gazetteer Atlas of India Madras to modern Chennai The colonia background and its location on the Coromandel Coast made it a crucial port city for international trade making way to its economic significance. The economic opportunities attracted migrants not only from Madras province also from other parts of North India making it a multilingual city, with English, Tamil, Telugu, and Hindi being spoken widely. After the independence of India in 1947, Madras have become the capital of Madras state which later was renamed to Tamil Nadu in 1969, and in 1996 the city was renamed to Chennai  8 to highlight its Tamil heritage. Until today, Chennai is one of India’s largest economic, educational, and cultural centres. It is well known for its IT industry, vehicle manufacturing, and healthcare facilities. The city also keeps a rich cultural heritage, with its music, dance, and cuisine representing a blend of traditional Tamil culture. (Sriram V. 2021) Who are Marwadis? The Marwadi is a community originated from Marwar region in the western Indian state of Rajasthan, Marwadis are known for their sharp business acumen, entrepreneurial spirit, and significant contributions to commerce and trade across India. Over time, many Marwadis migrated from Rajasthan to other parts of the country, establishing themselves as a successful merchants, traders, and industrialists with dominance in textile, finance, and real estate. Rooted in family values and tradition, they follow Vaishnavism and Jainism. Fluent in Marwari, a regional language, they preserve their culture while adapting to new regions. In nineteenth century the spread out to every corner of India and controlled much of the country’s inland trade by the time of First world war. Marwadi businesspeople account for a quarter of the Indian names on the Forbes billionaires list (Thomas A. Timberg and Gurcharan Das, 2015). Sowcarpet - the land of commerce Sowcarpet is a historic commercial area emerged in the 18th century when a tiny community of Marwadis settled north of Fort St. George to offer banking services to the British traders, before the modern-day banks exited (“Sowcar” comes from Hindi word sahukaar, meaning banker/moneylender). Its proximity to the port and railway line made the neighbourhood a convenient and important junction for goods and trade activities. The migrants settled in the area, started engaging in commerce, ponding and trade under the British power, which lay the foundation for Sowcarpet’s commercial success (Sriram V, 2023). From 19th century, along with the development of the British colony, the market in Sowcarpet had slowly become a crucial not of the commercial net between north and south  9 India. The Marwaris brought them their unique culture, traditions, and language establishing temples, community centres, and schools. After independence, commercial activities have expanded in diversity and scale. It includes retail, distribution of goods, international trading, wholesale and more. Meanwhile, alongside the Marwari communities’ merchants from other parts of madras province moved into the area, enriching its cultural and economic diversity. This has brought the multilingual and multicultural character to the neighbourhood at the same time. The descendants of earlier migrants have diversified their profession, moving into fields like education or technology. However, the heart of Sowcarpet remains its traditional character in trade practices, maintained by newer migrants and family businesses. Types and causes of Segregation The prominent type of segregation in India is due to administrative divisions, carried out based on the languages spoken. As seen nationally, each state boundary was defined based on the primary language spoken and mostly named after the language, for example, Tamil Nadu refers to a region of Tamil-speaking people; Telangana refers to a region of Telugu-speaking people, and so on. Similarly, divisions within each region (states) are based on the dialect of each language, further divided at the ward level where boundaries are predominantly defined by land use, the major field of occupation of the residents, or the religious or ethnic groups living in a cluster, and so on (based on the laws concerning each State government/municipality/in case of union territories, it is defined by national government law). Following this pattern, segregation in Chennai, the capital city of Tamil Nadu, is also observed at many levels. (Refer to Figure 6 which shows the types of segregations operating at the macro (city) and micro (neighbourhood) levels.  10 Figure 6, Flowchart showing the levels of segregation, Source: author Primary level – George Town and the City On the primary level, George Town is a place where people from the entire city travel to buy goods at cheaper rates. It acts as the commercial centre of the city, due to its nearness to the port and railway facilities (See Figure 3). Shops and places of exchange typically occupy the ground floors of the buildings in this area, while the floors above serve as residences for these shop-owners and their families (See Figure 7), thereby making this neighbourhood a complex system of residential and commercial functions operating simultaneously. George Town in Chennai is segregated from the rest of the city because of several reasons which include geographical, cultural, and socio-economic perspective. In terms of geography, it is physically bounded on all sides which limits its expansion and integration which other neighborhoods of Chennai. To the north and west, railway lines create a natural barrier, while to the south, government properties such as Fort St. George inhibits expansion.  11 On the east, the Chennai harbor and the Bay of Bengal further restrict its spatial growth, making physical expansion impossible. Figure 7, Streets of Sowcarpet, Source: Pradeepa Photography Figure 8, Streets of Chennai suburbs, Source: Author The proximity of George Town to major transport hubs, particularly the Chennai Central Railway Station (See figure 3), plays a crucial role in sustaining the ethnic enclave.  12 Goods from North India arrive at this station, from where they are distributed to wholesale markets in George Town. Small scale retailers from other parts of Chennai frequently visit George Town to purchase commodities, which they later sell at higher prices elsewhere. This logistical advantage of being near the railway hub is a significant reason the community continues to remain within the enclave, reinforcing its economic and cultural cohesion. Culturally and socially, George Town’s role as a commercial hub also contributed to shaping its distinct character. During urbanization of Chennai, when local Tamil population started to migrate from rural Tamil Nadu to city, they preferred to settle in areas outside this neighborhood. The reasons for this included better living conditions, wider roads, and improved services in the newer parts of the city, which were less congested (See figure 8) and commercialized in comparison to George Town where lack of substantial urban redevelopment or modernization efforts left it with narrowed roads and inadequate public amenities (See figure 7). This stagnation has made it less appealing for residential purposes, especially for upwardly mobile local populations. Additionally, the suburban areas allowed for a more pronounced expression of Tamil cultural identity, which was harder to sustain within the distinct environment of George Town. Economically, George Town’s intense commercial activity, including the presence of major trading hubs and wholesale markets, has reinforced its identity as a business district rather than a residential neighborhood. This has led to a socio-economic divide where only specific communities, such as the Marwadis, have chosen to reside and work in the area due to their historical and economic ties. Secondary level – Within George Town Loı¨c Wacquant’s concept of symbolic boundaries highlights how, even without physical demarcations or district borders, George Town exhibits clear imaginary boundaries shaped by its history. These boundaries, deeply rooted in the neighbourhood’s legacy, are  13 evident in the social and cultural practices of the families and communities residing there. Over generations, these groups have maintained a strong commitment to preserving their unique identities, further reinforcing these invisible division. The enduring desire to uphold cultural traditions and a sense of belonging has created a deeply ingrained separation, defined the areas social fabric and influenced interactions among its diverse population. Figure 9, Ward map of George Town, Source: Author The second level of segregation is observed within George Town. The trading families primarily belong to four communities: Jains, Hindus, Muslims, and Christians, who trade with everyone but reside within their communities. Hence, the boundaries are a result of this, and specific wards belong to specific communities for better administration (See Figure 9). The occupation of these communities also depends on the businesses the family has been carrying out throughout generations. The Jain community, one of the first settlers in Sowcarpet (located in the North-West of George Town), natively spoke the Marwadi language and traded in textiles, jewellery, and money-lending businesses. They adopted Tamil, the native language of  14 Madras (now Chennai), and expanded their businesses to selling other daily essentials like plastics, steel ware, and paper. Hence, one can easily recognize Sowcarpet from the shop advertisement boards written in Hindi and Tamil languages and people wearing clothes native to their region in North India (Colin Todhunter, 2013). Other first settler communities that settled along with the Jain community, in each patch of land, followed the same pattern and have been assigned ward numbers accordingly. As a result of the above, segregations in public spaces and schools are observed. Each community has its specific religious places of worship that are mostly the main congregational spaces used by the people for various religious and other recreational activities. Figure 10 show the locations of the Jain and Hindu temples, Mosques, and Churches that have formed in the settlements of the specific communities. Figure 10, Places of Worship, Source: Author  15 The segregation observed at this level can be attributed to both socio-cultural and economic factors. The religious diversity among communities leads to distinct interests, rituals, and eating habits, reinforcing separation. Economic motivations further solidify this divide, as each community prioritizes the welfare and sustainability of its members. For example, Jain temples provide financial grants to new Jain settlers from North India to help them start businesses, which can be repaid later. Similarly, fellow Jain members often receive loans at lower interest rates compared to other communities, fostering a powerful sense of cohesion and mutual support. Another factor reinforcing the strong cohesion within each community and limiting their integration with others is the practice of cross-community marriages. Jains especially, typically avoid marrying outside their own, which helps preserve their cultural identity and strengthens their presence in the area. Marrying within the same community ensures that wealth, land, and businesses remain within the community, passing seamlessly from one generation to the next. This practice prevents the dilution of their identity and maintains a well- formed socio-economic structure. As a result, interactions between different communities in George Town are limited only to trade. While economic exchanges occur across community boundaries, other aspects of life remain compartmentalized, further emphasizing the segregated nature of the neighbourhood. Like how Boterman associates, Segregations in schools are observed where specific schools cater to the children of those specific communities and are in their settlements to facilitate access to educational facilities (See Figures 11,12,13). Of these schools, public schools teach in the regional language i.e., Tamil as the primary language, and in their native languages, i.e., Hindi, Urdu, and so on, as secondary languages. Private schools teach in English as their primary language and considered the best schools for their children, due to the  16 notion that education in English is superior to regional languages. Some of these schools are also segregated based on gender, with specific schools for girls and boys of the community, managed by one institution but operating independently. Figure 11, Map of Schools in George Town, Source: Author Figure 12, Jain School in Sowcarpet, Source: Author  17 Figure 13, Public muslim school in George Town, Source: Google Maps As we delve deeper into Sowcarpet, we observe that most Jain families prefer sending their children to private schools, as they prioritize English over the regional language, Tamil, as the primary medium of instruction. In schools, the students are further divided into sections based on their choice of a second language. Most Jain children opt for Hindi as their second language, leading to their grouping within the same sections and which creates a sense of cultural homogeneity as they grow up among peers with similar backgrounds. While the broader topic of segregation in Chennai’s schools extends beyond the scope of this paper, its influence on the socio-cultural dynamics of communities, guarantees relevance in this context.  18 Tertiary level – Within Sowcarpet The third level of segregation is within communities, where it is observed that people started staying together according to their occupation forming peculiar streets which later were named as per the different occupations carried out in them. To name a few, Perumal Street is dominated by jewellery and money-lending shops. Audiappa Naicker Street is dominated by dry fruit, chili, pepper, and other spice shops. Govindappan Naicker Street deals with all electrical goods, decorative lamps, and so on. Godown Street has all the textile shops that sell ethnic wear, and Anderson Street sells all the goods related to plastics, paper, and other essentials (Lakshmi Arunachalam, 2015). (See Figure 14) Figure 14, Places of School, Source: Author The type of segregation based on economy is observed in the occupations of the people, i.e., between the shop owners that sell the goods and the people that supply these shopkeepers in back-end tasks. The drivers, called Rickshaw wallahs (see figure 15), and their cycle rickshaws (a vehicle made by combining a cart and a bicycle), are a very peculiar element of Sowcarpet. They help in loading, unloading, and transporting goods from the ports to the respective shops and within the streets of Sowcarpet, as the narrow lanes do not allow heavy  19 vehicles to manoeuvre through. They mostly depend on this activity for their livelihood (Varsha Gopal, Urbanities, Vol. 10, No 2, 2020). This bustling neighbourhood is intended to benefit both business owners and those providing services to support these businesses. However, dominant business owners often exploit the vulnerabilities of the workers depending on these jobs, exacerbating socio- economic inequality. Labor-intensive tasks such as loading and unloading goods are typically carried out by rickshaws in the open. Despite relying on this work for income, their earnings often fall short of meeting basic needs, prompting them to seek secondary and tertiary income sources. This ends up with some of them being so poor that they stay with their wives and children on the rickshaw in the open (Varsha Gopal, Urbanities, Vol. 10, No 2, 2020). Although underpaid, the demand for these jobs persisted, limiting drivers’ opportunities to diversify their income. Figure 15, The Rickshaw Wala, Source: A chat with Chennai’s last generation of rickshaw pullers by Laasya Shekhar March 5, 2020  20 The type of segregation based on gender is visible within the family structure. The shop fronts and back-end operations are mostly handled by men as they have been carrying them out through generations, and women usually support the family by staying at home on the floors above. This phenomenon is observed mainly because of the patriarchal nature of the Indian society. With these types of segregations operating at various levels and through different parameters, George Town becomes a unique place full of different experiences that benefit the place for its survival and thriving. Impacts of the Segregation Primary level - George Town, as A Shopping Destination George Town’s transformation from a subdued trade enclave in the past into a bustling commercial hub exemplifies the economic dominance of the Marwari community. The area, now synonymous with the narrow streets lined with shops, vibrant markets, and frenetic activity, attracts buyers not only from across the city but also from other parts of the state (Sharayu Shejale, 2021). This shift has reshaped the neighbourhood’s identity, moving it away from its residential origins. The Chennai corporation’s projected 2030 land-use plan anticipated the area becoming entirely commercial, further solidifying its image as a shopping hotspot. However, this commercial surge comes with challenges, including overcrowded streets, chaotic traffic, and insufficient infrastructure, making it less appealing for other residents seeking liveable spaces. Primary level - George Town, as a Marwadi settlement Although Sowcarpet is technically just a part of George Town. The latter area is often perceived and identified as a Marwadi settlement. This perception overshadows the presence of other communities, due to Marwadi’s dominant influence in shaping the area’s identity and their substantial control over its business landscape. Festivals and Celebrations  21 Sowcarpet has earned the nickname “Little North India” due to its vibrant cultural celebrations rooted in the Marwadi tradition. Festivals like Holi and Ganesh Chaturthi (See figure 16) are celebrated on an impressive scale, drawing people from across Chennai to partake in the festivities. These events highlight the vibrancy of Indian traditions, blending the Marwadi influence with Tamil culture, and create a lively atmosphere unique to Sowcarpet. The large-scale celebrations have positioned the neighbourhood as a cultural hub, but they also emphasize the increasing dominance of Marwadi customs in a space once characterized by a more diverse cultural mix (Colin Todhunter. Feb 2013). While these festivals highlight the richness of north Indian cultural, they have inadvertently contributed to a sense of cultural alienation among Tamil-speaking residents Figure 16, North Indian Festivals in Chennai, Source: Instagram Culinary Fusion as a cultural Marker The culinary landscape of Sowcarpet mirror its cultural evolution, offering a fusion of Marwadi and Tamil flavours, that attract food enthusiasts from across the city. The area is famous for snacks like Gujarati Ghathiya and fusion dishes like the Murukku sandwich (See figure 17), which are emblematic of the Marwadi-Tamil culinary synthesis (Samyuktha Nair, 2021). This thriving food culture has enhanced Sowcarpet’s reputation as a gastronomic destination, setting it apart from the other parts of Chennai. While the cuisine celebrates the  22 blending of traditions, it also underscores the Marwadi influence of the neighbourhood’s identity, further reinforcing their cultural and economic prominence. Figure 17, The Mixed Cuisine, Source: Sowcarpet Murukku Sandwich Recipe Published: Feb 12, 2022 by Pavani Secondary level – Existence of other communities While George town’s transformation has brought economic prosperity of many, it has also introduced challenges for non-Marwadi residents. The Marwari’s keen understating of business and established networks have created significant barrier for smaller, local business, many Tamil entrepreneurs have struggles to compete, often leading to the closure or relocation of their shops. This economic displacement, sometimes leads to urban gentrification, has contributed to a gradual exodus of other communities from the area. Over time, the neighbourhood’s commercial landscape has become increasingly monopolized by the Marwari enterprises, fostering a sense of alienation among other communities. Secondary level – Urban Preservation amidst rapid development The unique spatial and social dynamics of George Town highlight how social segregation impacts urban preservation. As Chennai evolves into a metropolitan hub, its identity from the past continues to fade across various aspects of daily life. One striking example is the disappearance of cycle rickshaws, a once-iconic means of transport, which have vanished from most parts of the city. The congested, maze -like streets of George Town are ill-  23 suited for modern vehicles, making cycle rickshaws the most practical choice for transporting both people and goods. Although underpaid, the demand for these jobs persisted, limiting drivers’ opportunities to diversify their income. Over time, this shifted to many drivers becoming personal chauffeurs for specific families (Varsha Gopal, 2020). This functionality, combined with the area’s deeply rooted traditions, had ensured the survival of cycle rickshaws in a way unseen elsewhere in Chennai. Conclusion The usual process of community immigration involves many hindrances, such as non- inclusive attitudes, an inability to pay rents, social exclusions, and so on. In the case of Sowcarpet in Georgetown, opposite conditions are observed. Throughout the ages, at the primary (city) level, the segregation benefits the city of Chennai by having a consistent commercial place to buy all goods and commodities at cheaper rates. At the secondary (George Town) level, the trading families of different communities ensure they broaden their cliental base network by exchanging cultures through social and religious gatherings while equipping themselves with adequate facilities, amenities, incentives, and opportunities to survive and thrive on their own. At the tertiary (Sowcarpet) level, the functional organization with respect to occupation, along with the business mindset of the Marwadi community, facilitates efficiency in trading and ensures their prosperity. As a result, it creates an ethnic enclave so strong that other communities are not able to compete and surpass them in their occupations. Such unique cases of positive segregations are often seen in different parts of India, making it a complex and dense structure of culture that co-exists by depending on each other.  24 References Avkash Kumar, Yogesh Kumar, Shamsheer Ahmed. May 2024. “Impact Of Intercaste Marriage and Social Challenges: A Study” Colin Todhunter. Feb 2013. “Hot mint in Chennai: welcome to India” https://www.travelmag.co.uk/2013/02/hot-mint-in-chennai-welcome-to-india/ Lakshmi Arunachalam. 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