Ch.8.docx

Ch. 8 Ethnic and Racialized Groups Introduction Canada is often associated with snow and multiculturalism. Multiculturalism became an official government policy in the 1970s, aimed at attracting immigrants from diverse backgrounds to settle in the country. Many nations look to Canada for insights in...

Ch. 8 Ethnic and Racialized Groups Introduction Canada is often associated with snow and multiculturalism. Multiculturalism became an official government policy in the 1970s, aimed at attracting immigrants from diverse backgrounds to settle in the country. Many nations look to Canada for insights into how it has historically managed its diversity and how it plans to address future challenges. With declining fertility rates in many parts of the world, immigration and multiculturalism are becoming increasingly significant policy initiatives. Canada has welcomed immigrants in various waves, encompassing around 200 different ethnic and racialized groups. Approximately one in five Canadians were born outside the country, making Canada the G8 country with the highest proportion of foreign-born residents, standing at 21%. Upon gaining Canadian citizenship, immigrants are fully integrated into Canadian society, with the Charter of Rights and Freedoms ensuring equal rights for all Canadians, regardless of their background, through its provision of equal treatment under the law without discrimination. Canada prides itself on being both multicultural and welcoming to immigrants. There's a widespread belief among Canadians that they hold positive views toward immigrants, and these sentiments have notably improved over the last 15 years. Survey data from the Environics Institute indicates a decline in negative attitudes toward immigrants since 1993, accompanied by an increased recognition of their importance to Canada. Despite Canada's reputation for multiculturalism and welcoming immigrants, recent immigrants still encounter disadvantages, and racism remains a significant issue in Canadian society. The chapter later delves into the concept of microaggressions, which are subtle and often unintentional forms of discrimination experienced in everyday interactions. It also explores how prejudice and discrimination create disadvantages for racialized minorities and examines systemic racism. Box 8.1 outlines two examples of bias, discrimination, and systemic issues related to "race" and ethnicity in Canada, which will be discussed further in the chapter. THEORY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 8.1 | Two Examples of Racial and Ethnic Discrimination In the aftermath of a terrorist attack, initial information floods social media, news outlets, and television screens, comprising images of the event, human casualties, and police responses. Speculation regarding the perpetrators often arises before concrete information is available, frequently revealing biases. The Parliament Hill shooting in October 2014 highlighted bias based on ethnicity. Michael Zehaf-Bibeau, the perpetrator, fatally shot a reservist guard at the National War Memorial before heading toward the Parliament buildings. Early media reports frequently depicted Zehaf-Bibeau as having Arab or Muslim connections, despite him being French Canadian and raised Roman Catholic. Analysis by the Centre for Research on Globalization pointed out how media often referred to him as "Canadian-born," implying he might not be fully Canadian. This use of specific descriptors can place suspects into predefined categories, stripping them of their Canadian identity and portraying them as outsiders. Black Canadians frequently experience racialized profiling, even from a young age. A survey conducted in Oakville, Ontario, revealed that Black youth aged 13 to 24 were more likely to be perceived as troublemakers compared to their white counterparts. This perception aligns with Erikson's theory that youth are often granted leniency for mistakes, but this leniency is not applied equally across racial lines, with white youth receiving more leniency than Black youth. The report on racial profiling in Oakville indicates that Black youth are often targeted by police enforcement and viewed as instigators of misconduct rather than mere participants. Additionally, a study conducted by the Toronto District School Board in 2011 showed that the suspension rate for Black students, at 9%, was nearly double that of other groups, including Middle Eastern, white, and South Asian students. C. Wright Mills emphasized the importance of the sociological imagination in understanding how personal experiences intersect with broader historical and societal forces. Contemporary sociological research builds on this concept by examining personal experiences within the political and historical contexts that shape them. This chapter explores the impact of racialization and ethnicity on society, considering global events and advancements in information technologies as influential factors. Racialization and Ethnicity Globalization has led to unprecedented diversity in many North American cities, particularly in Canadian metropolitan areas like Vancouver, Toronto, and Montreal, which serve as arrival points for a significant number of immigrants and refugees each year. Canada ranks among the top 10 countries whose residents believe that people should have the opportunity to seek refuge in other countries to escape war and persecution, and Canadians are generally optimistic about refugees successfully integrating into society. However, this optimistic viewpoint has decreased since 2017, with only half of Canadians holding this position. While ethnic diversity brings many benefits to individuals and communities, it can also lead to conflicts between social groups, as explored in this chapter. As we can see in Figure 8.2, Canada receives many economic migrants every year. These are people who, through the federal government’s immigration points system, have been selected to enter Canada because of their education, work skills, and work experience. Yet, racism and racialized inequality remain problems in Canada, despite continued high rates of immigration. Racialization and ethnicity are central aspects of people’s identity and influence many aspects of their daily lives. When people talk about who they are, they often describe their cultural or geographic origins, including their ancestors’ origins. These serve both as markers of belonging to social groups and as forms of differentiation. Racialization and ethnicity are interconnected social constructs, yet they differ in significant ways. Racialization refers to the classification of individuals based on visible characteristics such as skin color, hair type, and facial features by others. It is a process whereby race is attributed to individuals through institutional social actions, rather than an inherent trait. Racialization is seen as something people do to others, resulting in racialized inequality. On the other hand, ethnicity pertains to individuals who share a common national or cultural background. Ethnic groups are typically characterized by shared homeland or ancestry, historical events, collective memory, identity, and a sense of belonging. Ethnicity, like race, is socially constructed, influenced by boundary lines, national histories, and cultural norms. Biological versus Constructivist Conceptions of Racialization What controls the way that an individual is racialized? As mentioned above, people are judged by their appearance and are racialized into categories by those around them. But these categories are changeable and socially determined. The commonly available "race" choices in online surveys lack coherence and fail to represent the diversity of identities accurately. They point out that categories like "white," "Black," "Hispanic," and "Asian" are noncomparable, as they are based on different criteria such as color, language roots, or presumed ancestral origin. Additionally, these categories often exclude groups like Indigenous Peoples, despite their significant presence in the population. Even when Indigenous categories are included, they are often inadequately represented, either lumped with other categories or relegated to an "other" option, which overlooks the uniqueness of Indigenous identities and their experiences of oppression. There are tangible consequences of being classified into racial categories, despite the arbitrary nature of such classifications. These categories can impact various aspects of life, including job searches, social connections, and overall quality of life. However, the underlying assumption of racialization, based on visible characteristics, lacks scientific basis. Advances in decoding the human genome reveal that racial distinctions have little biological foundation. Features like skin color do not correlate with social, intellectual, or moral qualities such as intelligence or diligence. Although "race" and racialization are socially constructed concepts, their impacts are very real. Racism, which involves unequal treatment based on these constructed categories, systematically disadvantages certain parts of the population. This discrimination affects various aspects of daily life and one's sense of self. An example provided from Passages Canada illustrates how an individual, Dave Mornix from Trinidad, and Tobago, encountered racism while at a coffee shop with friends, leading him to question the implications of his racial identity. Individuals who are categorized into socially constructed racial groups often share common experiences, which can foster a sense of community and self-awareness regarding racialization (e.g., identifying as "Black"). However, this does not negate individual agency in how they are racialized; some individuals may intentionally present themselves in certain ways to influence how they are perceived and to build community. A study by Litchmore, Safdar, and O’Doherty (2016) illustrates how second-generation Canadian youth of African and Caribbean heritage frame the category of "Black" through historical, social, and descriptive references, demonstrating intentional crafting of a shared identity. The work of W.E.B. Du Bois delves into the complexities of racialized identity, describing how African Americans experience a "double-consciousness" due to oppression in a white-dominated society, constantly viewing themselves through the eyes of others and grappling with conflicting ideals and identities. DIGITAL DIVIDE 8.2 | LinkedIn Profiles as Markers of Identity: To Erase or Not? Many job seekers opt to establish a presence on LinkedIn, the leading professional social networking platform globally, boasting 690 million users as of 2020. LinkedIn, founded in 2002, serves as a platform for users to build professional networks and showcase their resumes to potential employers. In addition to traditional resumes, LinkedIn enables employers to review candidates' credentials and potentially make hiring decisions based on more comprehensive and personal information not typically included in standard resumes, as noted by Slovensky and Ross (2012). Many LinkedIn members, however, are concerned the site may also be indirectly promoting racialized or ethnic discrimination, a phenomenon called implicit bias (Reynolds Lewis, 2014). Researchers have shown that implicit bias often comes into play in hiring decisions, disadvantaging racialized groups (Bertrand & Mullainathan, 2004). A Canadian study conducted by Oreopoulos in 2009 demonstrated discriminatory patterns in hiring based on applicants' names, education, and work experience. Using fictitious resumes in response to job ads, the author found that callback rates were over three times higher for applicants with English-sounding names compared to those with foreign-sounding names. This led Oreopoulos to conclude that employers significantly discriminate based on names. Numerous similar studies, both in Canada and elsewhere, consistently reveal discrimination against nonwhite minorities in job candidate selection and apartment rental applications. Consequently, individuals from racialized groups may face disadvantages if their LinkedIn photo displays their racial appearance, as noted by Reynolds Lewis in 2014. A recent study shows that applicants are countering discrimination in labour markets by engaging in “resumé whitening.” This refers to the removal of ethnic cues from resumés (Kang et al., 2016). Countering discriminatory practices is critical to promoting fair hiring practices based on qualifications and skills. Studying Racialization and Ethnicity The study of racialization and ethnicity is central to much sociological work. Studies vary in their focus. Some examine the ideas themselves and their historical roots. Other research focuses on the experiences of different ethnic and racialized groups, often comparing them to the dominant group. In sociology, various methodological approaches lead to different types of comprehension, each with its own limitations. Qualitative methodologies employed in the study of ethnic and racialized communities often involve intricate definitions of racialization and ethnicity. Conversely, quantitative studies need to simplify the concepts of racialization or ethnicity into a limited set of questions but can be executed on a larger scale. Survey research aims to comprehend societal organization trends by categorizing individuals into predetermined groups. The census, highlighted in Chapter 2, serves as a crucial tool for gathering diverse data about Canadians, including demographic information like place of origin. Figure 8.3 illustrates the 2016 census, presenting three questions utilized to classify people into cultural, ethnic, and racialized groups. Collecting data on individuals' ethnic backgrounds holds significance for policymaking, such as allocating funds for education and healthcare. However, there is room to question the validity of any grouping system. Qualitative inquiry diverges from using predetermined categories and aims to grasp meanings and experiences instead. Scholars often employ methodologies like ethnography, photovoice, and interviews to surpass the constraints of survey research. In Canada, there's a notable emphasis on promoting research that delves into the experiences of racialized groups. The study of racialization and ethnicity reveals that the experiences of racialized populations vary based on gender. Research by Evans (2011) indicates that Black men are more likely to face overt discrimination and harassment compared to Black women, who often encounter more covert forms of racism. Chapter 5 discusses the #MeToo movement, a global initiative initiated by Black activist Tarana Burke, which sheds light on the intersectionality of race and gender, highlighting the vulnerability of Black girls and women to sexual harassment and abuse. Intersectional analysis suggests that minority women face amplified negative consequences, with research by Perry et al. (2013) showing that while both men and women of color experience negative psychological effects due to racial discrimination, women of color endure additional stressors that adversely affect their health and well-being. Racialized Minorities and the Dominant Group Distinguishing between various ethnic groups can teach us a lot about Canada’s diversity of customs, values, and beliefs. But to understand issues of racism and ethnic inequality, whether related to educational opportunities, jobs, or policing, we must compare various groups based on racialization and ethnicity. In the past, in Canada, the term "visible minority" was utilized to describe individuals who were non-Indigenous and non-Caucasian or non-white in color. However, this term is gradually being replaced due to two main reasons. Firstly, it reinforces the problematic notion that whiteness is the standard or norm against which other groups are compared. Secondly, it may contribute to the stigmatization of certain non-white groups. Instead, scholars have begun using terms like "racialized group" or "racialized minority." In 2016, approximately 22 percent of Canadians identified as belonging to a racialized group, with many being immigrants or children of immigrants. The ethnic composition of Canadian metropolitan areas varies significantly, with Montreal, for example, having significant Black, Arab, and Latin American populations, while other areas may have larger South Asian or Chinese populations. Another term gaining attention is BIPOC (Black, Indigenous, and people of color), which acknowledges the unique experiences of Black and Indigenous individuals while also recognizing similarities with other racialized groups. BIPOC fosters solidarity among groups who share experiences of institutional racism, microaggressions, and discrimination. Debate surrounding racialization, ethnicity, inequality, and conflict often focuses on the dynamics between racialized groups and dominant groups. Several trends emerge from these discussions. Firstly, the dominant group frequently lacks awareness of the challenges faced by racialized minorities, such as adapting to new cultures or securing employment. Enforcing laws on hiring practices and proving racialized discrimination is challenging due to the covert nature of hiring decisions, which typically occur behind closed doors. Secondly, tension arises as dominant groups perceive racialized minorities as a threat to their status. This tension is exemplified by debates surrounding policies like the added tax on foreign buyers aimed at addressing housing crises in major cities such as Vancouver and Toronto. For instance, Ontario's 16-point plan to tackle the affordability of housing explicitly targets foreign investors, whom the government identifies as significant contributors to the housing issue in the province. However, some analysts caution that such policies may contradict Canada's open immigration policy, as highlighted by Kupferman (2017). Thirdly, the issue of ethnic enclaves arises, referring to areas with a high concentration of residents from a particular ethnicity or related ethnicities, often characterized by a distinct culture and defined boundaries, such as Vancouver's Chinatown. Critics argue that these enclaves hinder the integration of immigrants into Canadian society. However, research indicates that individuals residing in these ethnic enclaves are socially, politically, and economically integrated into Canadian society. Additionally, criticisms overlook Canada's history of aggressively racist policies and many groups' desires for their own "institutionally complete" community. When examining the relationship between racialized minorities and the dominant group, the concept of white supremacy emerges as relevant. White supremacy entails the belief in the superiority of the white "race," particularly in terms of culture and intelligence. Acts of white supremacy encompass actions such as prohibiting cross-racial marriages, enforcing social segregation, and even expelling nonwhite populations. In Canada, instances of white supremacist policies are evident throughout history. For instance, racial segregation of Black children in public schools was legally permitted in Ontario until 1965, and the last racially segregated school in Nova Scotia closed in 1983. Additionally, immigration laws in 1910 were amended to bar entry to Canada for immigrants of "any race deemed unsuitable to the climate or requirements of Canada." Despite the repeal or amendment of such laws, systemic racism and the culture of white supremacy remain deeply entrenched in Canadian society, perpetuating inequality for racialized minorities. For instance, research suggests that Canadian children exhibit a pro-white bias regardless of their racial background, reflecting socialization into a culture where whiteness is favored. This bias contributes to negative self-identification, discrimination, stereotyping, and academic challenges among children of color. Moreover, the culture of white supremacy disadvantages people of color in employment, with studies indicating that companies are more inclined to hire individuals with fewer "ethnic cues," such as a nonwhite name or darker skin tone, even when both applicants possess equal qualifications. In a recent study by Furman et al. (2018), the existence of white supremacy within the LGBTQ+ community is examined, revealing that "Blackness, queerness, and transness are separate." The dominant narrative within the LGBTQ+ community tends to homogenize everyone's experiences, disregarding the unique experiences of people of color. Therefore, racism and discrimination are not isolated occurrences but rather a lifelong, interconnected process fueled by a culture of white supremacy. Theoretical Approaches to Racialization Functionalism Functionalism stresses the organization of society and the institutions through which social order is preserved. From this perspective, socially cohesive groups are formed by shared identities such as those gained through shared experiences of ethnic history or racialization. Members of racialized groups can share strong bonds that provide social, emotional, and economic resources. Sociologist Georg Simmel emphasized the significance of affiliation within distinct social groups as a fundamental aspect of societal structure. Affiliation entails belonging to a social group with defined boundaries and a set of established behavioral expectations. These affiliations are formed based on shared interests, common characteristics, and familial connections. Simmel was particularly interested in the status conferred upon individuals by their group affiliations and the intricate dynamics involved in navigating loyalties across various social groups, each characterized by distinct norms, beliefs, and expectations. Historically, in early societies, membership was first based on strong household ties, followed by kin ties (or lineage), and then ties to larger associations such as tribes. Just as kin and tribe affiliation worked in the past, in today’s global society, ethnic identification provides the basis for affiliation. In fact, racialized group membership has gained relevance in many aspects of social life. Immigrants and refugees new to Canada may not feel that they belong, since many aspects of the new culture are unfamiliar. For these newcomers to Canada, ethnic heritage can help them connect to a cultural past they left behind. It is also a way of developing new social connections. Many advantages come with connecting to a group of immigrants or refugees who are already familiar with their surroundings. This is why recent immigrants often choose to settle in larger metropolitan areas where other members of their ethnic and racialized groups are already established. In fact, over 60 percent of immigrants reside in Canada's three largest cities—Toronto, Montreal, and Vancouver, according to Vézina and Houle (2017). Among these cities, Toronto stands out with the highest proportion of foreign-born residents, with 36 percent of all foreign-born Canadian residents choosing to live there. This preference stems from the knowledge that immigrants can find support in securing employment, accessing available services, and building social networks within these communities, as indicated by Shuva (2020). Functionalists perceive the ethnic and cultural diversity present in large Canadian cities as advantageous for society. They argue that such diversity fosters a range of perspectives and exposure to various customs and social practices. Additionally, it leads to the development of specialized roles, which, according to Durkheim, contribute to increased organic solidarity. Toronto serves as an example, having evolved as a hub for artificial intelligence (AI) development since 2010. The federal government has invested $86.5 million into the CIFAR Pan-Canadian AI Strategy to attract and retain leading experts in the field (CIFAR, 2019). Consequently, computer scientists from across the globe have relocated to Toronto to occupy these highly specialized positions. The diverse forms of organic solidarity prevalent in culturally rich cities like Toronto enhance social cohesion both within ethnic groups and across different ethnicities, fostering mutual dependence among individuals. Conflict Theory Conflict theory aims to uncover patterns of inequality based on class, gender, racialization, and ethnicity. Specifically, conflict theory highlights how dominant groups benefit more than racialized groups from differentiation, as differentiation often provides advantages to dominant groups. Conflict theory delves into how economic competition can fuel the maintenance of ethnic boundaries and racialized stereotypes. Majority groups often seek to dominate minorities as it may offer them advantages. While overt exclusion based on racialization or ethnicity would contradict Canadian legal and ethical norms, some forms of exclusion are implicit and possibly unintentional, yet still contribute to societal disparities. Box 8.2 discusses legal concerns related to utilizing social networking platforms like LinkedIn and Instagram for personnel selection. Managers are tasked with weighing the costs and benefits associated with accessing such information, as outlined by Slovensky and Ross (2012). Perhaps the boldest movement toward identifying the causes and effects of racialization practices, such as hiring biases, is critical race theory, or CRT. Delgado and Stefancic (2017) outline the central ideas of CRT. First, racism has been “normalized” in society; it is a part of how institutions and society work. Because racism is often ignored and denied, this invisibility makes it difficult to counter. Second, white supremacy legitimizes existing hierarchical structures and reinforces the standing of dominant groups. CRT argues that oppression and exploitation stem from the social, economic, and legal differences that white people put in place to maintain their elite status through benefits in labour markets and politics (Curry, 2020). Finally, differential racialization—the notion that each racialized group has its own origins and history—creates varying policies of discrimination. These often overlap with political and economic interests related to the labour force. We will discuss this below when we examine the head tax applied in Canada to Chinese immigrants in 1885. Critical Race Theory (CRT) serves as a crucial perspective for informing policy and practice changes. Wong (2019) utilized CRT to examine five ethnoracial community legal clinics in Ontario, including the African Canadian Legal Clinic, the Chinese and Southeast Asian Legal Clinic, the South Asian Legal Clinic of Ontario, the Centre for Spanish Speaking Peoples, and Aboriginal Legal Services. These clinics offer legal services, organize with, and advocate for low-income members of racialized communities. By employing CRT, they advocate for law reform and provide legal case analysis that often incorporates perspectives overlooked in Canadian jurisprudence. CRT sheds light on how the law and the state contribute to intersectional structural inequality and offers insights into how to better understand structural racism, the intersection of race, class, and gender, and more radical efforts to achieve racial justice through legal practice. A notable recent example of legal reform is the advocacy by Black Lives Matter Canada to "defund the police." This concept encompasses various demands, including redirecting 50 percent of the $1.1 billion budget allocated to the Toronto Police Services. The reallocation of funds would support communities that have been disproportionately targeted by police violence, with investments in initiatives such as secure, long-term housing for street-involved and unhoused individuals, food security programs, public transit, public health, public libraries, and community-led antiviolence programs (BLM Canada, 2020). Critical Race Theory (CRT) posits that only marginalized individuals have the insight to comprehend the lived reality of inequality, given that they directly experience it. To provide the perspectives of non-white individuals, CRT emphasizes the importance of storytelling as a tool to challenge the myths and assumptions that uphold the system of white supremacy, also known as "white-over-colour." As discussed in Chapter 2, the narratives of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) encompass experiential knowledge, offering crucial insights that augment positivist perspectives. The privileged status of whiteness in society renders those treated as white unaware of the experiences of others. Additionally, there is a growing interest in the study of whiteness, a topic to be explored further in the subsequent chapter. Symbolic Interactionism Symbolic interactionism examines how interactions with others shape our sense of self. Interactions also provide the basis for learning the meanings of language, images, and abstract symbolism. Symbolic interactionism is used to study how racialized (or ethnic) socialization occurs. Racialized socialization is a process that, through interaction, exposes people to the beliefs, values, history, language, and social realities of their own and other people’s groups. Through racialized socialization an individual learns what it means, socially and culturally, to be Chinese, Ukrainian, or German, for example. Signalling group boundaries is critical to racialized socialization, as it stresses how groups are different from one another. Ethnic solidarity is the sense of belonging experienced by members of an ethnic group and is often expressed through rituals, ritual objects, and symbols. Racialized and ethnic groups have languages, including colloquial expressions (slang), that convey a sense of belonging. "Third-culture kids" (TCK) are children who have been raised in a culture different from that of their parents (Pollock & Van Reken, 2009). This term often applies to Canadian children of immigrant or refugee parents. While TCKs can easily build relationships with individuals from diverse cultures, they often express a sense of not fully belonging to any one culture. TCKs demonstrate a remarkable ability to adapt to new cultures, as they have learned to code-switch depending on their interaction context. They modify their body language, expressions, and even aspects of their identity to align with the cultural context. For instance, TCKs may suppress elements of their identity to assimilate into a particular culture by imitating behaviors, styles, and manners from their peers (Walters & Auton-Cuff, 2009). It is not only TCK who switch codes, however; most people do it to some extent. For example, think of your own behaviours in various social contexts. You may speak differently when you’re with your friends than when you’re interacting with your parents or grandparents. Occasionally, code-switching is an important signifier of ethnic affiliation in socialization practices. Sometimes, one can also avoid discrimination by adjusting one’s behaviour to fit with the dominant culture (De Fina, 2007). Feminism Feminist scholars advocate for equal rights for women and marginalized groups, influenced by Simone de Beauvoir's concept of "the other," which she used to highlight societal inequalities faced by women. De Beauvoir argued that women are often seen in opposition to men, who are considered the standard. This parallels how racialized groups are also often depicted as inherently different from the dominant (typically white male) group. Feminist scholars recognize various forms of oppression, including colonial relations, where certain groups are treated as "others." Edward Said, a postcolonial theorist, explored the concept of the "other" and "otherness," particularly in the context of Western perceptions of non-Western peoples. He contended that Western understanding of the East was largely shaped by projection and imagination, driven by economic and geopolitical motives. This ignorance led Westerners to perceive Easterners as socially, morally, and technologically inferior, which served colonial agendas by justifying domination and exploitation. Orientalism involves depicting a population with undesirable qualities, according to Edward Said. His work highlights the subjective nature of social opinions and emphasizes that insiders and outsiders often hold contrasting views, particularly in competitive or conflicting situations. Orientalism has practical implications for policies concerning interethnic conflict, particularly in countries like Canada with a history of racist immigration policies, internments, and racialized segregation. Examples of discrimination in Canada include historical events such as the "Yellow Peril" backlash, Black segregation in Nova Scotia and Ontario, and Japanese internment during World War II. Recent policies like the Strengthening Canadian Citizenship Act (2014) and the Zero Tolerance for Barbaric Cultural Practices Act (2015) also reflect ongoing challenges. Additionally, there are atrocities committed against Indigenous people that further underscore the need to examine interethnic relations critically. Certain policies, while not explicitly racist, were crafted to target specific groups. For instance, the Continuous Journey Regulation of 1908 mandated that immigrants travel directly from their home country to Canada. While not overtly discriminatory, this regulation disproportionately affected Japanese and Indian immigrants, as their countries lacked direct routes to Canada. Feminist scholars introduced the concept of intersectionality to highlight the interconnected nature of inequality. Gender, class, racialization, and ethnicity collectively shape experiences of inequality, rather than operating in isolation. Intersectionality emphasizes that oppression and victimization arise from the simultaneous interaction of multiple dimensions of identity. Thus, disadvantages are contingent upon various factors such as race, class, age, disability, and other forms of vulnerability, resulting in diverse forms of inequality experienced by women depending on their intersecting identities. Box. 8.3 highlights how ethnicity and other aspects of inequality such as gender cannot be ignored, as these aspects interact with one another. SPOTLIGHT ON 8.3 | Indigenous Youth and Suicide Indigenous communities in Canada face significant mental health challenges, with suicidal thoughts being notably prevalent among Indigenous youth. Studies show that Indigenous youth are twice as likely to experience suicidal thoughts compared to non-Indigenous youth, and their suicide rates are five to six times higher than the national average. In northern communities, particularly among the Inuit, youth suicide rates are among the highest globally. These alarming statistics have profound impacts on families and communities. Following the tragic suicide of a sixth girl in northern Saskatchewan, Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations vice-chief Kimberly Jonathan emphasized the human toll, stating, "They're not just statistics. Our little girls are dying." Durkheim, a pioneering sociologist, explored suicide to understand societal dynamics. He found that individuals who were well-integrated and regulated within society were less prone to suicide. Applying this perspective to Indigenous youth suicide rates, it becomes evident that the loss of integration and connection with Indigenous languages, cultures, ceremonies, and education plays a significant role. These high rates of suicide among Indigenous youth must be contextualized within the ongoing process of colonization, characterized by oppressive laws, policies, and practices that disrupt traditional forms of integration and support within Indigenous communities. Indigenous communities are increasingly providing support to their youth to foster integration and connection. Recognizing that individuals are embedded within complex networks of affiliations extending beyond nuclear families to entire communities, initiatives such as the Native Wellness Assessment aim to evaluate the impact of cultural interventions on Indigenous health and well-being. These efforts acknowledge the significance of ancestral connections, which are preserved through memory, storytelling, and ceremonial practices, in promoting holistic wellness among Indigenous populations. Social Distance and Tolerance Conflict, violence, and economic crises have left 79.5 million people forcibly displaced worldwide by 2019 (UNHCR, 2020). According to the United Nations, “the world is failing the victims of an ‘age of unprecedented mass displacement’” (Jones, 2015). The increasing movement of people across borders and regions due to factors such as employment opportunities highlights the pressing need to understand how individuals from diverse ethnic and racial backgrounds can coexist harmoniously and appreciate each other's diversity. In analyzing diversity and its implications, two concepts are crucial. Firstly, social distance denotes the racial and ethnic disparities that persist, socially, culturally, and economically, leading to conflict when one group oppresses others. Conversely, tolerance suggests that individuals from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds can coexist within a single nation-state with mutual trust. However, the dominant group often overlooks the challenges faced by minority groups and the systemic biases affecting access to opportunities such as jobs, education, and healthcare. Increasing tolerance can be facilitated through contact, which has been shown to have a positive correlation with tolerance levels. Digital media has been perceived to expose individuals to diverse groups, as communication is not limited by geographical constraints. However, recent studies indicate otherwise. Algorithms employed by digital platforms tailor content based on personal preferences, leading to interactions occurring within "echo chambers" or "silos." These echo chambers limit the possibility of diverse group contact, as discussed further in Box 8.4. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 8.4 | Birds of a Feather Flock Together in Digital Space Sociologists analyze the social networks in which individuals are situated, recognizing them as vital sources of social, informational, and financial support that also shape one's societal positioning. Social networks are characterized not only by the quantity of connections to family and friends but also by the similarity of individuals within the network, known as homophily. Sociologists note that we usually associate with people who are like us, as in “birds of a feather flock together.” Racialization and ethnicity are the biggest divide in social networks today, clustering people from similar ethnic and racialized backgrounds into tight-knit networks. The clustering of individuals with similar racial or ethnic backgrounds is known as racial or ethnic homogeneity. This tendency is observed in various aspects of life, including marriage, socializing, dating, schooling, and friendships, where people often associate with others from the same ethnic or racial group. Interestingly, this pattern also extends to digital platforms, where individuals tend to connect with others who share similar characteristics. Research by Wimmer and Lewis (2010) analyzing Facebook friend connections among 736 students found that racial homophily remains a significant factor influencing the formation and maintenance of social ties. The greatest racialized homogeneity was found among African American students whose Facebook friendship networks were racially homogenous. Wimmer and Lewis (2010) see this pattern associated with practices of discrimination against African Americans in the United States. Tolerance is a positive orientation toward minorities (Cabrera et al., 1999; Morley, 2003). Côté and Erickson (2009) distinguish between three core elements of tolerance: Cognitive: a willing ability to reflect on inclusion and discrimination Evaluative: a sense that minority groups can make a positive contribution Political: a readiness to welcome more immigrants and help them settle These three core elements control how a society views minorities and to what extent it will welcome newcomers from minority groups. Between 2006 and 2011, Canada added over one million (1,162,900) foreign-born people to its population (Chui & Flanders, 2013). Canadians often think of themselves as tolerant of minority groups and their cultures. Figure 8.4 illustrates that Canada, compared to 16 similar countries, experiences a lower rate of hate crimes against racial minorities relative to all hate crimes in the country. Consequently, individuals in Canada perceive a relatively high level of safety from hate crimes compared to these other nations. However, such statistics may obscure the experiences of specific minority groups within Canada's population. Despite an overall decrease in hate crimes, the influx of refugees from Muslim countries has coincided with a rise in Islamophobia in Canada. Police-reported hate crimes against Muslim Canadians more than doubled over a three-year period, indicating the ongoing need for laws to protect racialized and marginalized groups. Diasporas Every day, new people from around the world arrive in Canadian cities to resettle. For many migrants, core elements of their identity are based in their homeland, but because they no longer live there, they need to establish new identity linkages. Resettlement involves establishing connections with existing racialized and ethnic groups, often facilitated through diaspora communities. Diaspora refers to ethnic enclaves outside one's homeland that maintain ties to their cultural roots. However, these communities are not isolated entities; immigrant groups like the Arabs in Montreal or Sikhs in Edmonton are often part of larger transnational networks, such as the global Arab or Sikh community. The term "diaspora" originally referred to the dispersion of the ancient Israelite tribes in the seventh century BCE. It gained prominence again after the Holocaust when it was applied to Jewish communities worldwide. Today, it is used more broadly to describe any migrant community, regardless of assimilation to the new homeland. Brubaker (2005) identifies three key dimensions of diaspora: Dispersion: Communities are separated by national borders Homeland orientation: Communities are oriented toward a distant homeland Boundary maintenance: Communities are cohesive and exclude outsiders The three dimensions outlined shed light on how diasporas assist migrants in maintaining their cultural identity while simultaneously establishing new connections and integrating into a new society. Sociologist Manuel Castells highlights the constant negotiation between globalization and local identities. Digital media play a crucial role in reinforcing transnational connections, facilitating the formation of community within digital diasporas. However, they also strengthen ties to local identities, allowing individuals to stay connected with friends and family in their place of origin. Consequently, information and communication technologies have proven beneficial for diaspora communities worldwide. The outcome is the establishment of a worldwide network of ethnic diasporas, such as Indian communities spanning across cities like Toronto, Sydney, Singapore, Paris, and Buenos Aires. Diasporas utilize digital platforms to search for cultural elements like recipes and stay informed through online news sources, contributing to the reinforcement of racialized identity and community bonds. Scholars Nakamura and Chow-White observe how migrants leverage digital media to both construct and reaffirm their racial identities. This leads to the formation of interconnected global cities linked through intercommunity relationships. THINK GLOBALLY 8.5 | Diaspora Communities Build and Preserve Social Ties Online Digital technologies offer significant support for diaspora communities across both provincial and international boundaries. Many young individuals relocate to pursue higher education or employment opportunities in different provinces or countries. Platforms like Skype, FaceTime, and other online communication tools facilitate easy communication with family and close friends, aiding in maintaining strong ties. Additionally, social media platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat allow for connections with weaker ties, broader social groups, and community networks, thereby enhancing social integration and support for migrants. Hiller and Franz (2004) conducted a study on the utilization of the internet in maintaining diasporic connections, particularly among migrants from Newfoundland and Labrador. They found that digital media played a crucial role in establishing and preserving relationships with both individuals back home and others within the diaspora. The study identified three main types of online relationships: forming new connections, nurturing existing ties, and reconnecting with lost connections. Overall, the research indicates that digital technologies facilitate the creation of new bonds rooted in diaspora identity while also safeguarding existing connections with home communities. Racialization Practices Conflict theorists, as discussed earlier in this chapter, view unequal racialized and ethnic relations as being driven by the pursuit of power and economic advantage. In this framework, the dominant group, composed of individuals in positions of power, maintains its authority by controlling and exploiting less powerful groups. Racism serves as a convenient tool to rationalize inequality, attributing it to a perceived superiority associated with the social construct of "race." Essentially, racism emerges as a means for the dominant group to justify its exploitation of others. Members of the dominant group often attribute the hardships faced by the exploited group to an inferior genetic makeup, flawed cultural values, or a combination of both factors. Institutional Racism Colonialism as Institutional Racism Canada grapples with a significant contemporary challenge: the enduring legacy of colonialism, which has entrenched institutional racism within its structures. The colonial policies of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries have perpetuated intergenerational issues for Indigenous peoples, their families, and communities, persisting into the present day. Institutionalized racism refers to discriminatory practices that are embedded within formal rules and common procedures. These practices are frequently unconscious and not intentionally malicious but rather stem from deep-seated biases or longstanding traditions. Institutional racism often remains unseen unless the entire system is scrutinized comprehensively. Canada's history of institutional racism is evident in the design of educational institutions, which catered differently to various social groups. Reflecting nineteenth-century notions of white supremacy and Eurocentrism, residential schools were established nationwide by the federal government with the aim of assimilating Indigenous children into Euro-Canadian culture. This assimilationist agenda was rooted in beliefs of white superiority, which deemed Indigenous cultures inferior to European culture. Collaborating with Christian religious groups, the government operated these schools, intending to educate Indigenous children to adopt the customs and values of the dominant white society. Over the past decade, the Truth, and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC) has offered a new framework for fostering inclusion and reconciliation between Indigenous Peoples and their colonizers. The TRC remains committed to collaborating with Indigenous communities and individuals to uphold their self-determination. Reconciliation, as outlined by the TRC, involves acknowledging the significance of past injustices in a manner that facilitates progress towards a respectful relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. This process entails taking meaningful actions to address how the enduring legacy of colonialism continues to adversely affect Indigenous communities today, particularly in areas such as education, healthcare, and child welfare. In essence, it necessitates confronting the systemic institutional racism embedded within our systems, stemming from their historical origins, and striving towards creating a more equitable and inclusive society by bridging existing gaps in social, health, and economic outcomes. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has made recommendations based on extensive evidence from thousands of witnesses. One recommendation is the development of new educational legislation in collaboration with Indigenous communities, aiming to ensure sufficient funding for Indigenous schools, improve educational outcomes, and integrate Indigenous cultures into the curriculum. Another suggestion is the implementation of the Canadian Indigenous Languages Act, enacted in June 2019, with the objective of preserving diverse Indigenous languages and recognizing them as a fundamental and valued aspect of Canadian culture and society. The National Centre for Truth and Reconciliation has created a digital platform to facilitate community building, enabling groups and individuals to document reconciliation-focused initiatives nationwide. The 2007 Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, part of this effort, acknowledges the harm caused by residential schools and establishes a substantial fund to aid in the healing of survivors, families, and communities. The importance of monetary compensation for reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities is emphasized, but it is acknowledged that it alone is insufficient. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) advocates for increased discussion and understanding. A public discourse has been initiated to address the reconciliation process, emphasizing the need for all Canadians to support societal changes that enable Indigenous people to coexist peacefully and have their cultures respected. The issues faced by Indigenous communities in Canada are contextualized within a broader global problem of colonialism, highlighting the ongoing challenges faced by exploited populations worldwide in the realms of economics, politics, and psychology within a racial context. Frantz Fanon, a political theorist from an African colonial background, authored influential works on the impact of colonialism on racialized populations. His first book, "Black Skin, White Masks" (1952), explores racism and colonization based on his experiences in the Caribbean. In 1961, Fanon published "The Wretched of the Earth," addressing oppressed citizens in European colonies in Africa, Latin America, and Asia. The book delves into the social-psychological effects of colonial and racial suffering, emphasizing the "racialization of thought." Fanon contends that internalizing colonial views leads to a perpetual sense of inferiority, sustaining economic and political subordination. He advocates for promoting self-respect and building identity as crucial steps toward liberation for colonized people. Fanon also challenges the notion of race as a biological concept, emphasizing its historical construction and cultural mediation. Chronic diseases, largely preventable with good-quality healthcare, disproportionately affect Indigenous populations worldwide, leading to higher rates of preventable deaths compared to non-Indigenous communities. This pattern extends to Indigenous Peoples in colonized countries, sharing histories of oppression. Like educational biases, healthcare systems have institutional biases worsening Indigenous health outcomes. In New Zealand, for instance, Maori's avoidable death rates are nearly double those of other New Zealanders. According to Ring and Brown (2003), improving the quality of diagnosis and treatment could halve chronic illness death rates in some Indigenous communities in just over three years. However, achieving this requires addressing systemic issues, such as securing adequate funding and access to healthcare resources, which, due to factors like reserve placements, limited opportunities in cities, and the impact of intergenerational trauma and genocide, constitutes a long-term project in Canada. The TRC final report in Canada recommends addressing institutional racism in various areas, including healthcare. Numerous recommendations are outlined, and the report is encouraged reading. Worldwide, initiatives aiming to improve Indigenous health have been implemented, such as Australia's Close the Gap Campaign. This campaign seeks to eliminate health disparities and life expectancy gaps between non-Indigenous Australians and Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples within a generation. Emphasizing self-determination and empowerment, the campaign recognizes the critical role of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in determining their well-being and long-term health. This involves upholding their rights to culture, language, and relationships with the land, as well as establishing and supporting self-governed institutions like the National Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Organisation, rooted in culturally centered decision-making and local context understanding. Institutionalized Racism and Immigration Canada's immigration policies have been marked by institutionalized racism. Discriminatory practices have historically influenced immigration policies and informal settlement practices in the country. Racism becomes institutionalized in the development of immigration policies, particularly through practices in immigrant selection and the barriers faced by immigrants upon entering Canada. Notably, different immigrant groups do not experience the same opportunities upon arrival in the country. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, Canada's immigration policy overtly favored European immigrants, guided by the goal of assimilation into Anglo-Canadian culture. The policy exhibited explicit racism, employing interventions and barriers to prevent certain ethnic groups from migrating to Canada. "Undesirable" groups were only permitted to immigrate when preferred migration countries could not supply enough labor. Asian immigrants, particularly Chinese men involved in building the Canadian Pacific Railway between 1880 and 1884, were impacted by these shifts. After completing the railway, restrictions were imposed on Chinese immigrants, including a head tax introduced through the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885. This tax aimed to discourage Chinese immigrants from coming to Canada. The government's changing preferences for immigrant groups based on economic interests manifested in institutionalized racism within immigration policies, discriminating against specific ethnic groups. During the Second World War, Canada's discriminatory immigration policy affected refugee decisions, notably rejecting Jewish immigrants attempting to escape Nazi persecution. The MS St Louis, carrying 907 Jewish refugees, sought asylum in 1939 but was denied entry into Canada after being turned away by Cuba and the United States. The Canadian government blocked the ship's entry close to Halifax, forcing the refugees to return to Europe. Post-World War II, only Jewish individuals with "agricultural experience" or those willing to work as servants were considered for immigration. The Canadian government's indifference towards Jewish refugees highlights how discrimination was deeply embedded in the immigration policies of that era. In 1953, a new Immigration Act was implemented, but it continued to discriminate against specific groups by identifying "prohibited classes" and granting government discretion based on characteristics like ethnic group, occupation, or customs. The overtly discriminatory nature of immigration policy started to diminish from 1962 onwards, coinciding with the passage of human rights legislation in Canada. While explicit discrimination was no longer permitted, differential treatment towards immigrants of certain origins persisted. While Canada may appear to have reduced its Eurocentric bias, many believe there is still considerable room for improvement. The country has immigration visa processing offices in various nations, with a notable concentration in the United Kingdom and the United States compared to countries in the Global South. The "problem of diversity" discussed in popular media revolves around concerns that large numbers of immigrants from non-English and non-French source countries may compromise Canada's "national identity." This prevailing notion influences immigration policy, as the Canadian government seeks to address the apprehensions of some citizens. Quebec's Bill 21, enacted in 2019, prohibits public servants from wearing any religious symbols at work, including the hijab, turban, yarmulke, kirpan, cross, or other religious symbols. The government argues that this law aims to maintain a secular society in Quebec. However, civil liberty group’s view Bill 21 as a manifestation of increasing xenophobia, potentially excluding minority group members from public service jobs such as judges, police officers, and prison guards. While the law may not be explicitly racist, its adverse effects are more significant for racialized individuals than for those who are white, possibly discouraging certain groups from immigrating to Quebec. Upon arrival, immigrants face "structured inequality," including language barriers and the nonrecognition of foreign qualifications. Hiring biases, as discussed in Box 8.2, exemplify institutional racism that disproportionately affects racialized minorities, including racialized immigrants. Despite Canada's self-image as a multicultural nation with ostensibly "unbiased" immigration policies, there is underlying institutionalized racism within its structures. Certain ethnicities are favored over others, placing many immigrant groups at a disadvantage in achieving success in their new home. Expressed and Internalized Racism Institutional racism can manifest as overt, covert, or unintentional biases. In contrast, expressed racism occurs when individuals project their fears onto specific ethnic and racialized minorities, leading to discriminatory actions based on perceived "race." The earlier example in the chapter, such as Dave Mornix's experience, illustrates a case of expressed racism where individuals are excluded and denied opportunities based on their perceived racial background. Internalized racism refers to the often-unconscious belief held by racialized individuals that stereotypes or beliefs about their racial group are true. This can occur due to exposure to overt racism in day-to-day interactions or through socialization in a racist society. Children growing up in such environments may incorporate negative assumptions about themselves into their identity as they develop a sense of self. Internalized racism can have health effects, contributing not only to illness but also to conditions such as depression and high levels of stress. Prejudice and Discrimination Often the terms prejudice and discrimination are used interchangeably, but they are different. Prejudice is a negative, hostile social attitude toward members of another group. All members of that group—because of their group membership—are assumed to have unsuitable qualities. Prejudice involves the use of stereotypes, which are fixed mental images representing members of a specific group. Stereotypes lead prejudiced individuals to classify people based on certain exaggerated characteristics, often linked to negative views and hidden assumptions about a person's perceived "race" or ethnicity in relation to intelligence, morality, or other valued qualities. Stereotypes play a role in justifying prejudices against racialized and ethnic minorities, providing a structured framework for these biased views. Discrimination involves taking actions against someone due to their group membership, specifically by denying opportunities that would be granted to equally qualified members of the discriminator's own group. In essence, discrimination entails favoring some members of society over others based on assumptions about their racialized or ethnic background. Discrimination can take various forms and stem from different motives, not solely based on prejudice. Hiring individuals who resemble oneself can be a discriminatory practice, serving as a form of ethnic self-protection or self-advancement. This may be driven by the desire to protect and advance one's own group at the expense of others, which can be discriminatory without being driven by explicit prejudice. Discrimination, however, is often rooted in prejudice, as demonstrated by practices like racial profiling, where people are racialized based on appearance and assumed background to predict their involvement in criminal activities. While the full extent of racial profiling in Canada is not entirely known, studies within individual police agencies indicate that it is a systemic form of discrimination in the country. We also discussed racialized discrimination in the overrepresentation of Indigenous people in the Canadian criminal justice system in Chapter 5—consider what aspects of this social problem stem from institutional racism, discrimination, and prejudice. Scientific Racism and Eugenics Prejudice and discrimination contribute to systemic racism in institutions. Scientific racism, arising from the intersection of evolutionary science and the notion of white superiority, has had a pervasive impact on society, influencing the well-being and opportunities of racialized minorities. The flawed concept that northern European or white "races" are superior is rooted in this thinking. Although Charles Darwin's theory of evolution, published in 1859, did not imply racial hierarchy, scientific racism proponents often misinterpret his work. Scientific racism falsely claims evidence supporting genetic differences between races, often based on physical characteristics. Francis Galton, influenced by Darwinian evolution, falsely argued that socially constructed undesirable traits were genetically intrinsic to specific races, leading to the incorporation of eugenics (selective mating) into scientific racism. Despite lacking empirical support, white supremacists often cite pseudoscientific ideas like Galton's to justify their racist beliefs. The forced sterilization of Indigenous women in Canada, stemming from the eugenics movement, has been an ongoing issue since the 1930s and continues to persist today. Indigenous women have disproportionately experienced forced sterilization, either legislatively or non-legislatively. This practice involves involuntary tubal ligations, permanently preventing women from becoming pregnant. Between 1971 and 1974 alone, an estimated 580 sterilizations were performed at federally operated hospitals, with Indigenous women constituting 95 percent of those subjected to the procedure. Many women were coerced into signing consent forms during childbirth without translators or were declared "mentally unfit," allowing sterilization without consent. Despite the repeal of legislation permitting forced sterilization and the United Nations declaring it a violation of basic human rights, evidence suggests that these sterilizations persist among Indigenous women in Canada. In Saskatchewan, research indicates compulsory sterilizations occurred as recently as 2018, leading to a class-action lawsuit with over 100 women sharing new stories of coercion. Indigenous women have been disproportionately targeted for forced sterilization, aligning with Canada's broader colonial and capitalist objectives. Karen Stote (2012) suggests that destroying the reproductive systems of Indigenous women serves the larger goals of the federal government as a colonial and capitalist empire. This includes erasing traits considered racially inferior from the population, reducing the Indigenous population to decrease treaty responsibilities and associated spending, and facilitating the seizure of additional lands and resources. The practice of forced sterilization is seen as a means of advancing these strategic objectives within the historical context of colonialism and capitalist expansion. Microaggressions In Canada, numerous instances of racism are systemic and invisible. Discrimination may occur without individuals being aware, such as not being shown a house in a specific neighborhood during house-hunting or attending a school with less private funding due to the neighborhood's economic status, leading to fewer opportunities. Additionally, some experiences of racism are denied or attributed to other factors, as seen in Indigenous communities lacking drinkable water, often described as lacking resources rather than being acknowledged because of long-term systemic racism. Microaggressions are instances of racism that may appear small and relatively insignificant on their own but collectively contribute to daily stress for those who experience them. These are subtle, indirect, or unintentional discriminatory interactions that occur in daily life (Baker, 2017). Examples include asking someone who looks ethnically different about their origin, requesting to touch a Black woman's hair, or assuming a student who appears "Asian" is inherently good at math. While individual acts of microaggression may seem minor, their cumulative impact can be significant, conveying to the affected person that they are perceived as different or not fully belonging to the social group. A study on young adult university and college students found that microaggressions were associated with negative psychological outcomes, including substance abuse, psychological distress, reduced self-esteem, and decreased academic performance (Forrest-Bank & Cuellar, 2018). However, the study also revealed that a strong ethnic identity acted as a protective factor against microaggressions. Positive ethnic identity was found to reverse many of the negative effects of racial microaggressions (excluding substance abuse) and improved overall well-being. This suggests that fostering a positive ethnic identity may serve as an important intervention to mitigate the impact of racial microaggressions, highlighting the need for further research into protective factors against the effects of such experiences. LIST OF KEY TERMS Bipoc-Black, Indigenous, and people of colour. code-switch-Effortlessly shifting to a different language, dialect, class, and often culture. critical race theory-A theory that views racialization as a performance and a social construction rather than a reflection of innate, biological qualities. Diaspora-The scattering of any group of people. Originally, the term referred specifically to the tribes of ancient Israel dispersed around the world. Discrimination-Distinctions, exclusions, and preferential treatment based on an arbitrary trait (for example, racialization) that risks a person’s human rights and basic freedoms. ethnic enclaves-An area with a high concentration of residents having a particular ethnicity or set of related ethnicities, with a distinct culture and a defined boundary. ethnic groups-People who share a common homeland, language, or culture. Ethnicity-Membership in a group or category of people who share a national tradition, language, or cultural heritage. Ethnic solidarity-A process in which members of self-conscious communities interact with one another to achieve common purposes. Eugenics-The selective mating of individuals with specific desirable hereditary traits. expressed racism-Explicit discrimination and prejudice toward people based on their racialization or ethnicity. Homophily-A relationship joining people who have the same or similar attributes or statuses. Institutionalized racism-A form of racism expressed in the practices of social and political institutions. Internalized racism-The conscious or unconscious acceptance of racist attitudes, including stereotypes and biases, toward members of one’s own ethnic group, including oneself. Multiculturalism-A political and social policy that promotes ethnic tolerance and diversity in communities. Orientalism-A view that exaggerates and distorts features of people and cultures from Asia, North Africa, and the Middle East and contrasts their characteristics with those of Europeans. Racialization-The way in which others classify people by visible characteristics such as hair colour, hair type, skin colour, and facial features. racialized minority-Those who are treated in a particular way because of their physical features and the qualities those features are assumed to represent. Racialization is directed toward those who have features distinct from the majority group that holds social power in a society. racialized (or ethnic) socialization-The process by which we learn to evaluate people (including ourselves) according to presumed racialized or ethnic differences. Racism-Discrimination, prejudice, or antagonism directed against someone of a different ethnicity or racialized group based on the belief that one’s own racialized identity is superior. social distance-The perceived extent to which social groups are isolated from one another. It is measured by the degree to which a respondent—a member of one social class, racialized group, or ethnicity—would welcome members of another social class, racialized group, or ethnicity. Stereotypes-Widely held beliefs about a social group that are simplistic and often false. Stereotypes can ascribe both positive and negative qualities to members of a group. Tolerance-The idea that people from various ethnic and racialized backgrounds can come together in a single nation-state and achieve high levels of trust.