Chapter 5 WTC PDF

Chapter 5 POWER : THE ARCHITECTURE POWER OF CONFLICT...

Chapter 5 POWER : THE ARCHITECTURE POWER OF CONFLICT 5.1 POWER AND THE EMERGENCE OF CONFLICT In Chapter 1 we noted that conflict is comprised of moves and countermoves in interac- tion and that these are shaped by parties’ power. The power any party can assert depends on the party’s resources and the skill to use those resources effectively. A good way to understand how power functions in conflicts is to examine the emer- gence of a conflict—the turn a conflict takes from a latent awareness of differences to actions and reactions that generate conflict interaction. As we have discussed, whenever people are in some way dependent on one another, there are likely to be differences, and they usually become aware of the differences before any conflict-related interaction occurs. As we discuss in Chapter 3, several scholars have identified stages of conflict. You will recall the latent conflict stage in which a “conscious- ness of opposition” precedes and lays the groundwork for conflict interaction. During this stage, parties may note differences that exist among them, or they may incorrectly assume there are differences when none exist. At this point, however, parties do not attempt to act on these differences. Case Study 5.1A illustrates a group whose unified purpose is threatened by members’ awareness of differences in priorities. Knowledge of real or assumed differences stems largely from parties’ experiences with each other. Parties often know the stands others have previously taken. They know, at least to some extent, the agendas others are likely to push and how others are likely to approach an issue. They know who are allies and who enemies. In assessing and planning their Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. stands, parties try to forecast likely positions and anticipate where support or opposition will arise. When individuals foresee disagreement or incompatible goals it creates a con- sciousness of opposition. In this case study, the Undergraduate Publications Board has a sense that an issue is emerging; members recognize likely differences in their views, and they share an uncer- tainty about whether these differences should be addressed. There is, in other words, a perception of potential incompatibility within the group’s goals or objectives. At this point, however, the conflict remains latent because there is no immediate triggering event. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 143 CASE STUDY 5.1A A RAID ON THE STUDENT ACTIVITY FEES FUND Imagine yourself as a magazine editor whose publication may be threatened by proposed budget cuts. What would be your likely response? The Undergraduate Publications (UP) Board at a midsized university was responsible for overseeing five student-run publications: a weekly newspa- per, an annual yearbook, and three magazines—a literary magazine, a political review, and a science journal—each published once a semester. The Board was created by the university to ensure comprehensive coverage of campus life and student accomplishments. Composed of two representatives from each of the publications (generally the editor and a senior staff member), plus a faculty advisor, the UP Board met monthly to discuss a wide variety of issues. Together they made decisions regarding advertising and editorial policies, selection of the following year’s editors, hardware and software purchases for the Board’s shared computers, and nominations of individual writers for national collegiate writing awards. In addition, the group collectively determined the budgets for each of the publications, working from a lump sum allocation made to the UP Board by the student government at the beginning of each semester. As these issues were discussed, Board members’ assumptions about the relative impor- tance of each of the publications became apparent. At one Board meeting shortly before the semester’s allocations were to be made by the student government, the faculty advisor mentioned that the university’s administration was considering “raiding” the student activity fees fund to refurbish the student center. Because this fund is the sole source of money for the student government’s allocation committee, it is possible that the UP Board budgets would be dramatically cut. After the meeting, members talked among themselves and with others about how the Board should handle potential cuts. Some members stated their positions explicitly as they discussed the consequences of eliminating one of the magazines, reducing the length of the yearbook, or other choices. Through these discussions and through recollections of how individual UP Board members have felt in the past, members began to anticipate the sugges- tions that would be made to deal with the cuts. Because members sensed that preferences differed, an awareness of opposition mounted as the UP Board considered what it would mean to make any of these choices. The editors of the threatened magazines began to assess how much support from the Board they and their magazine had and who their potential advocates and opponents were. Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. Discussion Questions Why does the term “latent conflict” describe the situation that existed on the UP Board? What could make this conflict move out of a latent stage and into an open conflict? What examples can you give of latent conflict stages in other situations (e.g., family conflicts you have been involved in, neighborhood disputes, international conflicts you have followed)? Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  144 Power What might make the UP Board members act on their expectations? Returning to our stage models, a triggering event turns a “consciousness of opposition” into acknowledged conflict. Obviously, any number of events are potential triggers in this case: The student government president could announce that the UP Board’s budget will be cut by 25%, a member who has been appointed as next year’s editor of one of the publications may request a special meeting on the subject to plan accordingly, or a Board member may write a formal letter that argues strongly for the elimination of the science journal if publication cutbacks are necessary. Once parties react to the trigger, conflict interaction may manifest in many ways, through withdrawal, joking, problem solving, heated arguments, proposals and counterproposals, and so on. The triggering event signals a transition in the way par- ties think and act about the conflict. In the latent stage, they think in terms of possi- bilities, while conflict interaction confronts them with real threats and constraints, as well as opportunities to achieve their goals and meet their needs. A triggering event alters people’s responses to differences and shapes the particular form conflict takes. To illustrate how moves and countermoves might vary as a result of a specific trig- gering incident, consider two scenarios that might unfold with the UP Board (Case Study 5.1B). CASE STUDY 5.1B A RAID ON THE STUDENT ACTIVITY FEES FUND Imagine yourself as one of the magazine editors attending a Board meeting after the letter is written. What would be your likely response to each of the two scenarios? Shortly after the faculty advisor mentioned the possibility of cutbacks to the UP Board’s budget, a member of the group wrote a letter advocating the elim- ination of the science journal. This would fulfill cutback requirements without affecting other publications. The science journal was the clear choice, argues the letter writer, because it has the smallest circulation and has received no awards. Consider two possible scenarios for distribution of the letter: Scenario #1: The letter is sent to the faculty advisor, with copies to other mem- bers of the Board. The members of the group assume that the letter will have no significant ramifications because the faculty advisor is not really a Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. “player” in the group. The advisor reads the letter, acknowledges its receipt, and comments to the group that the issue will be discussed when the time comes. Scenario #2: The letter is sent to the school newspaper, where it is published on the editorial page. The editor of the paper is the fraternity brother of two members of the allocations committee and has been known to use this con- nection to acquire special funding for the paper. In response to the letter’s publication, some Board members request that a special meeting be called to discuss options for dealing with the cutbacks. Others write responses to the letter and submit them to the newspaper. Still others confront the letter writer and ask why such a proposal was made public when no decisions have yet been made. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 145 Discussion Questions Which scenario would be more consistent with your style of dealing with potential conflicts? Why? How does the nature of the triggering event differ for the two scenarios? What potential benefits does the triggering event have for the group in each scenario? Does one scenario offer more benefits than the other? How did the following incidents act as triggering events: the Boston Tea Party; the bombing of Pearl Harbor; Rosa Parks staying seated on a public bus; the 9/11 attacks; Hurricane Katrina; Michael Brown’s death? What kind of power was used in each of the two scenarios? It is easy to think of triggering events in negative terms, as “the straw that breaks the camel’s back.” However, a triggering event also carries with it an important opportunity. As noted in Chapter 1, a critical requirement of constructive conflict management is thorough and successful differentiation of conflicting positions. Before they can move to an integrative solution, parties must raise the conflict issue and spend sufficient time and energy clarifying positions, pursuing the reasons behind those positions, and acknowl- edging their differences. By bringing the conflict out, a triggering event sets the stage for constructive resolution. It opens the possibility of clearing away problems and tensions that undermine relationships. There is, of course, no guarantee that a constructive reso- lution will happen. As we observe in Chapter 1, uncontrolled escalation and destructive avoidance can also develop during differentiation. How the parties handle differentia- tion is the key to whether a conflict becomes destructive or constructive. And how differ- entiation is handled depends in part on specific responses to the triggering event, which are shaped by parties’ access to and use of power. In both scenarios in Case Study 5.1B, the letter was a move that fractured the latent conflict stage; one party acted on behalf of her own goals and others responded to the move. Once the UP Board members recognized and acted on the latent issue, the con- flict entered a new phase of open engagement. How they reacted to this trigger set the stage for how the conflict played out. In the first scenario, others did not believe the letter presented much of a threat. As a result, it did not elicit a strong reaction, and it did not begin a chain of moves and countermoves aimed at settling the issue. Members recognized an issue had been raised, but there were no drastic countermoves because its Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. consequences were neither immediate nor threatening. The letter “set the agenda” for future discussions. In the second scenario, the letter began a lengthy series of moves and countermoves that would not only determine how the Board would handle any cutbacks but could also change the relationships among the Board members and alter its long- term climate. Once a conflict is triggered, power establishes the set of actions that individuals may use and sets limits on the effectiveness of other parties’ moves. Each move reveals to others how willing a party is to use power and what kinds of power that party has. The response to the move reveals whether the use of power will go unchallenged. The most important difference between the two scenarios is the difference in power of the Board member who writes the letter. In both cases the letter could easily be con- strued as an attempt to sway attitudes by getting a “jump” on others. Laying out one set of arguments before other positions or proposals are developed or stated could give the Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  146 Power writer a great advantage. Despite each letter’s common objective, only the second letter had the potential to influence the outcome of the cutback decision. The author of the second letter was perceived to hold power and had been known to use it on previous occasions. Other Board members knew that this individual had strong persuasive abili- ties, was a fraternity brother of members of the allocations committee, and was willing to go public with his options before raising them with others on the Board. In respond- ing to the letter, members had to rely on their own sources of power, such as the right to request a special meeting about an issue and the ability to build alliances, to prevent the letter from firmly setting attitudes before a full discussion of the issue occurred. The shift from latent conflict to the emergence of conflict interaction inevitably con- fronts the participants with the issue of power. During latent conflict, parties may have a sense of the sources of power people hold, and they may make estimates of how likely it will be for others to use power if the conflict surfaces. At the onset of conflict interaction, however, each move and countermove confirms or challenges previous assessments of power. Individuals are caught up in an active process of testing and determining the role and limits of power in the conflict. But how, exactly, does this happen? The next section examines the nature of power more closely and points to several defining characteristics that make power a major influence on the direction of conflict interaction. 5.2 A RELATIONAL VIEW OF POWER The everyday use of the term power misrepresents it to some extent (Clegg, 1989; Jan- eway, 1980; Conrad & Poole, 2012). Expressions such as “He holds enormous power” or “The purchasing department’s manager has lost the power she once had” imply that power is a possession. That is, it is something that belongs to an individual, and it can be increased or lost. In this view, power is a quality of the strong or dominant, and some- thing the weak lack. This view, however, is an oversimplification. In Chapter 1 we defined power as the ability to influence or control events. In conflict sit- uations, the ability to influence or control events stems from relationships among people. Individuals have power when they have access to resources that can be used to persuade or convince others, to change their course of action, or to prevent others from achieving their goals. Since these resources are controlled by individuals, it is easy to assume that the resources themselves equal power and that their owner therefore possesses power. However, this conclusion ignores the fact that any resource serving as a basis for power is only effective because others endorse the resource (Clegg, 1989). The resource only imparts power because it carries some weight in the context of relationships where it is used. The young child who Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. throws a temper tantrum has power over her parents only if they are bothered (or touched) by the raucous fits and are willing to appease the child because the behavior is annoying (or heartbreaking). The boss who threatens to fire a worker can only influence a worker who values the job and believes his boss will carry out the threat. In both cases the second party must “endorse” the first party’s resources for the first party to have any influence over them. 5.2.1 Forms of Power To understand the complexities of power, we have to consider two levels of social pro- cesses that give people power. Critical scholars have explored the twists and tangles of power in detail (see Conrad & Poole, 2012; Mumby, 2013, for summaries of this litera- ture). They argue that there are both observable and hidden aspects of power, and both of these are rooted in relationships among parties. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 147 Behavior Control The most obvious exercise of power is when someone can affect the behavior of another per- son so that they act in ways that person would not otherwise choose to act. This form of power is usually observable and depends on the resources that the powerful person can draw from. Parties can draw on a number of different resources to exert power over others (Dillard, Anderson, & Knoblach, 2002; French & Raven, 1959; Kipnis, Schmidt, & Wilk- erson, 1980), including rewards and punishments, information, expertise, likeability, and communication skills (see Table 5.1). Literally anything that enables parties to pursue their own goals or to interfere with another’s actions is a resource that can be used in conflicts. However, for a move to have an impact on another party’s moves or on the outcome of the conflict, the resources it uses must be given some credence by others: Either consciously or unconsciously others must endorse them. In this sense, power is always conferred on someone by those who endorse their resources. At first glance, the need for endorsement leaves an easy way out for weaker parties in conflict. Isn’t it always possible to counteract power by withholding endorsement of the resources it’s based on? In principle, weaker parties always have this option, but it is not an easy option to exercise for two reasons. First, resistance often entails real costs and harm—physical, financial, and/or psychological—to the weaker party. Second, the tendency to endorse power is deep seated and based in powerful and pervasive social processes, as we will see when we consider the other “deeper” form of power. At the most superficial level, we endorse power because others’ resources enable them to grant or deny things that are valuable. As Richard Emerson (1962) stated in a classic analysis of power: “[The] power to control or influence the other resides in control over the things he values, which may range all the way from oil resources to ego-support” (p. 11). This is an important, if obvious point, and it leads to a more fundamental issue: control is exerted during interaction. One party makes a control bid based on real or potential use of resources, and the other party accepts or rejects it. Perhaps the most critical aspect of this process is the other party’s acceptance or rejec- tion of the legitimacy and force of the bid and the resource(s) it depends on if someone makes the shape of a gun with his or her fingers, points them at someone else, and says, “Hand me your wallet”; the “target” person may laugh at the joke, but he would not see Table 5.1 Power Resources in Relationships, Groups, and Organizations Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. The other’s liking/love for party The other’s respect for party Formal authority over the other Information Education, certifications, training, expertise Ability to solve problems no one else can solve Control of scarce resources (money, technologies, etc.) Control over rewards for other party Ability to punish other party Interpersonal alliances and networks Other’s investment in the relationship Personal or organizational contracts (marriage, union contract, etc.) Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  148 Power this as a power move. If that same person picks up a gun and does the same thing, nearly everyone would see it as an attempt to influence or control. The party’s endorsement of a gun as an instrument of force is a product of years of experience (education, television shows, firsthand encounters), which gives him or her an idea of its power. At the same time, even the power that a gun confers is not inherent in the possession of the gun itself. Because power is relational, the effectiveness of any resource is always negotiated in the interaction. If the person at whom the gun is aimed tells the assailant to “Move out of my way,” he or she is attempting to deny endorsement to the assailant’s bid for power. The response may or may not succeed—that is the nature of any unfolding negotiation—but, as the interaction unfolds in power bids and counterbids, and accep- tance or rejection of them, the balance of power may change. The influential powers of intangible social resources, such as a good reputation or persuasive abilities, are built in much the same way: People must endorse them if they are to carry any weight. If one party cuts off another’s argument with the retort “You’re full of it!” even the most persuasive case is interrupted and rendered moot. Ideology A more subtle form of power resides in the beliefs and norms that guide interaction in relationships, groups, and organizations. Ideology refers to a system of ideas, beliefs, and norms that are widely accepted in a society, but arbitrarily serve to favor some social groups over others, without making it evident that they do so. One example of ideology is the widely held belief that, in America, anyone who works hard enough can succeed. There is truth in this belief, as evidenced by many who have raised their standard of liv- ing and gone “from rags to riches.” However, the belief is so cherished that it often causes us to disregard the fact that it is easier for those born into families with higher standards of living to succeed because they generally have access to better educational systems and have families who can support them as they get started in life. Those born into poorer families and living in impoverished neighborhoods do not have these advantages and are much less likely to succeed. But another part of this system of ideas is the notion that success is due to personal attributes like ambition and the will to weather problems and difficult conditions. Many of those who aren’t able to succeed are labeled as lazy and lacking ambition, directing attention away from the fact that they were economically and educationally disadvantaged in the first place. By attributing ability to succeed to personal characteristics, this ideology hides the fact that the socioeconomic group one is born into is a major determinant to success. Ideologies are widely repeated throughout society in multiple forms: in movies and Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. television shows, books, news stories, in lessons taught at all levels of school, in mottoes and proverbs, in pictures, in personal conversations and stories—sometimes in extended forms (e.g., a movie plot that shows someone overcoming adversity through hard work), sometimes piecemeal (e.g., a mention that a person “pulled themselves up by their boot- straps”). The result of this echoing of ideologies throughout society in many different forms and media is that we encounter these ideas so often that they come to be taken for granted as the natural state of affairs. When an ideology becomes taken for granted, it can function as a hidden premise in everyday reasoning. The ideology that everyone has an equal chance to succeed if they work hard may, for example, warrant the moral judgment that a person who is chron- ically unemployed is just lazy and chose not to work (after all, if they worked harder at finding a job they could get one). This might cause us to overlook the person’s chronic depression, which keeps them from searching for jobs effectively. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 149 Ideologies form the basis for action. A widely accepted belief that anyone who wants to work hard enough can succeed tends to undermine support for measures to help people overcome the disadvantages the ideology covers over. Programs for funneling more money to disadvantaged neighborhoods to improve schools and reduce poverty, for example, are viewed as unfairly taking from one group (those who have succeeded and may be taxed more to pay for the program) and redistributing it to other people who are viewed as unambitious and lazy. If, as a result, programs to address the inequality are not set up, the ideology has created the conditions for its own perpetuation. People from disadvantaged groups continue to fail because they don’t get the resources to succeed, and they are blamed for their failure using premises from the ideology. The ideology becomes a self-confirming belief system that traps everyone in its web. This is not to say that ideology is a form of “mind control” that renders people help- less. We can question ideologies and resist the beliefs they foster. The example we have just used shows how we can “see through” ideologies and understand how they work. However, ideologies hold a grain of truth along with the misleading stories they tell us (working hard can help someone succeed). Ideologies are power resources for those who are privileged, regardless of whether they consciously realize it. An employer making a decision to hire someone from an eco- nomically advantaged group versus someone from a disadvantaged group might choose the first person because he or she believes that people from the advantaged group are more motivated and able than those from the disadvantaged group due to the widely shared ideology, even if the two people are quite similar in skills and motivation. There is no direct malice in this choice; it just seems to hinge on “common knowledge,” unspo- ken premises supported by the ideology. The ideology leads the employer to presume the economically advantaged person has resources and motivation that the other does not. Resources and ideology work in tandem in the operation of power. But they are not sufficient to understand the role of power in conflict because power in conflicts emerges in interaction. One party makes a bid that draws on one or more of the forms of power and the other responds—perhaps accepting, perhaps rejecting, perhaps contesting by drawing on other forms of power—and the result is the exercise of power. A key part of this power process is parties’ endorsements of power resources. Endorsement stems from several sources, including preconceptions about the strengths and weaknesses of various types of people, the mystique of power, the skillful use of resources, and formal legitima- tion. Some aspects of these are evident in the following case of a unique and self-styled individual (Case Study 5.2). Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. CASE STUDY 5.2 THE AMAZING HACKER Imagine yourself as collaborating on a project with Moxie Marlinspike. Which of his characteristics might inspire you to respect him? How would your respect work as an endorsement of his power? Moxie Marlinspike is a renowned expert in cybersecurity, a field concerned with protecting computer networks and the people and data in them from theft or damage due to unwanted intrusion by criminals and other unauthorized peo- ple. He is legendary as the creator of Signal (https://whispersystems.org/), con- sidered by many the most secure and easiest to use free encrypted messaging and voice-calling app. Signal has been integrated into WhatsApp, the world’s most popular messaging service. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  150 Power Tall and thin, with a topknot of blond dreadlocks, he stands out among the conservatively dressed consultants and military personnel who typically deal with cybersecurity. At the RSA Conference, an important gathering that brings together industry and government experts in cybersecurity, his talk was packed. Marlinspike was, as usual, controversial and thought-provoking. He argued that strict limits should be placed on surveillance, even of crimi- nal behavior. “I actually think law enforcement should be difficult,” Marlinspike said. “And I think it should actually be possible to break the law” (Greenberg, 2016, p. 86). His point was not that criminals should have free reign, but that opening everything to the government and corporations was dangerous. Cor- ners of privacy need to be maintained, even at the risk of some criminals and terrorists using privacy tools. This is the price of maintaining privacy protection. His speech drew a standing ovation and was highly praised by civil liberties and internet-freedom advocates. Like many computer prodigies, Marlinspike is largely self-taught. He grew up in Georgia in a single-parent family and hated the drudgery of school. One day he discovered a basic computer in the library and he used it to program video games. His mother bought a cheap computer with a modem and by the time he was in junior high he was using it to crawl bulletin board services and break into his friend’s computers so he could leave messages on their screens. For Moxie the internet was a revelation, a “secret world hidden within this one” (p. 89). By high school he was working for a German company writing devel- oper tools. He was so obsessed with computers that he nearly failed high school, and once he graduated he headed straight for Silicon Valley. Without a job and homeless, he spent his first nights in San Jose sleeping in a park beside his desktop computer. He soon found a job in the tech industry but was immedi- ately bored by the routine hours in front of a keyboard, so he quit. He went on the road, hitchhiking around the country. He sailed a cheap boat around the Caribbean Sea. His time “off the grid” is said to have spurred his impulse for privacy. As he pursued an unobserved life, he came to the conclu- sion that authority—be it a high-tech employer monitoring his keystrokes as he worked or the government sweeping up his emails and web activity—was the enemy. He then went back to work (for himself) and built his first tools, debuting GoogleSharing, a Firefox plug-in that let people use Google services anony- Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. mously. When smartphones came out he developed encryption for text mes- sages and phones and had Arabic versions ready for the Arab Spring. Twitter was so impressed it hired him to head security for the company, which had recently suffered expensive data breaches. He was given a stake in the com- pany and a huge salary. After a brush with death in a serious boating accident, Moxie had an epiph- any. He questioned what he was doing with his life and decided that protecting privacy was his true calling. He quit Twitter (giving up hundreds of thousands of dollars in stock options) and started his open source company and has been pursuing his dream. He views encryption as “a preventative measure against a slide toward Orwellian fascism that makes protest and civil disobedience impossible.” Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 151 Discussion Questions What power resources does Moxie Marlinspike have when he participates in decision-making sessions in his company? How does the impact of these resources depend on endorsement by others? What might undercut Marlinspike’s power? What might prompt people to resist his attempts to use his power? In what ways do political candidates hold influence over voters that are similar to the ways in which Marlinspike holds influence over colleagues and the public? 5.2.2 Social Categorization The social categorization process, discussed in Chapter 3, creates preconceptions about what types of people are usually powerful and what types are usually weak. Ranking executives, for example, are generally assumed to be wealthy, to have connections, and to be skilled in negotiation. A woman working a minimum wage job at a local mini-mart, on the other hand, is likely to be assumed to be poor, have few connections, and not likely to be a good negotiator. An aura of competence and power attaches itself to the executive, something that the minimum wage woman does not have. If we know about Moxie Marlinspike’s reputation, we might ascribe genius to him and hang on his every word. His long blond dreadlocks and casual attire would further reinforce his prowess because they fit the mold of the hacker who flaunts convention. So it is with all accepted and understood social categories: Through the processes of social categorization, group differentiation, and social ideology development discussed in Section 3.6, different groups are associated with a particular degree of power, with certain resources, and with certain abilities to use the resources available to them. These associations set up expectations that work in favor of or against endorsements of power moves by people from various categories: We endorse those we expect to be powerful and do not endorse those we expect to be weak. These associations have several consequences. For one thing, they make the use of power easier for some people and more difficult for others. A number of studies have been conducted on the effects of members’ status outside decision-making groups Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. on member behavior within groups (Ridgeway, 2003). Consistently, members with higher status in society—doctors, lawyers, university students—are more influential than those with lower status—laborers and high school students—even if they behaved in the same ways. Expectations about social categories not only shape members’ perceptions of other parties’ resources and abilities, but they also influence their perceptions of themselves. People who belong to a respected social category generally expect to be effective and influential, and those who regularly receive endorsement for power moves, such as cor- porate executives, tend to see themselves as powerful and effective. They are confident when making future moves, and their confidence, in turn, is likely to lead to effective use of power, which reinforces their self-concepts. The same is true for those belonging to “powerless” categories. They expect to be ineffective and, therefore, generally give way before the more powerful. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  152 Power Several authors, from Elizabeth Janeway (1980) to Sheryl Sandberg (2013), have argued that this is one of the major reasons women, minorities, and other low-power groups often take weak roles in conflict situations. They see themselves as having fewer resources than dominant groups, as being spectators rather than actors. Even though these groups have resources, including intelligence, social skills, and even sheer num- bers, they do not realize their potential power. They believe they are weak and isolated and have little chance of competing with the “powers that be.” In conflict, such people often do not assert themselves, and when they do, their efforts are not given the same weight of endorsement that people from powerful categories receive. Once again, there is a self-reinforcing cycle that serves to prove the weak are powerless and further strength- ens other people’s tendency to refuse endorsement. Here also is one of the roots of the common idea of power as a possession. If certain social groups are assumed to be consistently powerful, it is only a small step to the assumption that power is their possession. Because the ideological process of learn- ing social categorizations is gradual and extends over years, it is easy to lose sight of their flexibility and forget that all social groups are, to a great extent, created by those within and outside of them. If the social definition of who is powerful changes, patterns of endorsement, and therefore of those who can exert power effectively, can change radically. When parties view others as members of a social group rather than individuals, they may act more competitively toward them (Pruitt et al., 1994; Reicher, 2003). This process of deindividuation directs attention away from the unique and individual characteristics of the other and instead focuses on stereotypical features of the group they belong to. For example, it is not uncommon for parties to stereotype their opponents, for example, “just another complainer” or “that stubborn lawyer.” As the conflict escalates, so too does the degree of deindividuation, and others are increasingly viewed as social catego- ries, not people through the social identity processes discussed in Section 3.5. This can reduce social inhibitions and lead to increased use of competing styles, sometimes to the point of verbal and physical aggression. Entire nations can get caught up in this pattern of deindividuation, which offers a means to justify aggression and absolve their fellow citizens of guilt for the violence and harm they inflict on others. The U.S. government explains drone strikes in terms of attacks on an “Islamic terrorist” rather than on Ahmed, a family man who loves his wife and children and gardens on the weekends. It is important to acknowledge that power differences due to social categories often do realistically reflect imbalances in the resources available to parties. The rich are attributed power because money does indeed give them power, they have often gotten superior educations, and they have connections. Marlinspike has prodigious programming skills Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. and deep experience in cybersecurity, and so can speak with authority on these topics. However, we would caution against being too sure about power based on social identi- ties because—as we will see—in the give and take of interaction, power can shift. 5.2.3 The Mystique of Power Ideology also grants power a mystique that reinforces endorsement of moves by power- ful members. Elizabeth Janeway (1980) explores the childhood and adolescent experi- ences through which people learn to use and understand power. The actions of adults are incomprehensible to children and so, Janeway argues, children attribute to adults mysterious, unfathomable powers. As the rich fantasy life of childhood gives way to the mastery of adulthood, people learn how power works, but the aura persists, dimmed but never extinguished. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 153 This aura can attach itself to any powerful person or group we are not a part of: roy- alty, the rich, high government officials, eminent scientists. Janeway (1980) observes, as a result, even today, it seems, the governed are ready to accept the idea that the powerful are different from you and me, and not simply because they have more power. We grant them a different kind of power that contains some element of the supernatural. (p. 77) To those who are not coders, Moxie Marlinspike may seem to work magic with his appli- cations, and he is likely to be fascinating to all those around him. The perception that he is unique gives Marlinspike an advantage in debates and discussions about coding and security. Mystique functions to reinforce existing power relations. After all, if power is a magi- cal, unattainable possession, the strong must have special qualities and the weak cannot handle it and should not try. On the dark side, Kipnis (1990) notes that the supernatural mystique of power often carries with it reckless license: “Throughout history, we find a special divinity is assumed to surround the powerful so that they are excused from gross acts such as murder, theft, terrorism and intimidation” (p. 40). The magical aura associated with power inspires a certain awe that facilitates endorsement. However, just as the impact of social categories on power may be altered in interaction, so too may the mystique of power. In the next section we discuss power in action. 5.2.4 Interaction Interaction is the primary means through which endorsement is enacted. The response of other parties to a power move has a strong influence on an individual’s endorse- ment. For example, if Moxie Marlinspike argues that a certain brand of computer should be purchased for all members of the organizations, and everyone agrees without ques- tion, they are reinforcing one another’s endorsement of Moxie’s expertise. Each person observes the others obeying, and this lends additional weight to his or her own respect for Moxie’s authority. If, on the other hand, a highly experienced purchasing officer dis- agrees with Moxie and points out that while he has great respect for Moxie’s coding skills, Moxie has little experience in computer purchasing, other members may begin to have doubts about whether Moxie should be dictating equipment purchases. The doubts raised by the purchasing agent may very well undermine other members’ endorsements Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. of Moxie in this case, and once Moxie is questioned in one area their doubts may spread to other resources. How a power move is executed also influences its endorsement. Power involves the use of resources, and effective power moves require skillful and appropriate use of resources. For example, when a leader or supervisor gives feedback and criticism to subordinates, it is more effective when (1) done privately rather than in front of co-workers, (2) positive points and improvements are discussed in addition to problems, and (3) raises or com- pensation increases are not tied to criticisms or the subordinate’s attempts to solve his or her problems (Meyer, Kay, & French, 1965; McLean, 2006). A supervisor who follows these rules is more likely to gain the cooperation of subordinates, partly because this is a positive method of giving feedback, but also because the rules allow the subordinates to save face and do not push them into challenging the supervisor’s authority. A boss who berates workers in front of their co-workers is more likely to face a challenge or, at least, Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  154 Power create resentment that may emerge later. Exerting power in a socially appropriate manner that follows the path of least resistance is conducive to present and future endorsement by others. Exactly what constitutes appropriate and skillful use of power varies from case to case. Research offers a few general principles, but they are vague, at best, and do not add up to a systematic theory. 5.2.5 Legitimacy Up to this point, we have emphasized unacknowledged sources of endorsement. How- ever, endorsements are often openly discussed and decided on. In these cases, parties value certain abilities, knowledge, or personal characteristics and explicitly support the legitimacy of the resource. A team might, for example, truly admire Moxie Marlinspike and explicitly indicate that decisions about securing information systems should always be made on the basis of deep knowledge and experience in the area and that develop- ment of cybersecurity tools should always be supervised by the best coders available. This decision might be reinforced by artifacts such as a poster on the wall that says, “Hackers Rule!” When a conflict breaks out over how best to implement a cybersecurity tool, a member might say, “I’ve had the most experience with this problem, and I think that the extreme programming method is the way to go,” invoking expertise as a resource. In this instance, the powerful individual uses a resource that the team willingly endorses as a basis for a move. The move may or may not be successful and may or may not be intended for the good of the team, but it appeals to a resource that truly belongs to the group. 5.2.6 Endorsement and Power Recognizing the relational nature of power acknowledges the provisional and somewhat tenuous status of our resources. Regardless of how tight a hold a party may seem to have on any resource, the resource is always used in the context of a relationship. It is the other party’s stance toward the resource that makes it a basis for influence. Returning to the case of the Moxie Marlinspike, his co-workers may respect his reputation as a hacker so much that they go along with his recommendations for computer purchases, assuming that hackers know the best computer hardware. But if the computers purchased on his recommendation turn out to be duds, his expertise as an authority on hardware is likely to erode and his ability to use this resource to win arguments over computer purchases is weakened. If the other party’s stance toward the resource changes then the basis of Copyright © 2021. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved. power shifts, redefining the possibilities for moves in the interaction. Because power is inherently relational, it is never entirely under one’s control. The response to the use of power determines whether the resource that has been employed will remain a source of power as the conflict unfolds. As parties use resources, their moves renew, maintain, or reduce the weight a resource has in the interaction. A clumsy move can weaken endorsement of a resource and con- fidence in the abilities of the user. A well-executed move can enhance endorsement of a resource. The skills of the user, the response of other members, and the eventual course that the conflict takes all determine whether a resource maintains or loses its endorse- ment. Even the nature of the resource itself is important because some resources (e.g., money or favors) can be exhausted, and others (e.g., physical force) allow no turning back once employed. The use of resources is an extremely complex process, and we will return to it throughout the rest of this chapter. Folger, Joseph P., et al. Working Through Conflict : Strategies for Relationships, Groups, and Organizations, Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uhdowntown/detail.action?docID=6476632. Created from uhdowntown on 2023-10-01 16:32:01.  Power 155 5.3 POWER AND CONFLICT INTERACTION The use of power imposes constraints on others. Most power moves reduce other par- ties’ options by limiting the moves they can make, eliminating a possible resolution to the conflict, or restricting their ability to employ countervailing power. These constraints influence the direction the conflict takes; they make certain behaviors or styles desirable or, alternatively, impossible. They shape parties’ perceptions of each other, kindling hope or desperation, cooperation or competition. As the conflict evolves and changes, so do the constraints under which participants operate. Other parties’ responses to moves set fur- ther constraints, the responses to the countermoves set still further constraints, and so on, until the conflict is no longer wholly controlled by either party but is instead a collective product. It is greater than—and in a real sense out of the control of—any single person. To illustrate the relational nature of power, the influence of power on conflict interac- tion, and the multiplication of constraints, consider the case of a research and develop- ment committee in a large corporation (Case Study 5.3).