Curriculum_for_Justice_and_Harmony_Deliberation_Kn.pdf

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/354324407 Curriculum for Justice and Harmony: Deliberation, Knowledge, and Action in Social and Civic Education Book · September 2021 DOI: 10.4324/9781003010104 CITATIONS READS 21 1,221 2 authors, including: Keith Barton Indiana University Bloomington 99 PUBLICATIONS 5,120 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All content following this page was uploaded by Keith Barton on 17 September 2021. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. CURRICULUM FOR JUSTICE AND HARMONY Barton and Ho present a global vision of social and civic education, one that reorients the field toward justice and harmony. Drawing from diverse philo- sophical and cultural traditions, as well as empirical research, they introduce cur- riculum principles designed to motivate and inform students’ thoughtful and compassionate deliberation of public issues. This book argues that the curriculum must prepare young people to take action on issues of justice and harmony—societal ideals that are central to all communities. Effective action depends on deliberation characterized by emo- tional commitment, collaborative problem-solving, and engagement with diverse perspectives and forms of expression. Deliberation for public action also requires knowledge—of people’s lives and experiences, their insights into social issues, and strategies for advancing justice and harmony. These curriculum principles are illustrated through case studies of public housing, food insecurity, climate change, gender bias, public health, exploi- tation of domestic workers, incarceration of racialized minorities, the impact of development and environmental change on Indigenous communities, and other pressing global concerns. For additional resources and related information, please visit the authors’ website, www.justiceandharmony.com. Keith C. Barton is Professor of Curriculum and Instruction at Indiana University. His research and teaching focus on engaging children and adolescents in explorations of history, human rights, and other social and civic issues. He is co-author, with Linda S. Levstik, of Teaching History for the Common Good. Li-Ching Ho is Professor of Curriculum and Instruction at the University of Wisconsin-Madison and Faculty Director of Global Engagement in the School of Education. Her research focuses on global, environmental, and multicultural civic education. As we witness pervasive inequity and exclusion on a global scale, educators must refocus on the communal good, the health of our planet, and the fair distribution of resources, with renewed commitment to “preparing young people for a life of public participation.” Barton and Ho speak to social and civic education curriculum, undergirded by justice and harmony, and informed by intersecting world perspectives and philosophies. The inter- national education community will find much relevant wisdom to address their own local concerns, yet this volume transcends the limitations of specific nations and contexts to emphasize our shared humanity and our common destinies. A. Lin Goodwin, Dean and Professor, Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong Thought provoking, relevant, and timely. Kudos to Barton and Ho. They appeal to our hearts and heads in a thoughtful and compelling way that speaks to how justice and harmony can and should inform our collective action.This book offers an essential blueprint about how we prepare young citizens for public life in a diverse society. If you are looking for a book that offers knowledge, inspiration and hope this is the book that you need. Barton and Ho compel us to know, care, and act. Tyrone Howard, Professor and Pritzker Family Endowed Chair in Education to Strengthen Families, Graduate School of Education and Information Studies, University of California Los Angeles Barton and Ho call for a complete reorientation of social and civic educa- tion. They propose a curriculum that centers public action, an expanded view of deliberation, and an alloy of justice and harmony. The authors make a groundbreaking proposal here, just what’s needed to bring clar- ity of purpose, vivid examples, and a global perspective to education for democracy. Walter C. Parker, Professor Emeritus, College of Education, University of Washington CURRICULUM FOR JUSTICE AND HARMONY Deliberation, Knowledge, and Action in Social and Civic Education Keith C. Barton and Li-Ching Ho First published 2022 by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Keith C. Barton & Li-Ching Ho The right of Keith C. Barton and Li-Ching Ho to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Barton, Keith C. author. | Ho, Li-Ching, author. Title: Curriculum for justice and harmony : deliberation, knowledge, and action in social and civic education / Keith C. Barton, Li-Ching Ho. Description: New York, N.Y. : Routledge, 2022. | Includes bibliographical references. Identifiers: LCCN 2021014799 (print) | LCCN 2021014800 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367445058 (hardback) | ISBN 9780367445034 (paperback) | ISBN 9781003010104 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Citizenship--Study and teaching. Classification: LCC LC1091.B37 2022 (print) | LCC LC1091 (ebook) | DDC 372.83--dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021014799 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021014800 ISBN: 978-0-367-44505-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-44503-4 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-01010-4 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003010104 Typeset in Bembo by SPi Technologies India Pvt Ltd (Straive) CONTENTS Preface viii 1 A Vision for Social and Civic Education 1 Public Action 2 Justice and Harmony 4 Deliberatively Informed Action 6 Knowledge in the Curriculum 8 Guidelines for Content Selection 10 Extensions and Applications 12 Conclusions 14 2 Justice and Capabilities 15 Social Justice and the Curriculum 17 The Capabilities Approach and Social Justice 18 Curriculum Applications 26 Conclusions 31 3 Critical Harmony 33 Harmony as a Societal Goal 34 Critical Harmony: Conflict, Difference, and Balance 37 Curriculum Applications 42 Conclusions 46 vi Contents 4 Deliberatively Informed Action 48 Deliberation and Public Action 49 Democratic Deliberation in Schools 54 Expanding Deliberative Models in Education 58 Conclusions 63 5 Curriculum for Deliberatively Informed Action 64 Initiation into the Practice of Deliberatively Informed Action 64 Values, Skills, and Knowledge in the Curriculum 66 Curriculum Structure 73 Conclusions 78 6 Extending Benevolence 79 Emotions, Compassion, and Benevolence 79 Extending Benevolence through Curriculum 84 Curriculum Application: Refugees 87 Contextualizing Benevolence 89 Conclusions 92 7 Listening to Distant Voices 93 The Value of Distant Voices 94 Encouraging Listening 102 Curriculum Application: Speech and Expression 105 Conclusions 106 8 Taking Wise Action 108 Discretion and Practical Wisdom 108 Sources of Wisdom 110 Guiding Wise Action 117 Curriculum Application: Hunger and Food Insecurity 121 Conclusions 124 9 Civil Society 125 Prevalence and Influence of Civil Society 126 Civil Society at the Periphery 129 Civil Society in the Curriculum 136 Conclusions 139 Contents vii 10 Civility and Incivility 140 Civility and Community 140 The Limits of Civility 144 Civility and Incivility in the Curriculum 148 Curriculum Applications 153 Conclusions 156 11 Environmental Justice and Harmony 157 Environmental Justice 158 Environmental Harmony 162 Curriculum Application: Climate Change 166 Conclusions 172 References 174 Index 210 PREFACE Growing up in Singapore and in rural Kentucky, our lives were similar in only a few ways. Both of us had parents involved in small business, both came from families with elementary teachers, and both were academically inclined at school. Both of us became public school teachers ourselves, but only after growing dis- enchanted with other career paths. And notably, both came from the dominant ethnic group in our home countries and spoke English as our first language. In many other ways, however, our experiences and worldviews could not have been more dissimilar—one of us a Chinese Singaporean female immersed in a mix- ture of Western, Buddhist, and ostensibly “illiberal” Confucian ideas, the other a White U.S. male brought up on a steady diet of rights-based individualism and Protestant religion. Our experiences at university and beyond brought us to new settings—London, Lausanne, and New York in one case; Los Angeles, Oakland, and Kenya in the other. And in recent years we have worked with educators in East and Southeast Asia, North and South America, Europe, and Africa, in coun- tries as diverse as the Philippines, China, Chile, Northern Ireland, New Zealand, and South Sudan, among others. After a serendipitous meeting at a conference in Singapore in 2008, we began discussing how social and civic education might better meet society’s needs, in our own countries and elsewhere. As we continued to work in a variety of set- tings, both separately and together, we developed a shared belief that social and civic education must become less Eurocentric, more culturally inclusive, and more globally relevant to students and teachers, be they in Madison, Mumbai, Mombasa, Montevideo, or Melbourne. That belief has motivated and guided this book. As our ideas took shape, we realized that we sometimes diverged in our social philosophies and political positions, as well as in our understanding of the role and purposes of education. However, we were able to clarify and refine our Preface ix positions as we gradually and collaboratively worked through their implications, and as we jointly explored new and unfamiliar viewpoints, occasionally arguing passionately about our different perspectives. Even though a significant propor- tion of the work draws on Confucian ideas and texts, both authors contributed equally to the conceptualization and writing of the book. We hope the final product reflects a consistent approach to social and civic education, while also leaving room for differing interpretations. We have attempted to build on the work of outstanding scholars in our own field and in other disciplines, and we have tried to enter into these conversations in ways that acknowledge what has gone before while also recognizing new work. At the same time, we aim to extend and transform the field’s understand- ings of the purposes, goals, and practices of social and civic education. Some of our ideas and arguments about justice, harmony, and the curriculum may be unfamiliar to readers, but we hope this book will spark thoughtful discussion, critical questioning, and further reflection. Many of our ideas have derived from collaboration with the students, teachers, and teacher educators we have worked with around the world, and we appreci- ate all those in our personal and professional lives who have supported us during our somewhat meandering journey. We are thankful for feedback, insights, and thoughtful conversation from Zongyi Deng, Rob Kunzman, Liza Prendergast, Jeremy Stoddard,You Yenn Teo, and others.We appreciate the patience and atten- tion afforded us as we visited two scholars who have inspired our work, Sungmoon Kim and Chenyang Li. We owe a great intellectual debt to our dear friends and colleagues at Indiana University, the University of Wisconsin-Madison, and elsewhere, including Patricia Avery, Alex Cuenca, Kathryn Engebretson, Carole Hahn, Jennifer Hauver, Diana Hess, Linda Levstik, Alan McCully, Walter Parker, Simone Schweber, Tricia Seow, and Stephen Thornton. We are also grateful for ideas, examples, and reminders from our current and former doctoral stu- dents, including James Brown, Spencer Clark, Quynh Dang, Alexandria Hollett, Jiyoung Kang, Geena Kim, E-von Lai, Juhee Lee, Marilyn Lim, and others. Our deepest appreciation goes to Hana Jun, not only for her contributions as we developed our ideas but also for her diligent, thorough, and prompt assistance in preparing the manuscript. Finally, for their unstinting support and patience, we would like to thank our families, particularly our spouses Wee Han Ang and Shaunna Scott. Although our granddaughters, niece, and nephews—Emma, Nola, Ellie, Nicholas, and Ethan— may be too young to fully understand what goes into writing a book, they will no doubt be glad that it is over. 1 A VISION FOR SOCIAL AND CIVIC EDUCATION This book lays out a vision for the curriculum of social and civic education. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., once suggested that life’s most persistent and urgent question is, “What are you doing for others?” (M. L. King, 1963, p. 72). In our vision for social and civic education, students would be prepared to answer King’s question in direct and tangible ways. The curriculum would involve students in sustained deliberation of how to address pressing societal problems—poverty, racism, climate change, and the many other critical issues facing the world. It would engage them with concrete and specific knowledge of these issues, so that they could take wise action to make people’s lives better, locally, nationally, and globally. And because societal problems require public action, the curriculum would revolve around the institutions and practices that shape social, political, and economic life. In our vision, then, the curriculum would prepare students to work together to create a better world, one in which all people would flourish— culturally, socially, and materially—and in which everyone could be affirmed and respected within rich networks of social bonds. This would be a curriculum of justice and harmony. The phrase social and civic education may sound cumbersome, but we use it to mean all the content and learning experiences aimed at preparing young people for a life of public participation. Although modern school systems may prioritize academic achievement or economic training, educators also recognize that they must prepare students for public life. They do this both by nurturing students’ commitment to purposes that extend beyond their own self-interest, and by developing their ability to pursue such ends. Sometimes, this takes place in sub- jects with names such as Civics, Civic Education, Citizenship, or Social Studies. Other times, social and civic goals may be part of subjects such as History, Geography, or Government, particularly when these are oriented toward understanding the DOI: 10.4324/9781003010104-1 2 A Vision for Social and Civic Education nature and origin of current social issues. Schools also promote students’ par- ticipation in public life through more specialized courses and programs, such as character education, service learning, global education, peace education, ethnic studies, multicultural education, sustainability education, human rights educa- tion, and so on. And notably, the content of social and civic education is found not just in schools but also in the educational work of many museums, nonprofit organizations, and government agencies. In this book, we are not concerned with the content of any particular course or curriculum, but with the underlying ideas that should guide all such efforts. We have tried to make our recommendations applicable to a wide range of social and cultural settings, within and across countries. Most discussions of social and civic education are closely tied to particular national contexts, and this has inhibited development of more robust and internationally relevant principles for curriculum. The United States, for example, has a long and vibrant tradition of theorizing about social and civic education, but most of this work invokes U.S. ideals and political practices, U.S. Constitutional principles and legal protections, and the history of the U.S. political system. Although this approach can high- light concerns that transcend national boundaries—including civil rights, cul- tural diversity, and public participation—U.S. scholars often address these issues in ways that are so nation-specific that their relevance for educators in other countries is limited. Even U.S. work that emphasizes “global education” typically focuses on what U.S. students should be learning about the rest of the world, and not what students throughout the world should be learning in social and civic education. Educators in other countries have made important contributions to curricu- lum theory for social and civic education as well, but they also frequently tie their work to the course content and social ideals of specific nations or regions. Even recent work on “global citizenship education,” which comes from a variety of countries and aims to transcend national boundaries, often is grounded in a Eurocentric framework that does not adequately reflect the values and con- cerns of other parts of the world. In this book, we hope to expand the range of perspectives underlying social and civic education, by explicitly drawing from diverse intellectual traditions, as well as by incorporating examples of content relevant to varied settings. Public Action Beyond the vague goal of preparing young people for public participation, social and civic educators show little agreement on what students should be learning or what it means to take part in public life. Should students learn to treat each other fairly and with compassion? To be accepting of cultural differences? To be informed voters? To support the government? To evaluate society through a critical lens? To become part of the political process through lobbying, protesting, A Vision for Social and Civic Education 3 or other forms of direct political action? Sometimes, museums and foundations develop curricula that focus on a small number of specific goals, but few school systems take a consistent or exclusive approach grounded in any one of these perspectives. Often, the curriculum of social and civic education is a hodge- podge of disjointed content. Connections across subjects and topics—or consis- tency with overarching educational goals—rarely live up to the rhetoric of public engagement. We think students deserve better than this, and in this book we aim to restart the conversation on how to prepare students for civic life. Curriculum planners—whether in classrooms, in government agencies, or working for inde- pendent organizations and nonprofit foundations—need a consistent set of prin- ciples for bringing young people into the world of public action. We hope to provide those principles. We should make it clear at the outset, however, that by public action we mean collective engagement with matters of public concern. This involves acting to improve the world by addressing poverty, violence, discrimination, and other societal issues, or working to preserve important elements of the world we already have, such as Indigenous languages or the environment. Such action nec- essarily involves public policy and social institutions, and our focus is on how to prepare students to engage with these—and not on developing their values, character, or interpersonal behaviors. Some approaches to social and civic educa- tion aim to make students better people—fairer, more tolerant, more peaceful, and so on. These are no doubt important goals, and schools should play a role in promoting such traits. Developing character and improving interpersonal relationships, however, should not be the primary focus of social and civic education. Character and human relationships develop as part of a wide range of social and cultural forces— families, peers, religion, the media, and other influences. This process is too com- plex for any curriculum to address comprehensively, and placing the burden for character development on school subjects is likely to be disappointing. It can also detract from other goals that might more reasonably be accomplished. The focus of this book, then, is on preparing students to take action on matters of public concern, by addressing the policies, institutions, and practices that affect collec- tive well-being and that require collective effort. While individual character and interpersonal behaviors are important, we believe social and civic education should focus on public, societal issues, at local, national, and global levels. Taking action is a complex enterprise, and preparing students for the task can- not be a narrow or simplistic mission.When some people hear the phrase “taking action,” they may think of direct and immediate behaviors, such as donating to charity and volunteering in the community, or—from a different orientation— joining street protests or participating in a boycott. These certainly are examples of action, and depending on setting and circumstance, they may be the most appropriate outcomes of social and civic education. But students need to be prepared for the many forms of public engagement that shape civic life. They 4 A Vision for Social and Civic Education should be developing opinions on policy issues, which will inform their support for candidates and issues, their attempts to persuade government officials and other members of the public, and eventually their own voting. They should be learning about the work of a variety of community groups in civil society (not only “service” organizations but social, cultural, and political ones) and learning how to both join them and guide their policies. And they should be prepared for informal civic action, such as reading media critically and taking part in discus- sions about public affairs. To prepare for all these formal and informal activities, students need to learn to investigate issues, use evidence to reach conclusions, consider a range of options and their consequences, and work with others to make a difference in the world. Public action is too important to be reduced to cleaning up the neighborhood or joining a protest, and students need a rich and varied curriculum to prepare for the variety of forms it can take. Justice and Harmony Principles for social and civic education must begin with a clear sense of the field’s purpose. The curriculum, that is, cannot and should not be neutral about the goals of addressing public issues, as though the purpose were simply to teach students to make decisions and stand up for what they believe in, or to support their positions when taking part in dialogue with others. As important as these may be, they are not adequate goals for the curriculum—or perhaps more accu- rately, they can only be proximate goals, not ultimate ones. Students’ choices and positions, after all, could be completely self-serving—oriented toward their own interests (or those of groups to which they belong), with no regard for the consequences these hold for others. Social and civic education must do more than point students toward taking a position or reaching agreement; it must help them consider what these are for. In short, social and civic education must stand for something. It must orient students toward the kind of society they should be working toward, even while recognizing the diverse backgrounds and beliefs that characterize any society. What ideals are fundamental enough, and yet sufficiently flexible, to form the foundation for such a curriculum—a curriculum that states without reserva- tion that all students should learn to work toward common goals? Walter Parker (2003) has characterized the central civic question of our time as, in part, “How can we live together justly?” (p. 20). Living together justly. The two parts of this simple phrase correspond to ideals that should be at the heart of the curriculum: harmony and justice. Justice has long been a part of Western philosophical tradi- tions and continues to play a central role in questions of public policy throughout the world: What rights do people have, and what do we do when those rights come into conflict? How can conditions of oppression be removed? How can social and material benefits and burdens be distributed fairly, and how can we ensure that everyone has the resources necessary to develop and flourish? From A Vision for Social and Civic Education 5 an early age, students are faced with such questions in their own experiences, and they will continue to grapple with them throughout their lives, particularly once they begin to take part in public life—in their schools, their communities, and society at large. We are hardly the first to place justice at the heart of social and civic educa- tion. Many educators—particularly those concerned with inequality and oppres- sion—assume that the curriculum should focus directly on questions of justice, usually framed more specifically as social justice (e.g., Banks, 2004; Tyson & Park, 2008; Zembylas & Keet, 2019). They argue that students must learn about the history of oppression and its current manifestations, and they must learn to act against that oppression. This perspective clearly stands for something: It is not neutral with regard to the ends of public action, as though racists and anti-racists could sit down and come to a mutually agreeable solution. Our work is wholly in line with that of educators working toward these goals of social justice. However, this work rarely presents a systematic vision of what justice means, apart from fairness or equity. Despite its many clear and insightful analyses of specific issues and educational approaches, social justice education is not often grounded in an overarching theory of justice that could form a comprehensive foundation for curriculum, either within or across national borders. One of the aims of this book is to address that gap by presenting a flexible but theoretically grounded perspective on the nature of justice, and on how this perspective can provide a foundation for social and civic education. In Chapter 2, we explain how Amartya Sen’s comparative perspective on justice (A. Sen, 2009), combined with the capabilities approach to human devel- opment advanced by Sen, Martha Nussbaum (2011), and others, provides a foundation for considering issues of justice in social and civic education. Unlike many political philosophies, a comparative perspective does not aim to establish universal principles of justice or create a perfectly just society. Rather, it calls attention to how manifest examples of injustice can be alleviated in concrete circumstances. Sen argues that while the diverse peoples and traditions of the world always will differ on the nature of an ideal society, they are much more likely to agree on how to make the world better. The capabilities component of this perspective begins with the premise that social policy should advance the ability of all people to choose the lives they have reason to value, by ensuring access to material goods, providing avenues for cultural expression, addressing obstacles to public participation, and removing discrimination based on indi- vidual characteristics or group membership. This is a particularly useful founda- tion for social and civic education, because it ensures that students will consider the most important social issues facing the world—poverty, health care, racism, gender inequality, environmental change, and so on—yet it guides them to reach decisions about pragmatic ways of addressing these in specific circumstances, rather than presenting idealized or unrealistic visions that afford little space for meaningful action. 6 A Vision for Social and Civic Education Issues of justice, however, are not the only ones that students must learn to address. Although justice has been the dominant focus of Western political phi- losophy, in other parts of the world harmony has long been the central goal of public life—the living together part of Parker’s phrase. As we explain in Chapter 3, harmony is a key element of Confucian philosophy, which is concerned with maintaining relationships within the social order. How can people best fulfill their obligations to others? How can bonds among groups and individuals be strengthened, so that all people’s lives are richer and more fulfilling? How can differences be respected, and how can they serve as a source of growth? How can conflict and tension be resolved productively? How can balance be achieved among a society’s differing and discordant voices, and among people and the environment? These too are questions that students face from an early age, and that they will continue to tackle throughout their lives. In order to advance harmony, students need to consider not just how to protect the rights of people of differing backgrounds and identities—justice- oriented questions—but also how to afford all people meaningful roles in society. They must explore how productive connections and interactions can be estab- lished and maintained among differing groups and individuals. They must con- sider whose voices should be given prominence, and when. They must struggle with questions of how to promote civility in public life—and when incivility might be a better means for bringing about social progress. And they must exam- ine how social and economic practices can be made environmentally sustainable. Although harmony is already central to social and civic education in some coun- tries, it deserves to be part of the curriculum everywhere. Often, though, harmony is associated with conformity, dominance, and hier- archy. And indeed, the idea of harmony can be used by those in power to justify authoritarian, patriarchal, and elitist practices. These, we believe, are abuses and misunderstandings of the idea of harmony, and they certainly are not attitudes that should be supported in social and civic education. Drawing on the work of contemporary philosophers such as Chenyang Li (2014), Sungmoon Kim (2014), and Sor-hoon Tan (2003), we argue for the importance of critical harmony. Critical harmony retains a concern for relationships and the orderly functioning of soci- ety, but it recognizes that these can best be promoted by embracing conflict and tension in order to improve society; by valuing difference and diversity, even in radical forms, in order to achieve a more integrated whole; and by maintaining balance (but not neutrality) among experiences and perspectives, in order to recognize diverse insights without perpetuating dominance. Deliberatively Informed Action Helping students learn to advance justice and harmony is the starting point of social and civic education, but deliberatively informed action should be its cen- tral practice. As we explain in Chapter 4, at the core of our view of public A Vision for Social and Civic Education 7 participation is the position that deliberation, or public reasoning, is necessary to decide on the actions needed to address societal issues. Social and civic educa- tion has traditionally sought to help students reach individual decisions, in hope that they would act on their conclusions by voting or taking part in more active forms of political engagement (or sometimes, by simply treating other people well). Although such reflective and informed decision-making is important, it is inadequate as preparation for public life. Many political theorists (e.g., Barber, 2003; Gutmann & Thompson, 2004; Mansbridge et al., 2010) have argued that deliberation has greater potential to produce effective and enduring solutions to public problems than individual decision making. Deliberation not only leads to better decisions—by expanding the knowledge and insights brought to bear on an issue—but also enhances the legitimacy of those decisions by providing a fair hearing for divergent perspectives and incorporating the concerns of all those who are affected by the outcome. Such deliberation already takes place not just in formal political settings but in everyday spaces—among friends and coworkers, in clubs and trade unions, in barbershops and books clubs, and on the internet. Students must be prepared to take part in this kind of deliberation as a foundation for public action, both by engaging in the process themselves and by learning how it can become more effective. Although deliberation has become an increasingly popular approach to social and civic education, we argue that models of deliberation in education must be expanded in a number of ways. Deliberation is sometimes conceived of as a restrained and dispassionate undertaking in which all participants encounter each other as equals. This approach, however, ignores the cultural specificity of discussion, as well as the role of power and status in undermining the equality necessary for deliberation. These shortcomings are not a reason to dismiss delib- eration as part of social and civic education, but they highlight the importance of encouraging diverse forms of expression, such as personal narratives, emotional pleas, and written, visual, and performing artwork. All of these are powerful and legitimate ways of stating and challenging positions on social issues, and they must be included alongside the more structured and orderly formats that many educators (and early deliberative theorists) have valued. In addition, educators must help students navigate and challenge inequalities within the deliberative process. Students must be able to recognize how power influences participation and to evaluate the inclusivity of different deliberative formats. Crucially, deliberation also must prepare students to solve problems rather than only to enter into existing conflicts. Deliberation in social and civic educa- tion often revolves around controversial political debates that involve competing interests and fundamental value conflicts (e.g., Constitutional Rights Foundation, n.d.; D. Johnson et al., 1996). Although such conflicts are certainly important, they are by no means the only issues that call for shared decision-making. Often—perhaps more often—people take part in collaborative and instrumental deliberations, in which they share the same interests (preserving a local heritage 8 A Vision for Social and Civic Education site, providing aid to refugees, or ending racial profiling) but must come to an agreement on how best to achieve their goals. Although other people outside the group may disagree with and even oppose these goals, deliberation takes place not only between opposing viewpoints but also among those with shared per- spectives. Students need to learn how to engage in these less conflictual forms of deliberation. In classrooms, this means paying attention to relationships among students and identifying their common interests. We refer to this model—incor- porating diverse formats and modes of expression, and emphasizing instrumental forms of problem-solving—as collaborative deliberation. If deliberatively informed action is the goal of social and civic education, then students must be initiated into this practice. As we argue in Chapter 5, this means the curriculum cannot simply prepare students for deliberatively informed action; it must engage them in it. Students at all ages, that is, must be deliberating what actions should be taken on public issues, and whenever possible, following through on their decisions.This stands in stark contrast to the underlying assumptions of most school- ing, which aim primarily to provide students with content and skills that they can then apply to tasks later in their school careers, or later in life. Even the most active forms of pedagogy, grounded in the recognition that students construct understand- ing through personal, social, and cognitive engagement, typically see classroom tasks as a means to an end—a way of learning content effectively. We argue, instead, that social and civic education must mirror the way people learn outside schools, as well as in activities such as sports and the arts: by participating in the very practices that are the purpose of learning. This reverses the relation between content and activity. Deliberatively informed action is not a means of learning content; content is the means by which students are enabled to take deliberatively informed action—not just in the future, but here and now, at every level of schooling. Knowledge in the Curriculum This book focuses on curriculum content rather than instructional procedures. This distinction could be misleading, because instruction is part of curriculum; instructional practices always send messages about the underlying values of edu- cation, and how students are taught forms a portion of what they learn. If stu- dents learn about deliberation through lectures, for example, without having the chance to practice deliberation themselves, then the curriculum implicitly conveys the message that deliberation is less important than accepting received wisdom. Similarly, if students are told to value diverse perspectives but have their own backgrounds devalued at school, then they learn that some outlooks are more important after all. Careful selection of instructional practices, therefore, is an essential part of social and civic education, and a great deal of work by teach- ers, scholars, and others has focused on implementing effective pedagogy. But effective pedagogy without careful attention to content—the knowledge, skills, and attitudes at the center of education—is pointless. A Vision for Social and Civic Education 9 In addressing this content, our work differs from many other contemporary perspectives on social and civic education by emphasizing substantive knowledge rather than skills and attitudes. Expecting students to acquire knowledge has long been an explicit goal of schools, but focusing on the knowledge component of the curriculum these days may seem obsolete, since in many settings students can easily access knowledge through the internet in a matter of seconds. And, indeed, expect- ing students to master a body of knowledge is an outdated and ineffective way of structuring learning. But that does not mean knowledge is unimportant, because without it, deliberatively informed action is impossible: Knowledge is what makes action informed.This calls for a new way of thinking about such content.We cannot see knowledge as material to be acquired by learners, but must think of it as infor- mation for them to engage with, as a way of enabling deliberatively informed action. As we argue in Chapter 5, thinking of knowledge in terms of engagement rather than acquisition requires that curriculum content revolve around specific issues. In order to consider how best to ensure education, health care, and an adequate standard of living, for example, students must engage with knowledge of those issues, in specific and concrete instances—not so that they will “master” the information, but so they can use it to motivate and inform their delibera- tions. This obviously requires careful selection of the topics that are the most important for students to engage with, and that will continue to be important throughout their lives—issues such as poverty, health care, discrimination, the environment, and so on. The particular cases that students consider will vary by national context, local circumstances, and the age of students, but in any setting, students should be confronting specific information on society’s most important and enduring issues. The specificity of this approach differs from the many perspectives that empha- size general content, such as “thinking skills,” “21st century skills,” or “compe- tencies.” These approaches are founded on the unsupported belief that students will be able to apply generic capabilities across topics and settings. That may not be effective in any subject, because the nature of a topic influences how people reason about it, and because they reason in more sophisticated ways about topics they know more about (Kintsch & Kintsch, 2005; Schneider, 2011; Wellman & Gelman, 1998).The quest for generic learning is certainly not applicable to social and civic education, where reasoning about issues can be deeply influenced by affective factors and ideological positions, all of which differ by topic. Our approach to curriculum also stands in contrast to the position that the content of school subjects should revolve around “disciplinary thinking” (e.g., Counsell, 2011; Lambert, 2011), sometimes framed as a form of “powerful knowl- edge” (M. Young, 2013). The assumption that school subjects should be based on academic disciplines is hopelessly confused, and is certainly inadequate as a basis for curriculum choice.The work of academic scholars is not the only source of mean- ingful and relevant knowledge about any subject, and nowhere is this more obvious than in the field of social and civic education. Some of the knowledge necessary to 10 A Vision for Social and Civic Education grapple with a topic such as poverty would indeed have been produced by academ- ics (though not in any one field), but much of it would derive from journalists, civil society organizations, government agencies, Indigenous knowledge systems, and, in many cases, students’ own direct inquiries. The appeal to “disciplines” as a founda- tion for school curricula has been a significant obstacle to clear thinking about the curriculum of social and civic education (Thornton & Barton, 2010). Curriculum principles must be based on educational purposes, not academic status or privilege, and it is these purposes that we stress throughout this book. Guidelines for Content Selection One of the chief goals of this work is to identify guidelines that should underlie the knowledge component of curriculum in social and civic education. Our aim is not to describe the specific content all students should encounter, because that will differ by setting. We hope, instead, to provide guidance for the kinds of knowledge with which students should engage, regardless of the specific topics they study—provided that those topics focus on taking deliberatively informed action on issues of justice and harmony. The first guideline, discussed in Chapter 6, identifies the kind of knowledge needed to motivate students to engage in deliberation, as well as ultimately to act in ways necessary to carry out the decisions they reach. Drawing from the Confucian philosopher Mencius, we refer to this as extending benevolence. Benevolence (ren 仁), which in this case refers to a commitment to take action to meet the needs of others, is an inescapable first step in civic participation, because such participation always requires effort—both the difficult work of devoting time and energy to investigating and discussing an issue, and the potentially self- sacrificing actions necessary to do something about it. Although most educators recognize the importance of motivating students, these efforts are rarely given the attention they deserve, and they are rarely grounded in a systematic under- standing of what compels civic action. We argue that universal principles of ethics or morality do not motivate benev- olent action. Instead, people are motivated by compassion—a concern with the joy and suffering of others. This is where the curriculum must begin: By engag- ing students with knowledge of the concrete experiences of others, so that they care enough to take action. Notably, this does not involve “creating” compassion or benevolence, for these seem to be innate in all people. Such feelings, though, typically are undeveloped and applied only to those we know best; this is why Mencius refers them as mere sprouts (duan 端).The goal of curriculum must be to cultivate these sprouts so that they are extended to other people and other settings. This can only come about if students engage with knowledge of specific people, in specific circumstances. A key premise of our argument is that the curriculum cannot develop “more benevolent students” overall, only students who are moti- vated to extend their benevolence to people affected by particular issues. A Vision for Social and Civic Education 11 Although compassion and benevolence are necessary starting points for public deliberation and action, they are by no means sufficient. No matter how much we care about the lives of other people, there is always the dan- ger that we will misinterpret what we see, or that our actions will be limited by our own understandings and values. The second guideline for selecting content, discussed in Chapter 7, requires that students attend to what A. Sen (2009) calls “distant voices”—the ideas and perspectives of people who have differing experiences and backgrounds. Listening to distant voices has at least three advantages for deliberation. It prioritizes the desires of people who are affected by public actions and thus increases the likelihood that those actions will address their needs. It also enriches the information students have to work with, so that they can benefit from the knowledge that others have developed in their local circumstances. And finally, it allows students to reflect on their own values and assumptions by placing them in contrast to those of people from different traditions. The importance of listening is part of many philo- sophical traditions from around the world, but it is not easy, and curriculum must systematically engage students with the ideas of those who are distant, whether geographically or socially. As with the first content guideline, the goal is not to make students “better listeners” in a general way but to enable them to incorporate the ideas of those who have insights into the specific issues they are deliberating. The final guideline for selecting content, addressed in Chapter 8, focuses on guiding students toward taking wise action, based on what is often referred to as practical wisdom. Rooted in both Eastern and Western philosophies, this idea emphasizes that decisions about the social world cannot be based on invariant rules or universal doctrines but require careful attention to the unique circum- stances of specific instances. Whereas the first two content guidelines are meant to motivate students’ emotional connection to issues and open them to var- ied perspectives, wise action emphasizes the importance of discretion (quan 权): being able to evaluate options carefully and thoughtfully before taking action. As Mencius suggested, in order to reach a wise decision, one must carefully assess the situation first; only in this way can one know how to proceed (Mencius 1A7, 5B1). This means that students must consider the variety of factors that influence an issue and the consequences that are likely to flow from specific policy options— including, crucially, their secondary or unintended effects. In addition, students must consider not just what policies or practices can best advance justice and harmony but also what they and others can do to bring these about—again, not in general terms, but in specific circumstances, with careful attention to factors such as timing and feasibility. This might seem to be an almost impossible goal for curriculum, given how unwise many public decisions are and how intractable people’s beliefs seem to be. But there is reason to believe that people can and do reach wise decisions under the right circumstances, and this is what social and civic education must prepare students to do. 12 A Vision for Social and Civic Education Extensions and Applications In the final three chapters of the book, we explore the application of these ideas in settings that extend current notions of social and civic education. These chap- ters argue for the need to prepare students to deliberate and take action within civil society, including its nonpolitical forms; to engage in both civil and uncivil forms of deliberation and action, and to make judgments about when each is warranted; and to consider issues of environmental justice, while also moving beyond an anthropocentric perspective on nature in order to work toward envi- ronmental harmony. Participating in Civil Society An emphasis on pursing shared goals is an important aspect of this book, and one that is often ignored in the curriculum of social and civic education. Most work that focuses on public participation (rather than character or interpersonal relationships) emphasizes political and competitive forms of engagement. Public participation does often take political forms, such as engaging with state institu- tions to shape policy, or taking part in protests and other actions to influence public opinion. However, many important forms of organized action lie wholly or partly outside government, as people work together, in formal or informal groups, to create economic opportunities, provide social and material support, or protect the environment. Such organizations are usually referred to as civil society, and for some people—such as those who are denied citizenship or who live under unresponsive political systems—these are practically their only means for bringing about a better world. For others, civil society is simply the most effective or accessible means of pursuing goals that stand either outside politics or in opposition to government. We explore the importance of nongovernmen- tal forms of public participation most directly in Chapter 9, but throughout the book we focus on preparing students to participate in varied forms of public life, not solely in their role as political actors. This requires that they understand the kinds of participation and communication found in religious congregations, civic associations, service organizations, and a range of other voluntary associations, and that they are able to evaluate how well the work of such groups contributes to justice and harmony. Civility and Incivility As we explain in Chapter 10, enabling students to engage meaningfully and productively in deliberatively informed action, whether in civil society or in the political arena, requires an understanding of, and a willingness to acknowl- edge, civilities: the formal and informal social norms that structure behavior and communication in different spheres. Civility (li 礼, in the Confucian context) is A Vision for Social and Civic Education 13 more than just good manners or private courtesies. Civility, as scholars such as Stephen Carter (1998), Sungmoon Kim (2011), Edward Shils (1997), and oth- ers have pointed out, is necessary for public dialogue because it requires, among other things, the exercise of self-restraint and a commitment to the common good. Importantly, civility also helps regulate relations and behaviors among diverse individuals, groups, and institutions because it allows communication of respect, acceptance, and considerateness, and conveys a willingness to participate in open-minded discussion and consideration of other perspectives. But it is equally important for students to learn about the essential role incivilities play in advancing a more just and harmonious society. Acts of incivility such as non- cooperation and public demonstrations, for example, can be used to challenge and contest attempts by dominant groups to disempower and marginalize less powerful groups. Given that norms and practices of civility and incivility vary significantly by social context, students need to learn when civility is situation- ally appropriate and when incivility is necessary. In other words, the curriculum needs to help students learn how discretion (quan 权) necessitates decisions about civility and incivility. Social and civic education, therefore, should incor- porate a range of knowledge, understandings, and experiences that can enable students to practice and reflect upon the role of civility and incivility in different contexts. Environmental Justice and Harmony In this final chapter, we extend and apply the concepts of justice and harmony to environmental issues. Case studies of environmental justice faced by mar- ginalized communities in settings around the world demonstrate the applica- bility of a capabilities approach to justice but also highlight the importance of attending to collective religious, cultural, and traditional capabilities that enable these communities to flourish. A focus on harmony, meanwhile, confronts the dominant anthropocentric, materialistic, and individualistic assumptions that underpin many approaches to environmental issues. Drawing on examples of Indigenous resource management, we propose a relational approach to envi- ronmental ethics centered on principles such as interconnectedness, moral obligations, and dynamic renewal of different natural life systems (of which humans are only one part). We also challenge dominant Eurocentric ways of thinking about the relationship between humans and the environment and taken-for-g ranted oppositions such as human/non-human, self/other, social/ natural, and sentient/non-sentient beings. In this chapter, we also show how the complex and multi- dimensional challenges brought about by climate change demonstrate how the book’s three content guidelines—extending benevolence, listening to distant voices, and taking wise action—enable stu- dents to consider mitigation and adaptation strategies for diverse groups of people. 14 A Vision for Social and Civic Education Conclusions In this book, we argue for a complete reorientation of the curriculum of social and civic education. Whatever configuration the study of social life takes in set- tings around the world, its fundamental goal should be to prepare students to work toward justice and harmony. Students must learn how they can advance the conditions that would allow people to choose the lives they wish to lead, and that would promote respectful, productive, and rewarding relations among diverse people and groups. Schools cannot solve the world’s social problems, but they can engage students with the knowledge they need to do so themselves. This means that content must be selected in order to extend students’ sense of benevolence, to alert them to experiences and perspective that differ from their own, and to enable them to exercise discretion in pursuing wise public action. These are not general skills that can be applied across topics, nor is knowledge something to be stored in memory for later use. Students must use knowledge to motivate and inform their deliberations of how to take action on specific social issues—pov- erty, hunger, health care, sexuality, racism, oppression, climate change, and many others. 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