Climate Change Stressors in Arctic Alaska PDF

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/355629910 Climate change stressors and social-ecological factors mediating access to subsistence resources in Arctic Alaska Article in Ecology and Society · December 2021 DOI: 10.5751/ES-1...

See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/355629910 Climate change stressors and social-ecological factors mediating access to subsistence resources in Arctic Alaska Article in Ecology and Society · December 2021 DOI: 10.5751/ES-12783-260415 CITATIONS READS 18 888 4 authors, including: Kristen Green Anne H. Beaudreau Stanford University University of Washington 18 PUBLICATIONS 212 CITATIONS 91 PUBLICATIONS 1,860 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE Larry B Crowder Stanford University 354 PUBLICATIONS 37,216 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE All content following this page was uploaded by Kristen Green on 04 November 2021. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Copyright © 2021 by the author(s). Published here under license by the Resilience Alliance. Green, K. M., A. H. Beaudreau, M. K. Lukin, and L. B. Crowder. 2021. Climate change stressors and social-ecological factors mediating access to subsistence resources in Arctic Alaska. Ecology and Society 26(4):15. https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-12783-260415 Research Climate change stressors and social-ecological factors mediating access to subsistence resources in Arctic Alaska Kristen M. Green 1, Anne H. Beaudreau 2,3, Maija H. Lukin 4 and Larry B. Crowder 5 ABSTRACT. Human access routes to coastal subsistence resources are being altered in Arctic regions as temperatures warm. The accessibility dimension of climate impacts on coastal resources is critical to food sovereignty and resilience of Indigenous Arctic communities, yet the issue of access is understudied relative to food availability. This issue also has implications for the role of governmental agencies in mediating resource access in a changing landscape. We examined the role of climate stressors in affecting access to customary and traditional foods (subsistence) by Indigenous (Iñupiat) communities within and near Arctic National Parklands. We apply access theory to better understand (1) the climate stressors that most impact access to coastal animals and harvest areas, (2) how they affect the availability and reliability of harvest of coastal species, and (3) the mechanisms that facilitate or constrain access to coastal subsistence resources. Our study employed a combination of expert interviews and synthesis of pre-existing environmental time series data in the communities of Kotzebue and Kivalina, Alaska. We found that chronic climate stressors (sea ice retreat, coastal erosion, and changes in weather) most impacted harvest access. To mediate these changes, harvesters ubiquitously reported the use of access mechanisms including capital, knowledge, technology, and social identity; social relations, authority, and time were also reported at high rates. Potential adaptations in these communities include increased reliance on technology and capital to access animals despite landscape changes (e.g., using boats in the absence of sea ice), switching species or relying on social networks for sharing resources when animals become harder to find, and exploring alternatives to harvesting (such as growing food) in response to increasing access challenges. Our findings highlight the stewardship and sovereignty of Indigenous communities as a basis for resilience in a rapidly changing environment. Key Words: adaptation; access theory; Arctic; climate change; Indigenous food sovereignty; subsistence; traditional ecological knowledge INTRODUCTION “ability to derive benefits from things” (Ribot and Peluso Hundreds of millions of people around the world depend on 2003:153). Climate change will potentially increase access for coastal resources for food, livelihoods, and culture (Berkes et al. some individuals while excluding others. For example, in the 2001, Teh and Sumalia 2013, Seggel and De Young 2016). Global Northwest Atlantic, large vessel fleets were able to adapt by climate change has increased the pressure on marine and following shifting fish distributions northward, while smaller terrestrial species that use coastal areas through habitat loss, direct vessel fleets were unable to persist over time because of their more physiological changes, and ecosystem alteration (Brierley and limited mobility (Young et al. 2019). Similarly, in Arctic regions, Kingsford 2009, Pecl et al. 2017). Examples include loss of sea sea ice retreat associated with climate change may require fishers ice for ice-dependent marine mammals (Laidre et al. 2008, to use boats rather than snow machines for transportation to Huntington et al. 2016), poleward migrations of fish populations fishing grounds as coastal waterways open, but a lack of financial as waters warm (Morley et al. 2018), and coral bleaching from resources may preclude some harvesters from switching to new increased sea temperatures (Cinner et al. 2015). These changes technologies (this study). Few studies to date have examined how can cause fluctuations in species’ populations, migrations, and changing coastal environments, resulting from global climate distribution patterns, and perpetuate cascading trophic effects on change, affect Arctic resource access (Cold et al. 2020). ecosystem function, all of which impact resource abundance In Arctic regions, climate-related stressors like sea ice retreat, (Brander 2010, Sumaila et al. 2011, Pecl et al. 2017). In addition coastal erosion, and melting permafrost are re-sculpting land and to climate change effects on the distribution and abundance of seascapes, shifting patterns in animal migration and changing biota, environmental change can also impact humans’ ability to people’s ability to reach animals overland or safely on sea ice access coastal resources. Thus, even if resources are abundant, (Pearce et al. 2010, Moerlein and Carothers 2012, Brinkman et individuals cannot benefit from resources they cannot access. al. 2016). Here, we examine how people’s access to harvesting Understanding how climate change disrupts access to resources areas and wild foods for customary and traditional use is changing and what mechanisms maintain access is important for facilitating in coastal Indigenous (Iñupiat) communities of Arctic Alaska. In adaptive capacity in coastal communities (Calderón-Contreras this region, communities are particularly reliant on coastal and White 2020), yet the issue of access is understudied relative resources for subsistence needs (Moerlein and Carothers 2012, to food availability (Schmidhuber and Tubiello 2007, Pinstrup- Cisneros-Montemayor et al. 2016, Huntington et al. 2020); for Andersen 2009). As climate change causes increased example, approximately 227 kg of wild foods are harvested per perturbations in coastal landscapes and weather (e.g., Post et al. person annually (25%–30% of food intake) in northwestern 2019), this will change human access to resources, defined as the Alaska, USA (Magdanz et al. 2010, 2011). The ability for coastal 1 Emmett Interdisciplinary Program in Environment and Resources, Stanford University, 2University of Alaska Fairbanks, College of Fisheries and Ocean Sciences, 3University of Washington, College of the Environment, School of Marine and Environmental Affairs (current affiliation), 4 National Park Service (Western Arctic National Parklands), 5Hopkins Marine Station, Stanford University  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ communities to access resources is being significantly affected by been linked to adaptation in the coastal social-ecological rapid and ongoing environmental change (Corell 2006, Brinkman literature (Bennett et al. 2014, Whitney et al. 2017, Green et al. et al. 2016). To better understand changes in access, associated 2021), but apply them through the lens of access theory, which responses of harvesters, and resiliency of local food systems, we has been established and empirically tested in many settings ask, (1) What acute or chronic climate stressors most impact (Myers and Hansen 2020). To do so, we combine and ground our access to coastal resources? (2) How do they affect the availability framework using data from semi-structured interviews and of wild foods and reliability of hunting and harvesting? and (3) environmental datasets. What factors facilitate or constrain access to coastal resources? THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK We apply access theory in relation to coastal resource use to Ribot and Peluso (2003) developed a theoretical framework with identify the mechanisms that facilitate or constrain access in and which to dynamically map the processes and relationships that around the Western Arctic National Parklands (WEAR), which constrain or enable access to natural resources. This theory are federally managed by the U.S. National Park Service (NPS). describes both the ways that access is controlled and maintained The NPS mission statement is unique among federal land (Berry 1993) and establishes categories of the structural and management agencies in its intention to protect both “cultural relational access mechanisms that influence access within a given and natural resources.” Protection of cultural resources includes political-economic and cultural framework. Access theory has maintaining access to customary and traditional use of wild foods been traditionally applied with respect to land use and natural by Iñupiat who have resided in this region for time immemorial resources (Myers and Hansen 2020); here we expand this theory and who continue to practice land stewardship based on cultural to a coastal social-ecological system with respect to climate knowledge (Burch 1998, Whiting et al. 2011, Topkok 2015). The adaptation. One of the values of access theory is that it can be concept of access is particularly relevant on federal parklands in used to help identify the social as well as material/property the context of existing legislation intended to protect subsistence relationships that aid or exclude people in deriving benefits from harvest. The Alaska National Interest Land Claims Act natural resources. This is especially important to identify power (ANILCA) of 1980 mandated access to subsistence resources on inequities that are inherently linked to access (Sikor and Lund federal lands in Alaska. In ANILCA, and in other state and 2009), and exclusion from access of resources as communities federal legislation, the term “subsistence” is defined on the basis respond to environmental changes (Calderón-Contreras and of nutritional and material uses of wild renewable resources by White 2020). rural residents, e.g., hunting and fishing for food or handicrafts (U.S. Congress 1980); however, this minimal view of subsistence does not capture the broader cultural, spiritual, and Fig. 1. Inductively derived conceptual framework for analysis of intergenerational traditions of Indigenous hunting and community responses to effects of climate stressors on harvest harvesting. In this paper, we use the term “subsistence” more access, as well as the access mechanism that could influence the holistically, to describe the intergenerational, land- and sea-based response (adapt, react, or cope) to that stressor. Climate practices of harvesting and knowledge transfer embodied in stressors included sea ice loss, coastal erosion, weather changes, Iñupiat ways of life. high water/flooding, snow cover, and permafrost degradation. Access mechanisms included authority, capital, knowledge, Impacts of climate change on physical access to coastal species social identity, social relations, technology, and time. and harvesting areas are embedded within the political dimensions of harvest access, including issues of authority (Ribot and Peluso 2003). Food sovereignty, or “the right of peoples and governments to choose the way food is produced and consumed in order to respect... livelihoods, as well as the policies that support this choice” (Via Campesina 2008:57), is an important facet of self-determination by Indigenous nations (Whyte 2018). Indigenous food sovereignty—a precondition for food security (ICC-Alaska 2015)—is also key to climate change resiliency. Therefore, understanding how rapid environmental change is altering access to customary and traditional use of wild foods (“subsistence”) necessitates a broader conceptualization of access to include social, cultural, political, and economic dimensions. We combine access theory with an inductively derived conceptual framework to identify acute shocks (sudden, but time-limited) Our primary theoretical contribution is to develop a novel and and chronic stressors (long-term trends not associated with a empirically grounded conceptual framework that we use to (1) specific timeframe; Lazarus 2006, DFID 2011) that affect access document effects of climate-related shocks and stressors on to coastal subsistence resources. Using this framework, we harvesters’ access to coastal resources, and (2) identify the social, examine how certain mechanisms of access (i.e., authority, cultural, political, and economic mechanisms that mediate access knowledge, social relations, social identity, technology, capital) in the context of adaptive capacity (Fig. 1). We build on theoretical may mediate the adaptation response to stressors (Fig. 1). In foundations of adaptive capacity literature, that is, the domains addition, we add a new access mechanism (time), which we of learning and knowledge, diversity and flexibility, governance documented as mediating access to Arctic coastal resources. and institutions, natural capital, and access to assets that have  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ METHODS Fig. 2. Study area in Northwest Arctic with National Parkland Case study location boundaries (Bering Land Bridge National Preserve (BELA), Our case study focuses on access to coastal subsistence resources Cape Krusenstern National Monument (CAKR), and Noatak in two northwestern Alaska communities (Kotzebue, population National Preserve (NOAT). Erosion areas (red polygons) are 3201 and Kivalina, population 374; U.S. Census 2010) near Cape areas that subsistence harvesters reported during interviews: Krusenstern National Monument (CAKR) within WEAR as well Area 1, Kiligmak Lagoon North of Cape Krusenstern (n = 1); as a subsistence camp (Sisualik) near Kotzebue (Fig. 2). Area 2, Cape Krusenstern (n = 2); Area 3, Anigak/Auklak Approximately 80% of the population in the region is Alaska Lagoon (n = 8); Area 4, Sisualik Spit (n = 4); Area 5, Sadie Native (predominantly Iñupiat; U.S. Census 2010). Residents are Creek (n = 2); Area 6, Cape Blossom south to Arctic Circle (n heavily reliant on marine resources and frequent coastal areas of = 7). Important ecological subsistence areas values are derived CAKR for subsistence, social and cultural uses, and as a from Iñuuniałiqput Iḷiḷugu Nunaŋ̝ŋ̝uanun (Documenting our transportation corridor to other harvest locations. Kivalina is a way of life through maps; Sattherwaite-Phillips et al. 2016) and remote community with limited infrastructure and is highly based on summation of reproduction, rearing, feeding, dependent on subsistence, while Kotzebue, the regional hub, has migration, or general health for the following groupings: a mixed cash-subsistence economy with daily jet service and barge subsistence harvesters, birds, fish, marine mammals, sea ice, access. Today these are permanent residences, but historically benthic species, and primary production; that is, an area people lived semi-nomadically and moved in harmony with the important for reproduction and feeding would receive a value seasons to benefit from animal migrations and in accordance with of 2, while an area only important for reproduction would cultural practices. Fish camps such as Sisualik, a seasonal camp receive a value of 1. 15 miles northwest from Kotzebue on Kotzebue Sound, are still used today with mostly Kotzebue and Noatak residents present in the summer for salmon and seal harvesting (Fig. 2). In addition to the climate-change related warming in the region described above, past threats to food sovereignty and security in this region have included the overexploitation of Arctic marine mammals (mid-1800s; Burch 1975) and non-native settler contact (early 1800s; Burch 1998). Settler colonialism hastened the spread of disease and alcoholism (Lepóla 2010) and religious missionaries aimed to convert Alaskan Natives to Christianity. Mineral resource exploration since the 1970s has altered the physical landscape and disrupted animal migrations, while increasing environmental contamination (Kerin and Lin 2010). Still, the people of the region pursue collective continuance, or resiliency to both colonialism and climate change, through cultural, economic, political, and social sovereignty and well-being (Whyte 2018, Griffin 2019). We speculated that the distinct characteristics of these two coastal communities may affect harvest accessibility and thus were interested in comparing access changes between them. Subsistence harvesters in the region access marine resources on Kotzebue Sound, through brackish lagoon and river systems, and on the coast of the Chukchi Sea. Marine resources account for 80% of subsistence harvest in Kivalina (Magdanz et al. 2010) and 57% in Kotzebue (Braem et al. 2017). Primary marine species harvested are bearded seal (Erignathus barbatus), salmon (Oncorhynchus spp.; primarily chum salmon, O. keta), and whitefishes (Coregoninae; Braem et al. 2017). Although the current geopolitical landscape is a complex mix of private, state, and federal lands with overlapping regulatory jurisdictions, Indigenous peoples have lived in this area for millennia and have a sustained connection with the land. developed a semi-structured interview protocol (Bernard 1988) Interview protocol and established compensation rates for research participants, To develop our research design and protocol, we worked closely following principles for conducting research in the Arctic (IARPC with community members to design specific objectives in 2018). Community leaders also connected us with prospective conjunction with tribal guidance and community needs (Kovach research participants. Additional participants in all communities 2010, Lewis and Boyd 2013). We met with the research were identified through stratified chain referral, or snowball coordinator for the Native Village of Kotzebue (tribal sampling (Bernard 2006). The study design and interview government) and Alaska Native community leaders. Together we protocol were approved by the Native Village of Kotzebue and the Native Village of Kivalina, as well as Institutional Review  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Table 1. Sample size of interviewees by participant group and percentage of each participant group that mentioned an environmental access challenge. Couple and group interviews were counted by the individuals present. Participant Group Number Sea Ice (%) Weather (%) Coastal High Water (%) Snow Permafrost (%) Climate participants Erosion (%) Cover (%) Change (%) Interview type Subsistence 59 69 50 17 10 10 7 5 harvesters (all) Subsistence 47 77 57 23 13 13 10 0 harvesters (Kotzebue) Subsistence 12 50 33 0 0 0 0 17 harvesters (Kivalina) Boards at Stanford University and University of Alaska subsistence camps, as well as analyses of trends in key stressors Fairbanks. from environmental time series. We sought to interview participants who identified as subsistence Environmental data summary harvesters (over 18 years of age) in Kotzebue, Kivalina, and We complemented observations about climate stressors from Sisualik and who were experienced with harvesting or processing interview data with quantitative environmental data to assess subsistence foods. We aimed to interview people across multiple trends and timing of stressors. We sought to triangulate our age groups and genders to gain diverse perspectives on climatic interview results with these data summaries to increase the validity stressors/shocks and changes in access to harvest. The majority of our data through multiple methodological approaches (Denzin of interviews were conducted with individuals, although we 2009) and examine whether harvester perceptions of conducted several interviews with couples or small groups, environmental change matched externally collected data. Based depending on the comfort level of the participants. Interviews on the thematic analysis of interviews, we selected the most were held between June 2017 and July 2019. Most interviews were frequent climatic stressors that participants identified as conducted by the first and second authors together, although impacting harvest or access to harvest, i.e., sea ice extent, weather, some were completed by the lead author alone. During interviews, and coastal erosion. We then reviewed recent literature for we asked questions related to factors affecting access to coastal regional trends in sea ice (Farquharson et al. 2018) and erosion resources, changes in animal availability and seasonal harvest (Gibbs et al. 2019) and summarized publicly available data for air timing, and current or anticipated future responses of harvesters temperature as a proxy for weather changes to characterize major to challenges in harvest access (Appendix 1). We recruited trends over time and compare these to local harvester interview participants until we had reached data saturation, that observations (Appendix 2). Mean air temperatures were is, no new codes or themes were being generated through calculated as the average of daily temperature values for each additional interviews (Guest et al. 2006, Saunders et al. 2018). month and year (1998–2020) using the NOAA National Center for Environmental Information Climate Data online database Interview analysis (https://www.ncdc.noaa.gov/cdo-web/) for Kotzebue and Kivalina; Interviews were recorded with participant permission and time periods were selected to correspond with harvesters’ transcribed in full. Transcribed interviews were imported to observations of change. To estimate changes in temperature over NVivo Software (QSR International 2011). The lead author the 1998 to 2020 period, we fitted linear regression models to time coded all interviews and reviewed sections of coded interviews series of mean temperature values, separately for each month and with the second author to refine and calibrate codes, and to discuss region. preliminary themes and interpretations. We first used thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2006) to identify dominant and RESULTS repeated themes in the interviews related to climate-related Between June 2017 and July 2019, we completed 50 individual, shocks/stressors impacting harvest access, seasonal changes in two couple, and two group interviews with a total of 59 experts harvest of animals, and examples of adaptation to change. We from Kivalina and Kotzebue (Table 1), which met the sampling anticipated that climate change in the Arctic would result in both and saturation goals noted above. Twenty-four participants acute shocks and chronic stressors and coded for both types. We identified as female and 35 as male; 9 were 19–29 years of age, 18 defined changes in harvest access as the temporal or spatial were 30–49, 22 were 50–69, and 10 were 70–89; and 58 identified elimination, creation, enhancement, or disruption of land/sea as Alaska Native or Alaska Native and another race and two routes to access resources because of physical mechanisms. We identified as Caucasian. Below, we report results from the then deductively coded the interviews to document specific access thematic analysis of these interviews, which were also informed mechanisms drawn from access theory that mediate (facilitate or by participant observations, in four sections: climate stressors constrain) harvesters’ access to coastal subsistence resources. We affecting harvest access, climate stressor impacts on the triangulated the results from interviews with notes from seasonality or availability of coastal subsistence harvest, participant observations (Flick et al. 2004) at community mechanisms that mediate access to coastal subsistence resources, potlucks, fishing for salmon and sheefish, and visiting seasonal and potential adaptation measures of harvesters to change.  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Results are given as the percentage of participants who reported The quality of ice has deteriorated... I’ve heard a lot of each stressor and access mechanism. In each of these sub-sections, hunters say that they’ve gone out and shot their seal, but we compare and contrast harvester data from Kotzebue and they can’t get to them because of the... bad ice. Or they’d Kivalina. Environmental data summaries provided additional see one, but they wouldn’t shoot it because of the bad ice, context for interpretation of harvester observations of landscape the quality of ice (male Kotzebue harvester, 40–44 years changes. of age). Climate stressors affecting harvest access In addition to having to travel farther, over potentially unsafe ice Harvesters were asked to describe the stressor or stressors that to access ice-dependent animals like seals, the temporal window had the greatest effect on their access to coastal subsistence of availability for harvesting certain species has changed as a result resources, i.e., change in time or distance to access species, or of ice conditions, particularly for bearded seal (uugruk), which decision to harvest at all. Most harvesters reported more than one are typically harvested at the sea ice/open water transition zone. type of climate stressor that affected harvesting, but the climate Another participant described this, saying that, stressors we documented were all chronic in nature; no acute The ice is... still here, but it doesn’t stay here as long, so shocks were reported. Changes in sea ice (77% of Kotzebue you’ve got like a two-week window to go and get them participants; 50% Kivalina), weather (i.e., wind, precipitation as now... You just have to be more careful and a little bit rain and snow, snow thickness and cover, air temperature; 57% more conservative and try to make the right choices (male Kotzebue; 33% Kivalina), coastal erosion (23% Kotzebue; 0% Kotzebue harvester, 40–44 years of age). Kivalina), high water or flooding (13% Kotzebue; 0% Kivalina), snow cover on the ground (13% Kotzebue; 0% Kivalina), and permafrost degradation (13% Kotzebue; 0% Kivalina) were the Coastal erosion prominent themes (Table 1; Appendix 3). Eleven harvesters Shoreline change data for the region shows a mix of accretion reported only non-environmental stressors (i.e., fuel) and one and erosion (Gibbs et al. 2019). In Kotzebue, overall rates of harvester reported no stressors, environmental or otherwise. The shoreline change were primarily erosional (Fig. 2; Gibbs et al. range of stressors reported by Kotzebue harvesters was 0–5 2019). In Kivalina, overall shoreline rates were primarily stressors (mean 1.9 stressors) and 1–2 stressors in Kivalina (mean accretional, with erosion “hotspots” along the shoreline (Gibbs 1.5 stressors) (Appendix 3). Even those individuals who had not et al. 2019). These data summaries aligned with harvester identified specific stressors as affecting harvest access had noted perceptions, in that only Kotzebue interviewees reported coastal environmental changes, particularly with respect to sea ice, at erosion as negatively affecting travel to access harvest. In some point during the interview. Only Kivalina harvesters used Kivalina, where accretion was greater than erosion, especially in the term “climate change” as a comprehensive category affecting harvesting areas, interviewees did not mention erosion as a access (17% of participants; Table 1). Participants in both problem specifically affecting access to harvest. Yet, the broader Kivalina and Kotzebue most commonly mentioned the late 2000s impacts of erosion along Kivalina’s coastline are clear; a 2003 as the period when they began to experience changes in climate report identified Kivalina as one of several Alaska villages that that affected access to coastal subsistence resources. We describe are “in imminent danger from flooding and erosion and are the three most frequent climate stressors affecting harvest access making plans to relocate” (GAO 2003:3). according to harvesters and the historical environmental trends documented for each in the region. Erosion was reported by Kotzebue harvesters in six areas between Cape Blossom and Cape Krusenstern (24 mentions; Fig. 2); these Sea ice erosion areas overlapped with documented areas of erosion (-1 Our environmental data summaries indicated that sea ice for to -3 meters/year) based on Gibbs et al. (2019). In addition to southern Chukchi Sea and Kotzebue Sound historically formed constraining travel, another access problem described by in October and persisted until June allowing 4–5 months of open harvesters was damage or loss of property on Alaska Native water (Farquharson et al. 2018). However, “freeze up” in the fall allotments that are used for fishing or hunting camps due to has been getting later and the “break up” in the spring has been erosion: getting earlier, resulting in a decrease of ice-free seas by 7–10 days per decade since 1980 (Mahoney et al. 2014, Farquharson et al. Coastal erosion up where I’m at is significant acreage, 2018). Sea ice thickness in the region has also declined over a 30 miles north of Kotzebue. I’d say over the last 10 years, similar time frame (Maslanik et al. 2007). These trends in regional it’s probably, I’d say, upwards of 10 acres in our area has sea ice extent and sea ice thickness align with harvesters’ literally washed away (male Kotzebue harvester, 70–74 perceptions; however, while the environmental data summaries years of age). indicate that changes in sea ice extent and thickness began in the Erosion can also cause difficulty in accessing certain parts of the 1980s, harvesters reported noticing changes in the early 2000s, coastline along the beach during certain seasons: likely when these trends began to meaningfully impact their harvesting and traveling. Harvesters described several types of We’re seeing a lot of land erosion. Years ago we could go changes related to sea ice. These included traveling further to get all the way to Arctic Circle with four wheelers along the to animals when the sea ice retreats quickly, or being unable to beach. Nowadays you can’t even do that. There ain’t no access animals at all because of unsafe (thin or rotten) ice more ground (male Kotzebue harvester, 35–39 years of conditions. For example, one harvester explained, age).  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Weather Kotzebue, personal communication). In Kivalina, of 35 coastal Changes in the weather was the third most frequent stressor species reported, we saw similar trends of early harvest for mentioned by harvesters. Harvesters described a variety of bearded seal (harvest begins in late April instead of early June, weather changes, including decreased snow cover, increased rain, ending at the beginning of July rather than mid-July) and salmon increased storm intensity/frequency, and changes in wind (harvest begins five weeks early, in late May instead of early July). direction and speed. Although long-term regional quantitative Unlike in Kotzebue, beluga harvest does not begin earlier, but data were not available for all of these weather descriptors, our ends two to three weeks sooner in July than in the past. These environmental data review indicated that temperatures in the changes were described by harvesters as correlated with sea ice region have tended to increase. Monthly temperature means for breaking up earlier in the spring. both Kotzebue and Kivalina show increasing trends overall, with Although only a portion of the harvesters’ overall food portfolio greatest rates of increase in April, May, and October for both changed in association with climate stressors, the effects were locations (Fig. A2.1, A2.2, Table A2.2). Depending on the month, concentrated among species that harvesters rely on most for food mean Kotzebue air temperatures increased from 0.08 to 0.20 °C security. In Kotzebue, either caribou (Rangifer tarandus granti) or per year and Kivalina temperatures increased from 0.05 to 0.35 ° bearded seal was identified as among the highest priority species C per year (Table A2.2). Although weather is inherently variable for most harvesters (> 90%), however, people also noted the in the region, these long-term increases in air temperatures, which importance of fishes (sheefish, salmon) and moose. In Kivalina, are particularly significant around freeze up and break up periods 100% of harvesters reported either caribou or bearded seal as in the fall and spring, likely underlie harvesters’ experience of central to their subsistence harvest, however, they tended to increasing unpredictably in weather forecasting and not being able describe other marine species like whales and fishes as equally to rely on historical weather patterns. A Kivalina hunter described important to caribou and seals more often than Kotzebue the challenges this poses to planning harvesting activities, saying, respondents. In addition to these observed shifts in earlier seasonal timing in harvest, experts reported that processing of You can’t predict anything anymore... our hunters used these critical animals was affected by climate stressors. For to just plan their day. As soon as they get up, go outside, example, processing and storing bearded seal in the absence of look at the weather, look at the horizon, know what the sea ice without meat spoiling is more difficult: day is going to be like and then go. But now people go out hunting, it looks okay and then, suddenly, they get hit There is no ice to put [bearded seal] on to get them ready with a storm (female Kivalina harvester, 60–64 years of to put... in the boat. Two weeks ago we got a bearded age). seal 10 miles out, and we couldn’t harvest the inside because already spoiled before we even got to the beach Stressor impacts on the seasonality or availability of coastal (male Kivalina harvester, 40–44 years of age). subsistence harvest We asked participants about the coastal species they harvest, Further, earlier harvesting in the spring for bearded seal can mean whether the seasonal timing of harvesting has changed and why, colder weather, so the drying of seal meat and rendering of seal and over what approximate period they noticed these changes. We fat into oil can be negatively affected: found that climate stressors, primarily sea ice changes, impacted A lot of families had to bring their meat inside, or get the seasonality and availability of some of the species that fans or rig up a lot of things to get it to dry. ‘Cause a lot harvesters regularly relied on for food, while stability in harvest of people’s meat was rotting because it wasn’t drying. A of other species persisted despite climate stressors. In Kotzebue, lot of people’s oil was not rendering the way it normally of the 41 coastal species people described harvesting, harvests of does... because it was so cold and chilly out (female three species were reported to have shifted several weeks earlier Kotzebue harvester, 20–24 years of age). in the year: bearded seal (harvest begins in early May instead of late May), beluga (Delphinapterus leucas; harvest begins in late These examples of changes in weather, or sea ice, meant that May instead of early June), and chum salmon (harvest begins in harvesters spent more time processing or developing solutions to mid-June instead of early July; Fig. 3). Bearded seal and beluga process meat under unusual conditions, or that their harvest yields were also described as having a truncated harvest period, thus were less because of spoilage. overall creating a more time-limited harvest opportunity for both Mechanisms that mediate access to coastal subsistence resources species. This period was up to a month shorter for bearded seal, We documented access mechanisms that enable both Kotzebue ending at the beginning of July instead of the end of July and and Kivalina harvesters to continue to derive benefits from coastal three weeks for beluga, ending in early to mid-July instead of the resources in spite of environmental changes that affect the end of July. Beluga was also described as being harder to catch accessibility and availability of important species (Table 2). From than in the past because of population declines in Kotzebue our analysis of interviews, we identified capital, technology, social Sound that harvesters attributed to various sources, including the identity, and knowledge as the primary mechanisms mediating presence of killer whales (Orcinus orca), avoidance of the region access to subsistence (> 95% of harvesters in both Kotzebue and because of engine noise (boat and jet plane), and an ice- Kivalina). Social relations (89% Kotzebue; 67% Kivalina), entrapment event in Russian waters. In addition, for bearded seal, authority (53% Kotzebue; 58% Kivalina), or time (57% Kotzebue; increased unpredictability in sea ice break up and general weather 83% Kivalina) were also important in mediating access. Further patterns can result in fewer individual harvest days even within divisions of these access mechanisms into detailed sub-categories the contemporary (shorter) harvest season (Alex Whiting, are found in Table 3; the most salient sub-categories are Environmental Program Director for the Native Village of highlighted below.  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Fig. 3. Seasonal changes in the harvest of coastal plants and animals in Northwest Arctic Alaska from subsistence harvester interviews in Kotzebue, Alaska, in response to the question, “What months do you harvest coastal species now, and has that changed from the past?” Illustration by Cecil Howell and used with permission. Capital where there is sea ice to hunt bearded seal, for example. Owning When access to animals under certain environmental conditions an allotment (land deeded to Alaska Natives through the Alaska becomes more unpredictable, having access to multiple modes of Native Allotment Act) may be viewed as a form of capital that transportation provides more opportunity to harvest animals preserves permanent access to harvest locations by Kotzebue whether the land and sea are frozen (snow machines) or there is harvesters (Table 3). open water and lack of snow on land (boat/ATV). Some harvesters own all three major modes of transportation (boats, Technology ATVs, snow machines), but 100% of harvesters interviewed in Access to technology was closely linked to capital, especially in both Kotzebue and Kivalina used at least two of the three modes the form of transportation, mentioned by all interviewed Kivalina whether they owned, borrowed, or traveled with others who and Kotzebue harvesters. As climate stressors, e.g., sea ice retreat, owned vehicles. Sub-categories of capital, such as access to fuel becomes increasingly common, the possession of modernized were described as increasingly important as conditions become larger boats will allow people to access ocean resources more more unpredictable or harvesters travel longer to get to areas easily. Harvesters in Kotzebue mentioned using the internet as a  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Table 2. Access mechanism definitions (Ribot and Peluso 2003), examples from subsistence harvester interview data, and illustrative quotes from subsistence harvester interviews. Access Capital Knowledge Authority Technology Social Identity Social Relations Time Mechanism Definition Wealth (finances and Beliefs, ideology, Privileged access to Many resources Social identity in Negotiation of Cultural acceptance equipment) used to negotiated individuals or cannot be a community other social of time away from extract resources. systems of institutions with extracted with- including age, relations of work to subsistence Access control meaning, authority to make out the use of gender, ethnicity, friendship, trust, harvest, commitment through the purchase technical skills, and implement tools or religion, status, reciprocity, to subsistence of rights. and specialized laws, individuals technology. profession, place patronage, harvesting that knowledge can take advantage of birth, dependence, and prioritizes/is patient influence ability of social identities common obligation. for timing harvest and cultural to acquire education, etc. when the weather is norms in access. resources. optimal. Example Gasoline Family User conflict over Transportation Identity as an Sharing harvest Having time away knowledge caribou harvesting technology Indigenous with friends and from work to about harvesting (boats, ATVs, harvester family subsistence harvest snow machine) Quote The cost of gas and I start going out There’s been a lot [We] don’t own I’ve been really I had 15 gallons Time is a big deal. cost of living around with my dad and of...discussion on a boat...we have lucky with my of extra seal And you’re working. here, it’s so high. my brother when whether or not to to borrow a boat, traditional [oil], send it to Man, it’s going to (male, 56 y) I was young, close certain hunting or get a ride with hunting areas these folks. They limit your subsistence before I could seasons. And then somebody that’s that my share it with the activities because you even shoot a gun. whether it’s fair to going. (female, grandparents and other folks. And get done with work at That’s where we close them to sport 55 years) parents so that’s how we 5:00, and you’re like, learned to hunt. users, or to sport selected... So still do it. (male, Should I set a salmon Just watch and hunters and we’re situated in 65 y) net? learn. (male, 52 subsistence users... some prime (male, 46 y) y) And who has more caribou crossing right to it. areas. (female, (female, 21 y) 37 y) means of sea ice information and social media, e.g., Facebook, allows access to hunting marine mammals for subsistence under as a tool for learning about harvesting locations and animal the Marine Mammal Protection Act of 1972 (Table 3). In abundance (Table 3). Kivalina harvesters did not describe using addition, Alaska Native cultural identity and ancestral whaling the internet as a means of sea ice information, although one rights motivate some harvesters to continue an annual hunt for harvester did mention access to social media to view other whales despite rarely catching these animals. Social relations are community members’ comments about recent harvesting a critical, non-monetary means of sharing and accessing harvest locations. resources in the northwest Arctic region of Alaska. Sharing of food and other resources is an important cultural value in Iñupiaq Knowledge culture; most Kotzebue and Kivalina harvesters describe sharing Knowledge shapes who can benefit from resources in northwest harvest of plants and animals with others who lacked access to Arctic Alaska. All Kotzebue and Kivalina harvesters described hunting technology, knowledge, or ability (Table 3). This sharing learning from elders and family members about where to hunt represents a critical network in the community (often strongest which animals in which season; how to operate a boat, snow with immediate and extended family members) but also persists machine, or ATV; or how to aim and fire a rifle. This knowledge throughout the community. Social relations were also used to included Indigenous practices of how to track, hunt, process, and share costs in harvesting, e.g., transportation, gas, or other share harvest in conjunction with spiritual and cultural beliefs. hunting equipment, by some Kotzebue and Kivalina harvesters Thirty-six percent of Kotzebue harvesters and 33% of Kivalina (Table 3). harvesters described knowledge specific to sea ice safety as an important component of general harvesting knowledge. Thirty Authority, or access to the individuals or institutions with the percent of Kotzebue harvesters and one Kivalina harvester authority to make and implement laws, can influence access for described using social media as a source of harvesting knowledge, harvesters. Regulations that are more liberal (higher harvest limit, which they use to determine locations where others have recently more flexible seasons and areas for harvesting) can facilitate been successful at harvesting, ask questions about processing access, as can the prioritization of subsistence through laws and techniques, and reduce time spent searching for plants and regulations. For example, a common concern among Kotzebue animals. and Kivalina was the negative effect of recreational harvesters traveling from outside the region to hunt caribou in traditional Other mechanisms harvest areas (Table 3). Further inequities with the mechanism of Other mediating mechanisms described were social identity, social authority exemplify how current power structures delimit relations, authority, and time. All Alaska Native Kivalina and Indigenous sovereignty: Kotzebue harvesters stated that their identity as an Alaska Native  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Table 3. Access mechanisms and sub-mechanisms reported to influence access to harvest by number and percentage of subsistence harvesters in Kotzebue and Kivalina. Major access mechanism categories were reported present if any of the sub-mechanisms were reported. Individual responses were tallied from group and couple interviews. Access mechanism and sub-group Kotzebue Kivalina Subsistence harvesters reporting # % # % Capital 47 100 12 100 Transportation 47 100 12 100 Allotment 24 51 0 0 Fuel 16 34 3 25 Hunting equipment 4 9 0 0 Other (permit cost) 1 2 0 0 Social Identity 46 95 12 100 Hunting marine mammals 46 95 12 100 Authority 25 53 7 58 Regulation of sport hunters 17 36 5 42 Regulations reduce access to subsistence 6 13 0 0 Legislation reduces subsistence access 3 6 2 17 Money to travel to public policy meetings 1 2 0 0 Bureaucratic barriers to getting hired by National Park Service 1 2 0 0 Technology 0 1 12 100 Transportation 47 100 12 100 Internet for sea ice data 6 13 0 0 Social media for harvesting information 14 30 1 83 Knowledge 47 100 12 100 Skills learned from family/elders 47 100 12 100 Sea ice safety 17 36 4 33 Social media for harvesting 14 30 1 8 Social Relations 42 89 8 67 Sharing harvest with others 36 77 8 67 Sharing harvest costs with others 10 21 1 8 Sharing in work of harvesting 3 6 0 0 Cultivating relationships with park service 1 2 0 0 Time 27 57 10 83 Flexibility to wait until weather or ice is safe 11 23 4 33 Time off work 9 19 1 8 Longer travel to get to animals (migration or conditions) 8 17 9 75 Shorter travel with modern transportation 1 2 0 0 We’re not represented right. So those of us who pay Conversely, having fewer time constraints enables flexibility for attention to the changing climate or trends... we don’t harvesting during opportune weather and safe sea ice conditions. really get a chance to speak because our representatives Finally, one harvester in Kotzebue described how faster, modern are the ones that are going out to Anchorage, to Kotzebue. transportation technology shortened his travel time to harvest. They’re not the ones that are out there noticing the changes (female Kivalina harvester, 55–59 years of age). Potential adaptation of harvesters to change Both harvesters in Kotzebue and Kivalina described a variety of The same harvester also voiced that lack of capital as well as social potential adaptations when asked what they would hypothetically relations further excluded her from attending meetings where she do if harvesting animals become more challenging. Primary could influence decision making: “We’re not invited and I can’t themes included (1) how they would access animals despite pay my own fare.” physical alterations in the land and seascape due to climate Harvesters also expressed fear of criminalization if they harvest stressors (30% of harvesters), (2) how to adapt when harvested species in traditional ways. As one harvester put it: “If Fish and species are harder to find (86%), and (3) finding alternatives to Game see you, they’ll put you in jail” (female Kivalina harvester, subsistence harvesting (24% of harvesters). 55–59 years of age). One response by harvesters to decreased access to animals Finally, we found that both harvesters in Kotzebue (57%) and resulting from climate stressors was using alternative Kivalina (83%) described various relationships with time as transportation. Specific examples were the use of airplanes to important for harvest access. We found four sub-mechanisms travel to subsistence camps and increased reliance on boat-based associated with time; for example, migration patterns of some hunting instead of snow machines on sea ice. Harvesters in animals have changed, as have increasing travel distances and time Kivalina and Kotzebue suggested that they would be more required to harvest (Table 3). Full-time employment also limits cautious before venturing out on the sea ice, and would either time spent subsistence harvesting, especially in the more cash- wait for information from others who go first or check sea ice oriented economy in Kotzebue (19%) than in Kivalina (8%). conditions on the internet: “We would have to wait. We have no  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ choice. Because we’re not going to take a chance with our lives” reported by harvesters to maintain access to coastal subsistence (male Kotzebue harvester, 65–69 years of age). resources during times of rapid environmental change, and (3) potential adaptation responses. Kotzebue harvesters tended to Harvesters in both groups also indicated they would adapt is by report individual stressors, while Kivalina harvesters were more expending more time and effort looking for animals: likely to combine multiple environmental stressors under the If they [animals] would become harder to get to, I’d umbrella of “climate change.” Overall, we found that chronic probably look for other places, other areas. If that means climate stressors (sea ice retreat, coastal erosion, and changes in going farther, then so be it (male Kotzebue harvester, weather; in order of importance) were reported rather than acute 40–44 years of age). shocks with respect to harvest access. To mediate these changes, harvesters ubiquitously reported the use of capital, knowledge, Harvesters in both communities also suggested that they would technology, and social identity; social relations, authority, and shift to new species, which would require time and knowledge time were also reported at high rates. Finally, we documented about how to harvest new plants and animals, or ask others about potential adaptations, such as increased reliance on new ways to where they were successful harvesting to better find animals. access animals despite landscape changes, switching species or Kivalina harvesters also reported that they would rely more on relying on social networks for sharing resources, and exploring abundant species, and be more frugal with what harvest they had alternatives to harvesting. already. Kotzebue harvesters suggested that they would trade fuel for harvest from others, using a combination of access to capital Climate-driven ecological shifts and social relations if they couldn’t find animals themselves. They As climate change continues, both access to and abundance of also described harvesting other animals, even if they were less harvested resources will be affected. However, access to some preferable. species may stabilize while access to other species will be Both groups of harvesters also suggested alternatives to complicated through continued pressures from loss of habitat and harvesting, such as buying more food from the grocery store to unfavorable environmental conditions with climatic warming supplement their diet, which would require an increased reliance (Pecl et al. 2017). The historical seasonal harvest periods that on capital. Growing a vegetable garden was also proposed to experts described (Fig. 3) matched historical seasonal harvest supplement wild-harvested foods: “You’re not going to be able to periods documented by Georgette and Loon (1993). We afford the fresh produce... And it’s warming up here. You’re going documented recent temporal shifts of anywhere from one to three to be able to grow stuff ” (female Kivalina harvester, 60–64 years weeks earlier start for harvest of three coastal species—bearded of age). seal, beluga, and chum salmon—as well as an earlier end to the bearded seal and beluga harvest depending on ice break up in This approach would require both capital for gardening supplies Kotzebue Sound. We expect the more ice-dependent species, and knowledge of how to garden. One harvester in Kotzebue bearded seal and beluga, to experience continued reduction in described how he would turn to political will and lobby legislators: availability with loss of habitat (Laidre et al. 2015), especially in northwestern Alaska (Moore and Hauser 2019). Although If I couldn’t get to those areas, I’d start petitioning. I’d culturally important, beluga harvesting has not occurred on a lobby our legislator. I’d lobby the U.S. Congress and the large scale in Kotzebue Sound since the mid-1960s, with variable U.S. Senate. I would rise up and speak (male Kotzebue and sporadic harvesting since the early 1980s (Georgette and harvester, 40–44 years of age). Loon 1993). Thus, beluga harvesting for Kotzebue residents is Kivalina harvesters described the need to increasingly rely on cash likely to become even more a hunt of opportunity. However, incomes through jobs that may require access to knowledge and salmon species may benefit from ice-free waters; for example, certain skill sets and social relations, as well as potentially decrease recent studies indicate pink salmon (O. gorbuscha) in the Arctic time available for subsistence harvesting. Increased reliance on have increased in numbers as warming river temperatures create jobs was not suggested by Kotzebue harvesters as an adaptation more hospitable environments (Farley et al. 2020) and new salmon mechanism. fisheries are beginning to emerge (Carothers et al. 2019). Additionally, we can expect other changes to the ecosystem will DISCUSSION have cascading effects, for example, harvesters reported more Current sociological approaches to understanding adaptive observations of killer whales that predate on fish and marine capacity to climate change impacts have focused on identifying mammals, which has also been documented in recent literature hypothetical domains, i.e., assets, knowledge, diversity, and (Willoughby et al. 2020). Similarly, harvesters described increases governance, that facilitate adaptation (Brooks et al. 2005, Gupta in beaver (Castor canadensis) activity in the region, which can lead et al. 2010, Whitney et al. 2017). The general reasoning is that to increased hypoxia when beaver dams block lake outlets (Tape investment in these factors will increase adaptive capacity. Yet, et al. 2018). much of this work has remained theoretical in nature, especially Asset and non-asset based mediating mechanisms on harvest in relation to how coastal communities actually adapt to climate access stressors (Siders 2019, Green et al. 2021). Overlaying these The capacity of Arctic communities to respond to the climatic theoretical frameworks from the adaptive capacity literature with impacts that threaten access to these resources is critical. the pragmatic mechanisms from access theory has allowed us to Although every harvester we interviewed described multiple provide an empirically grounded understanding of (1) the most access mechanisms mediating harvest of coastal subsistence salient climate stressors impacting access to coastal harvest in a resources, the quantity, quality, and accessibility of these access region of the Alaska Arctic, (2) the mediating mechanisms mechanisms varies greatly. For example, while every harvester we  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ interviewed had access to some sort of transportation, the type This dynamic nature of knowledge transfer is inherent in and quality of transportation will become increasingly important Indigenous knowledge systems, which are “rooted in, and in the future. Many individuals described a demand for larger informed by, a traditional or customary lifestyle, but adapt to boats as the need to operate boats in an open-water offshore changes and incorporate contemporary information and environment becomes more frequent due to the reduction in technology” (Menzies and Butler 2006:7). Thus, mutual shore-fast sea ice. The need for larger boats to effectively access knowledge sharing among generations and the growing role of offshore, ice-free waters may naturally exclude individuals or younger community members as important knowledge-holders families without the financial assets to buy these vessels; wealthier with respect to changing technologies and landscapes, are families may gain advantages in access. Access to fuel was also inherent to community resilience. described as critical, and individuals with more capital will have Finally, the sharing of subsistence foods (social relations) is a non- more flexibility to purchase fuel needed to travel farther and more asset-based mechanism to distribute coastal resources in a frequently to harvest coastal resources (Godduhn et al. 2014). community (Pearce et al. 2010, Green et al. 2020). Numerous However, use of capital to purchase fuel may have consequences studies have documented the existence of “super-households” for other types of household spending. Brinkman et al. (2014) where hunters who are efficient at harvesting subsistence foods found that 85% of harvesters in Alaska sacrificed paying for other distribute their extra harvest in the community through complex household needs, i.e., utility bills, so that they could purchase fuel and robust social networks (Wolfe and Walker 1987, BurnSilver for subsistence costs. Harvesters in the same study also reduced et al. 2016). Although the super-households do require asset- distances traveled for subsistence to minimize fuel use. Although based mechanisms (capital, technology) to procure harvest, the many people we interviewed described adapting by going farther recipients of this sharing may benefit from this cultural value in to get to animals or spending more time looking for animals, this the absence of assets. As time increasingly becomes a constraint may not be a feasible strategy depending on their financial status on access, supporting community sharing of resources could be and other household responsibilities. a way to mitigate both the time and cost of subsistence harvesting. Not every access mechanism described in this study required For example, the Siġḷauq (Hunter Support Program), operated financial resources. Knowledge—the critical skills needed for by the Maniilaq Association in Kotzebue since 1993, provides locating, capturing, and processing subsistence harvest—can supplemental fish and game to elders and funding to tribal often be passed down from generation to generation with little governments to support volunteer hunters who harvest access to capital; however, combining the transfer of knowledge traditional foods for those who are unable to do so (https://www. with access to modern technology and hunting equipment could maniilaq.org/siglauq/). influence knowledge acquisition. Cultural knowledge relating to beliefs, ideological controls, and discursive practices, as well as Time to harvest: a new access mechanism? negotiated systems of meaning, may shape access (Shipton and Although colonialist influences like wage labor and school have Goheen 1992), particularly for ritual purposes (Peluso 1996), but been implicated in reducing time to practice subsistence harvest with less direct dependence on capital or technology. For example, by others (Condon et al. 1995, Stern 2000), our study documented many harvesters reported the importance of letting the first time constraints and other ways time mediates access to caribou pass through without harvesting them so that the herd subsistence. Harvesters in Kotzebue, which relies on more wage leaders can set the scent of the trail for the rest of the herd. People labor than Kivalina, described how employment conditions also described the importance of offering a freshwater, “last restricted their time to practice subsistence and how formal drink” in the mouth of a freshly killed seal as sign of respect. schooling reduces the opportunity for their children to participate These types of knowledge are traditionally passed down across in harvest at certain times of the year. Time needed away from generations through oral tradition; however, the risk of disrupting work to practice subsistence has increased; harvesters described intergenerational knowledge transfer under various modern the need for longer or more frequent trips to find animals because societal pressures may influence climate change adaptation (Ford of migration or environmental changes. Although Iñupiat have et al. 2020). For example, none of the many beluga hunting survived and thrived in a landscape dominated by ice since time practices recorded by anthropologists in the region (Lucier and immemorial, warming trends in air and sea temperature has led Vanstone 1995) were mentioned by harvesters, potentially to an increasingly ephemeral frozen landscape. Time to wait for because of the dwindling of beluga populations statewide. Yet, improved weather conditions or for safer ice conditions is there may be a reverse transfer of knowledge as young people increasingly critical. Historically, freeze up in Kotzebue Sound become more adept using access mechanisms related to capital occurred in late October or early November (Farquashon et al. and technology to adapt to new climatic conditions (Galappaththi 2018), at which time snow machine travel became possible et al. 2019). One harvester in our study described how his young (Georgette and Loon 1993); however, now, even when there is ice son may experience these changes: it is not always safe. Thus, harvesters need to have a constant vigilance about their winter traveling conditions and some He’ll be learning a whole lot of new things when he starts described conditions changing too fast for traditional knowledge going out there because it’s going to be so different than to “catch up.” Many people described waiting longer to travel what I know. His generation is going to be experiencing over the ice than in past years or waiting for others with higher a whole new thing than what we experience. And then risk tolerance to go first, similar to accounts in other Arctic he’ll be teaching me (male Kivalina harvester, 40–44 communities (Pearce et al. 2010, Galappaththi et al. 2019). Thus, years of age). time as a novel access mechanism will likely become more marked with increasing economic development and climate stressors in rural Alaska.  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ Adaptive capacity and future resilience is used to find, harvest, process, store, and sustain natural The communities of Kotzebue and Kivalina rely on coastal resources necessary for food, clothing, shelter, and other needs. subsistence resources that are increasingly affected by climate Subsistence harvesters are taught at a very young age that they change. Kivalina, in particular, is one of the most resource- are not to waste subsistence resources, especially fish and wildlife, dependent communities in Alaska and most exposed to climate to take only what is needed when it is needed, to treat all living change impacts (IAWG 2009, Himes-Cornell and Kasperski things with respect, and to not damage the land. Subsistence is a 2015). Increasing adaptive capacity in these and other Arctic living tradition based on a deep respect for wildlife and for sharing communities may require investing in a combination of resources with others in their community. Thus, Indigenous mechanisms, both asset and non-asset based. The intertwined knowledge is cumulative, dynamic, place-based, holistic, nature of factors that influence adaptive capacity is not a new culturally embedded, and reciprocal with the natural world concept (Smit and Wandel 2006, many others). Ford et al. (2019) (Menzies and Butler 2006). found that Arctic harvesters with both sophisticated Despite this long tradition of stewardship, Indigenous knowledge transportation equipment (capital and technology) as well as skill has often been disregarded in state and federal resource in navigating trail conditions (knowledge), were less affected by management policy and process or translated into a form that fits climatic changes relative to users with more limited equipment easily within the structure of resource management models and trail expertise. Similarly, asset-poor, small-scale fisher (Nadasdy 2003). Resource management institutions privilege households may be better able to adapt to climate stressors when Western scientific forms of knowledge in decision making, so that they combine existing knowledge with other factors, like the “differing claims to authoritative knowledge... gain unequal agency to diversify livelihoods (Green et al. 2021). We identified traction in the world according to the power relations of the actors both individual access mechanisms and recurring combinations, involved” (Griffin 2019:146). Further, “command and control” notably capital and technology, time and social relations, and management policies tend toward compartmentalization of authority and knowledge. These combinations were important resources and lands (Holling and Meffe 1996), so that holistic for facilitating access to harvest and should be examined in the approaches more in line with Indigenous systems of stewardship context of policies and programs that seek to improve resilience are challenged by bureaucratic rigidity. Complementation of to climate change for coastal communities. Indigenous knowledge and Western scientific knowledge systems Increasing equity of access to these mechanisms among can be a powerful way to understand environmental change and harvesters through a combination of internal community better support community adaptation (Menzies and Butler 2006, initiatives and government support (e.g., Huntington et al. 2017) Cochran et al. 2013). Here, we found that Indigenous knowledge can strengthen adaptive responses and community resilience to of climate stressors and environmental data told similar stories environmental change. For example, capital and technology were of change, but that expert subsistence harvesters provided a most often described as having assets to invest in larger boats to broader landscape context and, importantly, mechanisms from access offshore, open waters. Sharing of boats among family or an Indigenous perspective that can positively mediate access to other community members may increase access. Further, harvest under these climate stressors. increasing accessibility of open-water safety education can help Access theory emphasizes the importance of addressing power make offshore boating safer. Further, the creating of hardened relations in mediating access, so policy solutions to improving trails for ATV use has been proposed, as ATV travel becomes subsistence resource access require recognition of both more common with decreased snow cover. Access to authority Indigenous knowledge and the political sovereignty of and knowledge can be increased simultaneously by assisting Indigenous people. Like many other studies using access theory, harvesters’ understanding of public procedures for revising especially as applied to Indigenous communities, our findings regulations as well as ensuring equitable access to the public show that access and authority, particularly when stemming from process. Specifically, holding meetings in rural as well as urban long-standing colonial influences, cannot be disentangled (Sikor centers can increase access to the public participation process for and Lund 2009). Peluso and Ribot (2020:301) state that “to harvesters who live in remote villages (Krupa et al. 2020). These control access is to mediate the access of others and includes the meetings can provide a public outreach venue for sharing power to exclude.” Decolonizing access to wild foods through the knowledge about harvesting regulations, communicating about mechanisms of authority and knowledge is essential to challenges to harvest access, and generating proposals for revising supporting Indigenous food sovereignty. A complex patchwork regulations through the appropriate state and federal processes. of state, federal, and corporate land ownership in northwestern Although school can reduce time available for children to Alaska has created barriers to traditional hunting and harvesting participate in subsistence harvesting, school-based education and practices in Kivalina (Griffin 2019). Western institutions of culture camps can also be a source of supporting governance have defined and constrained “subsistence” in ways intergenerational knowledge that is passed down from elders to that have led to criminalization of traditional practices (Griffin youth about cultural harvesting rituals (e.g., Camp Sivunniigvik). 2019), as reflected by the Kivalina research participant who Indigenous land stewardship and food sovereignty highlighted the threat posed by state agency enforcement when Subsistence harvesters have a unique connection to the land, harvesting. Furthermore, capitalist wage labor and formal fostered by tradition and lifelong experience. Traditional schooling constrain Indigenous harvesters’ time, and therefore ecological knowledge, or Indigenous knowledge, is the system of access, as exposed by this study and others (Ferguson, Green, and knowledge gained by experience, observation, and analysis of Swanson, unpublished manuscript). natural events that is shared among family members, and Supporting young Alaska Native leaders in these communities is members of a community. In subsistence practice, that knowledge important for bolstering local solutions to food security and  Ecology and Society 26(4): 15 https://www.ecologyandsociety.org/vol26/iss4/art15/ sovereignty. Young people we talked to were acutely aware that the project and manuscript (KG and AB); performed research, such access to traditional foods provided not only caloric nutrition, as data collection, analysis, or modeling (KG and AB); acquired but also spiritual and cultural sustenance, essential components data for the manuscript (KG and AB); contributed to methods or of food sovereignty. We found that in addition to thinking about models (KG, AB, ML); drafted figures and tables (KG and AB); short-term mechanisms like technology that mediate accessing drafted the manuscript (KG); performed critical content reviews harvest, the younger generations we interviewed were invested in and contributed to writing (KG, AB, ML, and LC); acted as cultural longer term proactive strategies for adaptation, like incorporating liaison; obtained permissions; reviewed for appropriateness to all cultural knowledge into the school system, reducing plastic waste, cultures involved in study (ML); directly shared knowledge or and planting trees. Existing initiatives like the Inuit Circumpolar expertise; aided in, or provided documentation or translation (ML Youth Council-Alaska (https://iccalaska.org/icc-alaska/) and the and LC). Kivalina Food Sovereignty Project (https://www.facebook.com/ kvl.food.sovereignty/), which support youth leadership and foster Acknowledgments: youth-elder relationships, are excellent examples of youth engagement in support of self-determination. How this younger We are grateful to the Native Village of Kotzebue and the Native generation invests in long and short-term community-led Village of Kivalina and all the community members that shared adaptation related to harvest access will have significant impacts their stories with us. This work was supported by the U.S. on the resilience of food sovereignty for the region. Department of the Interior, National Park Service, Ocean Alaska Science and Learning Center under a Cooperative Agreement with CONCLUSION the University of Alaska Fairbanks (#P17AC00303) and Stanford We provided a comprehensive overview of access mechanisms in University (Emmett, Price, Buckley Families) and Stanford the context of a robust theoretical framework and suggested ways McGee/Levorson funding. We also thank the anonymous reviewers to support them through a combination of local community who improved this manuscript through their edits and comments. measures and external agency support. Access theory, which has rarely been applied in marine, and never in Arctic settings (Myers and Hansen 2020), is a valuable tool for systematically Data Availability: approaching mechanisms that constrain or enable access. Other The data/code that support the findings of this study are available literatures mention some, but not all of the access mechanisms on request from the corresponding author, [KMG]. None of the we documented, which we hypothesize is because of the absence data/code are publicly available because they contain interview data of utilizing a framework rather than the absence of the that could compromise the privacy of research participants. Ethical mechanisms themselves. Although this systematic approach is approval for this research study was granted by the Institutional likely to be especially appealing for state or federal agencies to Review Boards at Stanford University (#40222) and University of identify broad categories of access mechanisms across diverse Alaska Fairbanks (#1072840). geographies and social, cultural, and political settings, the sub- mechanisms we described should not be overlooked. The ways that these broad access mechanisms manifest regionally will be LITERATURE CITED different, and the details of these differences will be important for Bennett, N. J., P. Dearden, G. Murray, and A. Kadfak. 2014. The how to inspire solutions. The utility of our approach is that it can capacity to adapt?: communities in a changing