Ch. 6 Class and Inequality.docx

Ch. 6 Class and Inequality Introduction Kristen, a typical 15-year-old girl, spends much of her time on social media, capturing and sharing moments with close friends. Despite living in a supportive community, both her house and her neighbors' homes need significant repairs. Kristen aspires to atten...

Ch. 6 Class and Inequality Introduction Kristen, a typical 15-year-old girl, spends much of her time on social media, capturing and sharing moments with close friends. Despite living in a supportive community, both her house and her neighbors' homes need significant repairs. Kristen aspires to attend university, driven by the dreams and aspirations of her family and community. She excels in math and science, harbors a love for reading, but faces limitations in her school, lacking essential facilities. While her teacher encourages her to dream big, Kristen is unsure about overcoming the challenges ahead. On social media, she compares herself to others who showcase luxurious lifestyles. Kristen also contemplates how her Indigenous identity may impact her social acceptance on campus, reflecting the prevalent social and economic disparities persisting in Canada. Canada boasts one of the highest percentages of millionaires globally, and this is expected to rise in the next decade. However, the wealth gap has widened over time, with the top 20 per cent of Canadians increasing their share of the national income since the 1970s, while other groups have experienced a decrease. This growing inequality is a focal point in the chapter, exploring class differences and social stratification. The subsequent discussion delves into the social consequences of this inequality, encompassing issues such as unemployment, poverty, poor health, and victimization within Canadian society. Class Inequality and Social Stratification Class as a Structuring Force In this section, we will learn about class and consider to what extent Canada is a society with equal opportunities for all. The study of social class began with the Industrial Revolution in the early nineteenth century, when the introduction of machinery fundamentally changed how work was done. It also influenced the relationship between workers and employers. The German sociologist Karl Marx, with his friend and collaborator Friedrich Engels, took note of these changes and predicted that they would inevitably lead to class conflict. Marx saw that the class people belong to influences how they relate to others, especially to members of other classes. He created a theoretical framework that helped thinkers grasp the significance of these changes. In Chapter 1, Marx's theory focused on the relationship between the proletariat (workers producing goods) and the bourgeoisie or capitalists (owners of means of production). Marx saw these as distinct classes with irreconcilable interests, leading to a hierarchical structure with different opportunities and life chances. Max Weber later introduced the concept of life chances, where individuals belonging to the same class share similar opportunities based on their control of goods and skills. Marx viewed the relationship between the proletariat and capitalists as one of exploitation, creating the potential for class-consciousness—a collective identity arising from shared life chances. Marx grounded class in economic roles, whether individuals sell or buy labor, while Weber emphasized life chances, making his concept of class more fluid and status based. According to Marx, oppression is a consequence of economic inequality, stemming from the division of labor between the proletariat and the capitalists. This division creates power imbalances, allowing one group to benefit from the labor of another. Class-consciousness, arising from this awareness of oppression, empowers workers to act for their protection. As a result, workers, fueled by this consciousness, mobilize to advocate for higher wages, improved working conditions, and increased job security. The formation of unions stands as a notable example of how workers began to organize and protect their interests in response to their perceived oppression. The concept of class, integral to much sociological work in the twentieth century, has evolved over time. Even when Marx initially introduced the proletariat and bourgeoisie distinction, he acknowledged the existence of other groupings that didn't neatly fit into this categorization. Contemporary changes in work due to digital technology and evolving capital flows have led scholars to assert that the traditional definition of class tied to socioeconomic status is becoming less useful for sociology. There's a recognition that the concept requires adaptation to better capture the complexities of modern social structures. Contemporary sociological perspectives acknowledge that factors beyond economic status, such as gender, ability, racialization, education, and early life experiences, significantly contribute to determining one's class. These factors influence income levels, social connections, and life chances, and impact an individual's ability to move between different social classes. Social Stratification Sociologists refer to the creation of social groups with different wealth, status, and opportunities as social stratification. Often, the following social classes are distinguished: upper class, middle class, working class, and lower class. The increasing social inequality in recent decades has heightened the importance and focus on the study of social stratification. Sociologists have explored the consequences, both social and economic, as well as in terms of health and education, associated with belonging to specific social classes. Research indicates that social inequality has tangible and lasting effects on the lives of individuals and their children. Social stratification doesn't just impact individuals; it also has significant consequences for entire societies. Research by Wilkinson and Pickett (2010) establishes a direct link between the well-being of societies and income inequality. Their work demonstrates that societies with more equally distributed resources are generally healthier. Visual representation in Figure 6.1 illustrates those countries with higher income equality experience fewer health and social problems across all socioeconomic groups, including the high-income segment. This research has influenced social policy, suggesting that long-term interventions aimed at reducing inequality can benefit all members of society. The data in Figure 6.1 indicates a clear correlation between income equality and a decrease in health and social problems, particularly among Global North countries. Canada falls in the middle of the chart, and most countries closely align with the trend line, highlighting the significant impact of inequality on health and social issues. However, the United States stands out as an exception, with its data point almost "off the chart," suggesting that factors beyond income inequality play a substantial role in contributing to health and social problems in the country. Theoretical Approaches to Class and Inequality Functionalism Functionalists—noting that social inequality exists in all societies—want to know what, if any, function, or purpose is served by this inequality. The concept of the "functional necessity of stratification" suggests that social stratification serves a crucial function in society. According to functionalist theorists, such as Davis and Moore (1945), social stratification is important as it recruits and motivates individuals to assume specific positions and social roles. In every society, there is a diverse range of positions and roles to be filled, such as doctors, lawyers, professors, nurses, janitors, bus drivers, and more. Social stratification is seen as a mechanism that ensures the allocation of individuals to these varied roles based on their skills, abilities, and qualifications. The attainment of certain positions, like becoming a doctor, involves substantial investments in time and money for education and training. In Canada, obtaining a medical degree typically requires a bachelor's degree, preferably in science, followed by four years of medical school and two years of residency after passing a qualifying examination. Society motivates individuals to pursue demanding occupations by establishing a reward system. This system theoretically offers the highest rewards to positions that are challenging to fill due to specialized knowledge, skills, and credentials. Occupations requiring less specialized skills or credentials, such as cleaning or fast-food service, are associated with lower status and pay, as these workers are more easily replaceable. According to Davis and Moore (1945), this unequal distribution of rewards contributes to social stratification and becomes a part of the social order. For instance, in Canada, a medical doctor earns an average annual income of $340,000, while a McDonald's employee earns about $27,300 per year or $14 per hour. Reward systems are intricate and operate on various levels. An example is the expanding global gaming industry, projected to reach a worth of US$196 billion by 2020. The growth of this industry demands a greater number of highly skilled knowledge workers proficient in coding and creative thinking for the development of new gaming forms. Consequently, companies within the gaming sector engage in continuous competition to attract top talent, including computer scientists, digital artists, and digital sound technicians. Big Viking Games, based in London, Ontario, is a prominent html5 mobile game development company in Canada, known for games like YoWorld, Galatron, and FishWorld. The company has gained attention for offering attractive incentives to attract top talent, including free breakfasts, lunches, snacks, onsite massage therapy, and highly competitive salaries. In recognition of its workplace environment, Big Viking Games was honored as one of the "Best Workplaces in Canada" by the Great Places to Work Institute in 2018. However, functionalist theory has weaknesses. It demonstrates that rewards are shaped by a competitive market for scarce skills and talents but does not necessarily prove that this competition is vital for societal survival or well-being. The critique suggests that the theory overlooks the possibility that the development of skills and talents can be influenced by factors beyond monetary rewards. It emphasizes that factors like motivation to contribute to society in meaningful ways, such as saving lives and promoting health, can drive individuals in professions like medicine. This motivation extends beyond economic interests, revealing that talent, skill, and effort are not the sole determinants of job allocation and associated rewards. Conflict Theory The conflict theory perspective on poverty and inequality, rooted in the ideas of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1848/1955), diverges from the functionalist view. Unlike the functionalist perspective that suggests social stratification is beneficial for society's survival, conflict theorists argue that social inequality primarily benefits the dominant group and might even be detrimental to society. According to Marx and Engels (1848/1955), class inequality can fuel revolutions and instigate societal change, challenging the notion that social stratification is inherently stabilizing for a society. Marx's theory underscores a fundamental conflict between the bourgeoisie (capitalists who own the means of production) and the proletariat (workers who must sell their labor) (Marx & Engels, 1848/1955). The bourgeoisie accumulate wealth by exploiting the labor of the working class, who rely on wages for survival. Exploitation occurs when the value produced by labor exceeds the compensation provided to workers, resulting in a gap between a company's earnings and employee wages. In this system of exploitation, machinery plays a crucial, non-neutral role. The introduction of industrial machinery in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries resulted in the replacement of skilled workers by machines or unskilled labor. In industries like textiles, steam-powered and later electricity-powered machines simplified and accelerated processes, enabling employers to hire unskilled workers at lower wages. This mechanization contributed to a rise in unemployment among highly skilled craftspeople, as discussed by Berg (1994). The use of machinery, as identified by Marx, brought about a profound transformation in work, leading to what he termed "alienation." This concept encompasses four types of alienation in labor under capitalism, primarily resulting from industrialization: Alienation of the worker: Workers experience a separation from their humanity as they become integrated into an industrial system dominated by machines. Alienation between workers: In a capitalist system, labor transforms into just another commodity to be exchanged, losing its character as a meaningful social relationship between the worker and the employer. Alienation of the worker from the product: The product undergoes commodification and mass production, no longer under the control of the worker, contributing to a sense of detachment from the fruits of one's labor. Alienation from the act of production itself: Work is perceived as a meaningless activity, lacking intrinsic satisfactions, and often viewed as a monotonous and unfulfilling task. These forms of alienation, according to Marx, illustrate the dehumanizing and disenchanting effects of industrialization and the capitalist mode of production on the worker and the overall nature of labor. In contemporary times, machines continue to transform working conditions, and the concept of alienation endures. Unlike the historical trend of replacing skilled workers with unskilled laborers, machines now increasingly substitute human workers across all skill levels (Wajcman, 2017). An illustrative example is Amazon's "Amazon Go" technology introduced in December 2016, which aimed to revolutionize shopping (Balakrishnan, 2016). At Amazon Go stores, shoppers can bypass long checkout lines, as items selected are automatically billed to their Amazon.com account upon leaving the store. The proliferation of such automated systems is evident, with over 26 Amazon Go stores established across the United States. Companies like Amazon consistently seek innovative ways to lower costs, often adopting automation technology to reduce labor expenses (Wajcman, 2017). The pursuit of profit maximization by these companies may lead to job losses, with little consideration for the impact on employment. The consequences of mechanization include heightened unemployment, particularly in the manufacturing and services sectors, contributing to increased social inequalities and a widening wealth gap between the rich and the poor (Wilkinson & Pickett, 2010). Notably, executives overseeing multinational corporations like Amazon, who make decisions regarding automation, often receive wages significantly disproportionate to those offered to their lower-level employees. While there has been a general trend of compliance, it's important to note that there has been protest against the inequalities arising from capitalism and mechanization. In recent years, various movements, such as the Occupy movement, have emerged to voice opposition to these changes and particularly to protest the power of multinational corporations. The Occupy movement originated as a grassroots protest in New York City's Zuccotti Park on September 17, 2011, and it gained global traction, attracting significant media attention (Brickman, 2017). The movement is characterized by its stance against the dominance of large corporations, their unethical practices, and their control over the flow of capital, which tends to benefit only a small segment of the population (The Occupy Solidarity Network, n.d.). The Occupy movement, encapsulated by its central slogan "We are the 99 per cent," expresses discontent with the current economic system that appears to favor the wealthy elite over most citizens. The movement, influenced by conflict theory, highlights and protests against the unequal distribution of wealth within modern capitalist societies. Occupy emphasizes that political, economic, and legal systems exhibit bias in favor of economic and social elites. Feminism Feminist sociologists examine the intersections between various types of inequalities, including class, gender, racialization, and Indigeneity, at home and in the workplace. They recognize that not only is inequality affected by gender, but it is also further and uniquely influenced by these other social factors. The feminist perspective sheds light on employment and income distribution in Canadian society, as illustrated in Figure 6.2 depicting the wage gap between men and women from 1998 to 2018. In 1998, women earned an average of $22.34 hourly, compared to men's $27.51 hourly, resulting in a gap of $5.17 or 18.8%. By 2018, the gap had narrowed, with women earning $26.92 hourly and men earning $31.05 hourly, creating a gap of $4.13 or 13.3%. Despite a gradual reduction in the wage gap over the 20-year period, it remains significant, closing by only 5.5%. In 2019, Canada ranked thirtieth out of 37 OECD countries in gender wage gap, with the eighth-highest gap. Concerns persist regarding income inequality between women and men, and the large wage gap in Canada compared to other OECD countries, even considering women's greater educational attainment and increased representation in higher-status occupations. The gender-based wage gap raises important questions about gender equality in compensation. The gender wage gap in Canada, as highlighted by the OHCHR (2015), is particularly concerning due to its disproportionate impact on vulnerable social groups, including low-income women, racialized minorities, and Indigenous women. The report emphasizes the need for more comprehensive efforts in Canada to ensure that women, especially racialized minority, and Indigenous women, receive equal pay and treatment for their work. The gender wage gap is notably high in Alberta and Nova Scotia, suggesting a pressing need for awareness and change. The OHCHR (2015) stresses the importance of consistent legislation across all provinces to effectively address gender-based wage discrimination in both the public and private sectors. From a feminist perspective, the focus is not only on quantifying the wage gap but also on exploring its societal effects. For instance, the continued wage disparity may influence the dynamics of heterosexual relationships, where it may be economically advantageous for men to prioritize paid work, while women may opt for lesser paid but more flexible work to manage most unpaid responsibilities such as childcare and homemaking. Further discussions on this topic are anticipated in Chapter 7. Symbolic Interactionism Symbolic interactionism investigates how people give meaning to social stratification and what symbols are associated with various social groups. Thorstein Veblen, in his early work (1899/2009), examined the connection between people's consumption habits and the expression of class distinctions. He introduced the concept of "conspicuous consumption," which refers to the practice of acquiring valuable goods as a means of showcasing one's class affiliation and social status (Veblen, 1899/2009). Veblen's analysis focused on how conspicuous consumption allowed upper-class families to signal their wealth and societal standing. Additionally, he highlighted the differentiation in consumption patterns between women and men, emphasizing how these patterns were intertwined with gender-role stereotyping. In the late nineteenth century, as in contemporary times, material consumption was shaped by distinctions in class, status, and gender. Building on Veblen's work, contemporary social interactionists explore how different social classes utilize "status symbols" to distinguish themselves. A pertinent example is smartphones, which not only serve functional purposes but also function as status symbols. The design, marketing, and advertising of smartphones are orchestrated to communicate their value, and consequently, the status of their owner. The possession of the latest and most advanced smartphone is seen as signaling high standing in society, or at least a high income. Additionally, some may interpret it as being an "innovator," a term coined by Everett Rogers (2003) for someone who consistently adopts new technologies ahead of the curve. Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist, explored how individuals learn about the symbols associated with their social class, emphasizing that a significant aspect of socialization involves understanding class distinctions. Bourdieu highlighted that acquiring the demeanor, cultural goods, or educational qualifications esteemed by the upper classes contributes to building one's cultural capital, which may also lead to economic advantages (Bourdieu, 1986). Being part of a specific class involves not only possessing these cultural assets but also understanding how to dress, speak, express preferences, and behave in different social situations. The cultural understanding of class distinctions gives meaning to class symbols, such as the Pink Diamond iPhone. Members of a particular class rely on these symbols to distinguish themselves from others, especially those positioned lower in the social hierarchy. The utilization of symbols, described as appearance props by Goffman (1959) and Stone (1975/2009), to signify class and status is deeply embedded in our society, often leading us to internalize their meanings without conscious awareness. The significance and presumed impact of these status symbols are not inherent but can vary based on the perceptions of those around us. The context in which these symbols are perceived influences their importance and effect, highlighting the socially constructed nature of their meaning (see Box 6.1). DIGITAL DIVIDE 6.1 | Disciplining Digital Play in Youth Culture Symbolic interactionism is a sociological perspective that studies how individuals interpret and communicate the symbolic meanings of objects, which can reflect class differences. The interpretation of a specific technology can significantly differ across social classes or racialized groups. This highlights how societal context influences our understanding and use of technology. Matthew H. Rafalow's comparative ethnographic analysis of three middle schools revealed how class and racialization played a role in assigning different meanings to digital technologies for students from diverse backgrounds. Through interviews with teachers and students and observations of classroom interactions, Rafalow found notable variations in how digital expressions were perceived at each school. In a predominantly Hispanic youth school, students were told that their digital expressions were irrelevant to learning. In a school with mostly Asian youth, students were informed that their digital play could jeopardize their academic success. Conversely, in a school catering to mostly upper-class and white youth, teachers viewed digital play as valuable, if not essential, for day-to-day learning and achievement (Rafalow, 2020). The study underscores that the perception of technology and its usage varies based on how teachers perceive the individuals using it. Teachers' shared beliefs about students and the symbolic meanings attributed to digital devices influence their responses to digital play. Consequently, these responses determine whether the digital devices students bring to school are transformed into valuable cultural capital for educational purposes or discouraged and suppressed. The study emphasizes that an item's perceived value is influenced not only by the broader societal context but also by the identity of the user and how they are perceived. Factors like racialization complicate the interplay among social status, class, and status symbols. The symbolic meanings associated with digital tools can perpetuate social inequalities, potentially impacting children's future opportunities in the labor market. In essence, teachers' assumptions about technology use by low-income children place these children at a disadvantage as they progress through their educational journey. Social Mobility In this section, we explore key concepts related to inter- and intragenerational social mobility, building on the understanding of social stratification discussed earlier. The focus is on the factors influencing class movement, contemplating whether determination, hard work, intelligence, skill sets, or social connections play crucial roles in upward mobility. Additionally, consideration is given to how factors like racialization, gender, and Indigeneity might impact an individual's ability to ascend social classes. Social mobility, within the field of sociology, encompasses the process of transitioning from one social class or occupational status to another. Sociologists often focus on upward mobility, as individuals commonly seek to enhance their standing. While media frequently portrays success stories of upward mobility, it's crucial to recognize that people can also experience downward mobility. The intricate nature of social mobility and its significance to society prompts sociologists to study the underlying processes and identify key factors influencing individuals' movement both upward and downward in the social hierarchy. Upward Mobility In society, individuals typically aspire to enhance their economic and social circumstances. Upward social mobility involves progressing to a higher position in the social stratification hierarchy, and its rate, compared to downward mobility, serves as an indicator of a society's "openness" and well-being. Policymakers find it crucial to comprehend the conditions influencing upward mobility and identify characteristics associated with greater or lesser mobility. Canada has historically exhibited a high level of upward social mobility; however, recent studies using tax data indicate a decline in social mobility over time. Between 1993 and 2012, nine out of every ten individuals in the lowest income group in Canada moved up to a higher income group. Despite the overall high mobility, recent research suggests a decrease in social mobility, with substantial variations observed across provinces. Provinces like Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland and Labrador exhibit high mobility, while Saskatchewan and Manitoba have lower mobility levels. A study conducted by Miles Corak (2019) on millions of Canadians' income data reveals that the geographic location where individuals grow up significantly influences their adult income. Two key findings emerge from the research. Firstly, children across Canada growing up in low-income households face an intergenerational cycle of poverty, limiting their opportunities for upward mobility. Secondly, the study emphasizes that the chances of breaking the cycle and achieving higher income levels vary by geographic region. Notably, these differences don't align with provincial boundaries but are seen within specific regions, as illustrated in Figure 6.3. Examining the map, regions in green signify higher mobility, indicating that individuals who grew up in these areas, regardless of their adult residence, tend to have higher incomes in their forties than their parents did at the same age. The green regions include populated areas in Ontario, substantial parts of Alberta, and the southern part of Saskatchewan. In contrast, regions in red denote lower mobility, indicating that individuals who grew up in these areas are likely to have financial success levels like or lower than their parents in their forties. The red regions include eastern regions outside major urban areas and parts of the North. The study highlights significant upward mobility in Canada compared to countries like the US or the UK but emphasizes that geographic location plays a crucial role in determining one's chances of advancement. Family background and cultural factors have less impact on mobility compared to where an individual grew up. This underscores the need for policy interventions targeting geographical disparities to address intergenerational poverty effectively. In Canada, education significantly impacts upward mobility, as detailed later in the chapter. Individuals with strong educational credentials, such as a high school diploma and postsecondary degree, are more likely to experience upward mobility and less likely to experience downward mobility. Postsecondary education, including college diplomas and university degrees, is widely regarded as the route to prosperity in Canada, as it often leads to higher-paying employment opportunities. Over a lifetime, the incremental benefits of education translate into substantial economic advantages compared to those with lower levels of education. In Canada, access to education is unequal, with individuals whose parents lack high school or postsecondary credentials being less likely to attend university themselves. Only 12 percent of this group obtain a university degree at the bachelor level or higher within 10 years. Conversely, when at least one parent has a university degree, the likelihood of a child obtaining one increases to 63 percent. The chances are even higher for individuals with both parents holding university degrees. These statistics underscore persistent disparities in educational attainment in Canada, which tend to perpetuate themselves over time. For further insights, including an intersectional analysis of educational access and the impact of education on earning potential, refer to Chapter 11. Sociologists studying upward mobility have identified various mechanisms that govern it. One such mechanism is exchange mobility, which restricts upward mobility to situations where an existing position becomes available. For instance, in organizations like colleges and universities, where certain roles such as president are limited to one person at a time, upward mobility is constrained by the availability of these positions. This dynamic is observed in organizations that maintain a static or even shrinking size, such as government bureaucracies and university faculties. Structural mobility, in contrast, arises from structural growth characterized by the creation of new job opportunities or positions, often associated with organizational or economic expansion. For instance, the transition to an information society, despite rendering some jobs obsolete, has also generated numerous new positions in the white-collar sector. This phenomenon enables individuals to secure these newly created roles without displacing others, thus presenting fresh avenues for upward mobility. Consequently, a new elite has emerged, prioritizing technical expertise over traditional economic ownership. SOCIOLOGY 2.0 6.2 | A New Elite of Technological Visionaries Famous technological visionaries such as Steve Jobs, Bill Gates, and Google co-founders Larry Page and Sergey Brin exemplify the potential for upward mobility through digital expertise. None of these innovators started with significant capital. Jobs and Gates didn't complete their university degrees due to financial constraints or lack of interest. Page and Brin, pursuing doctoral degrees, struggled to secure funds for their project, ultimately setting up a server in a garage in Menlo Park, California, from which Google emerged. Despite humble beginnings, their expertise in digital technology propelled them to success. Their companies were valued in billions of dollars by 2020. Their experiences highlight a shift where self-made technology giants, rather than traditional financiers or industrial magnates, wield considerable wealth and influence in today's world. Box 6.2 highlights several emerging trends. Firstly, proficiency in technology and digital skills opens new avenues for social mobility within the primary labor market. However, the technological shift has also exacerbated economic inequality by displacing many manufacturing jobs through automation. Secondly, social mobility extends beyond individuals to encompass entire social and occupational groups. Tech-savvy workers often secure high-paying employment, while blue-collar workers face dwindling opportunities, transitioning into precarious part-time work or unemployment. This decline of the traditional working class contributes to the emergence of a secondary labor market characterized by low-paying jobs, insecurity, and limited prospects for advancement. Inter-and Intragenerational Mobility Intergenerational mobility refers to the movement of individuals into positions that are either higher or lower than those held by their parents. Immigrants to Canada often strive to offer their children opportunities for upward economic and social mobility. Education frequently serves as the primary avenue for achieving this mobility. Canadian data on postsecondary education indicate that the children of immigrants are 14 percent more likely to attain university degrees compared to their counterparts from the third generation or higher. Intergenerational mobility must be distinguished from intragenerational or career mobility, which pertains to social mobility within an individual's lifetime. A notable example of career mobility is Canadian singer and songwriter Justin Bieber. Bieber commenced his career at the age of 13 in Stratford, Ontario, residing in low-income housing. His mother began posting videos of his singing on YouTube. By 2019, Bieber had ascended to become one of the most popular and successful male artists globally, amassing an estimated wealth of US$285 million. His journey from humble beginnings to immense success raises the question: How did Bieber achieve such remarkable career advancement when many other Canadians do not? The study of intragenerational mobility seeks to identify the resources necessary to attain such mobility. However, sociological interest in this topic extends beyond mere attainment. Sociologists also aim to understand how individuals who have achieved upward mobility integrate economically and socially into their new class. Moreover, they seek to explore why Canadians often perceive stories like Justin Bieber's as commonplace rather than extraordinary. Part of this phenomenon is attributed to media bias toward success stories, which fosters a perception that upward mobility is achievable given the right circumstances. Success stories often promote the concept of meritocracy, which suggests that individuals who possess skills and competence can rise to the top based solely on their merit. This narrative perpetuates the myth that hardworking, talented, intelligent, and motivated individuals can achieve their goals. However, it fails to acknowledge the systemic barriers and biases, both conscious and unconscious, that hinder progress. Consequently, a lack of success may wrongly be attributed to personal shortcomings rather than systemic marginalization based on factors such as ethnicity, culture, gender, religion, or sexual orientation. This misconception further reinforces existing biases in society. For instance, if fewer Deaf politicians succeed, the assumption may be that they were not as capable as their competitors, reinforcing the bias against Deaf individuals in politics. Structural obstacles, such as the absence of sign-language interpreters, remain unaddressed. Thus, myths surrounding upward mobility can disadvantage already marginalized social groups, perpetuating existing barriers to their advancement. Downward mobility entails individuals transitioning from positions of higher pay and social status to those of lower pay and lower status, representing a form of vertical mobility. During economic expansions, individuals typically ascend the socioeconomic ladder, whereas economic contractions or shifts often result in job losses or the acceptance of lower-quality employment. Prolonged unemployment or underemployment during a recession is referred to as "scarring," which can be detrimental to an individual's employment prospects. Resumes displaying employment gaps may create an impression of unreliability among employers, exacerbating difficulties in securing quality employment. Such scarring can lead to long-term unemployment and downward mobility, impacting wages and career trajectories over time, particularly affecting those already in precarious employment situations. Downward mobility intersects with various dimensions of inequality, making certain groups more susceptible to social descent. Women, immigrants, and racialized minorities face disadvantages in this regard. These groups often lack access to opportunities such as education, which are essential for upward mobility. For instance, immigrants and refugees in Canada may encounter challenges in meeting employment criteria, such as local work experience, while language barriers and certification issues can lead to prolonged unemployment and downward mobility. Moreover, racialized minorities are disproportionately employed in precarious jobs, increasing their vulnerability to downward mobility. The prevalence of precarious labor, characterized by low wages and part-time positions, heightens the risk of individuals transitioning into low-income status. Poverty Understanding poverty involves examining various measures and considering their strengths and weaknesses. Many common beliefs about poverty are based on misconceptions and false assumptions. For instance, the notion that poverty is solely a result of personal failures and laziness marginalizes and stigmatizes those facing economic hardships. This belief overlooks systemic factors and societal inequalities that limit opportunities for social mobility. Consequently, understanding poverty is not only complex but also inherently political, as it involves recognizing and addressing power imbalances and advocating for marginalized communities whose struggles often go unnoticed. Measuring Poverty and Well-Being The United Nations (1998) definition provides a comprehensive understanding of poverty, emphasizing that it is not merely a lack of income to meet basic needs such as water, food, and clothing. Poverty also entails a deprivation of choice and limited access to crucial resources like healthcare, education, and political representation. Therefore, poverty extends beyond material deprivation and encompasses broader aspects of human dignity and well-being. This definition highlights the multifaceted nature of poverty, recognizing the importance of addressing structural inequalities and ensuring access to essential resources for all individuals to lead fulfilling lives. We will explore three measures of low income and differentiating between absolute and relative poverty. These methods—LICO, MBM, and LIM—are commonly used in Canada to gauge low income. They establish poverty thresholds or cut-off points, with the low-income cut-off (LICO) being the most prevalent. LICO identifies income levels below which families are likely to allocate a larger proportion of their income to necessities compared to an average family of similar size. For instance, while a middle-income family might allocate one-fifth of its income to housing expenses, a family below the LICO may spend half or even three-quarters of its income on housing, often for less desirable accommodations in less convenient neighborhoods. One-half is a dangerously high portion of income to spend on housing because it leaves few funds available for other necessities such as food, clothing, transportation, and childcare. The LICO thresholds, based originally on 1992 consumption patterns of Canadians, are updated each year to ensure that their values are in line with the current cost of living (Murphy et al., 2012). The market basket measure (MBM) is another approach to measuring low income. Unlike other measures that focus solely on basic needs like food and shelter, the MBM considers additional needs that satisfy community norms. This includes factors such as appearance norms, which may be influenced by the types of clothing typically worn in a specific community. In essence, the MBM calculates the income required for a household to meet not only its subsistence needs but also the additional expenses necessary to adhere to societal expectations and standards. This broader perspective offers a more comprehensive understanding of poverty and helps policymakers develop targeted interventions to address the multifaceted nature of low income. The third method discussed is the low-income measure (LIM), which determines the low-income threshold for a household by setting it at one-half of the median income of a similar-sized household in a comparable community. This approach considers the relative poverty of households, measuring their income in relation to others in the community rather than focusing on what they can or cannot afford to buy. Thresholds vary based on the number of household members and the size of the community. Debate persists regarding the optimal method for measuring low income, as each approach yields differing perspectives on poverty. To capture the nuanced aspects of poverty, two concepts are crucial. Absolute poverty refers to insufficient income to meet basic survival needs like water, food, shelter, and essential healthcare access. Relative poverty, on the other hand, denotes individuals or families with income sufficient for survival but inadequate for attaining an average standard of living. Relatively poor individuals experience notable disparities compared to the average households in their community, highlighting significant inequality within society. The Low-Income Cut-Off (LICO), Market Basket Measure (MBM), and Low-Income Measure (LIM) each offer slightly different perspectives on identifying individuals below the average income threshold. Consequently, sociologists continually scrutinize and refine these measures to accurately capture poverty. While these refinements enhance measurement precision, they also complicate the task of assessing, explaining, and addressing poverty. Depending on the measurement used, statistics regarding poverty prevalence may vary; an individual in Canada could be considered impoverished by one measure but not by another. This disparity prompts an examination of how differently calculated statistics compare in evaluating the extent of poverty across Canada. Data from the 2011 National Household Survey demonstrate discrepancies among three different methods of measuring poverty rates in Canada. The after-tax LICO, which adjusts the Low-Income Cut-Off for income available after taxes, indicates that 9.7% of Canadians aged 18 to 65 live in poverty. In contrast, the MBM reports a rate of 12.9%, and the after-tax LIM reports 13.8%. The 2016 census, using the after-tax LIM, reports a rate of 14.2%. The use of multiple measures leads to confusion and hinders complex analysis and comparisons across time, social groups, and regions. In 2018, the Canadian government introduced "Opportunity for All: Canada’s First Poverty Reduction Strategy" and proposed legislation to adopt the Market Basket Measure (MBM) as Canada's official poverty line. This move aims to establish a consistent measure for comparing poverty levels across provinces, regions, and social groups. According to the MBM, 9.5% of Canadians lived below the poverty line in 2017. Standardizing the measure will facilitate assessing the impact of events like the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic on poverty rates and guide the development of strategies to support affected individuals and families in both the short and long-term. In summary: Low Income Cut-Off (LICO): Strengths: Relative to Basic Needs: LICO focuses on the proportion of income spent on necessities like housing, providing a relative measure of poverty based on consumption patterns. Updated Regularly: LICO thresholds are updated annually to reflect changes in the cost of living, ensuring relevance to the current economic conditions. Weaknesses: Solely Income-Based: LICO primarily relies on income thresholds, neglecting other aspects of poverty such as access to resources and opportunities. Doesn't Capture Regional Differences: LICO may not adequately account for variations in the cost of living across different regions of the country. Market Basket Measure (MBM): Strengths: Comprehensive: MBM considers both subsistence needs and community norms, providing a more comprehensive view of poverty that includes social and cultural factors. Specific to Communities: Considers community-specific factors, such as clothing norms, making it more tailored to local conditions. Weaknesses: Subjective Norms: Community norms can be subjective, and what is considered necessary in one community may not be in another. Doesn't Address Relative Poverty Directly: While comprehensive, MBM may not directly capture relative poverty or income inequality within communities. Low Income Measure (LIM): Strengths: Relative Measure: LIM focuses on relative poverty, comparing households to the median income in their community, which provides insights into income inequality. Adjusts for Household Size: The LIM adjusts for household size, recognizing that larger households may need more income to achieve a similar standard of living. Weaknesses: Arbitrary Threshold: Setting the threshold at one-half of the median income may be somewhat arbitrary and may not reflect the actual cost of living or specific needs. Doesn't Capture Regional Differences: Like LICO, LIM may not fully capture regional variations in the cost of living. General Considerations and Criticisms: Debate and Variability: There is ongoing debate about the best measure of poverty, and the variability in results using different measures can be confusing. Limited Scope: All three measures primarily focus on income as an indicator of poverty, potentially overlooking other dimensions such as access to education, healthcare, and social opportunities. In the present digital age, the experience of low-income living has evolved significantly compared to a century or even just half a century ago. Relative poverty, especially in the context of digital culture, has gained a new significance. Individuals experiencing poverty today, whether relatively or absolutely, face challenges in fully engaging in digital activities. This lack of access puts them at a disadvantage in accessing information, applying for jobs, and utilizing online platforms for buying and selling goods. Box 6.3 highlights the numerous consequences of lacking access to digital media, particularly in a society where such media are widespread. Not having access can lead to social stigma, especially among youth who rely heavily on digital technology for communication and social interaction. Young individuals without access may feel isolated and stigmatized, potentially facing exclusion, mockery, or being ignored by their peers due to their inability to participate in digital communication. Such stigmatization can have detrimental effects, including depression and low self-esteem. THEORY IN EVERYDAY LIFE 6.3 | The Digital Divide and Differential Benefits from Digital Media Individuals living in either absolute or relative poverty are commonly referred to as the "have-nots" of society. They are less likely to own digital devices and have access to the internet compared to the more affluent "haves." In a society increasingly dependent on digital technologies for various activities, the implications of being offline become more significant. The text highlights the digital divide, particularly in accessing government services online. It mentions three divides related to digital technology access and usage. The first divide, identified in the 1990s, distinguished between those with internet access and those without, showing that socioeconomic factors like education, income, and occupation play significant roles in determining who can access the internet. The second digital divide focuses on disparities in digital skills among different social groups, indicating that access alone is not sufficient. To thrive today, individuals need the necessary skills to effectively utilize the internet. Additionally, a third-level digital divide refers to differences in individuals' abilities to translate their internet access and usage into positive real-world outcomes. The understanding of the third-level digital divide highlights how unequal access to and utilization of the internet can exacerbate existing disparities. This gap can offer significant advantages to those who are proficient online, granting them access to a wide range of informational, social, economic, and educational opportunities provided by digital media. Consequently, living in poverty today often entails limited or no internet access, resulting in a lack of information resources, educational opportunities, and overall involvement in the digital realm. The COVID-19 pandemic underscored the heightened importance and dependence on digital technologies across various aspects of life, including accessing vital pandemic and risk-related information through online platforms. Essentially, being impoverished in today's digital age not only implies financial hardship but also signifies a dearth of information disadvantage. Exclusion from primary information sources can profoundly impact the self-perception of young people in poverty, exacerbating their feelings of alienation and stigma. Indigenous Populations and Economic Challenges Canada faces many challenges today nationally and internationally, but one of the greatest is the absolute and relative poverty, on average, of Indigenous people within the country. Indigenous populations face distinct socioeconomic challenges stemming from a legacy of colonization and various forms of oppression. In Canada, the Indian Act of 1876 exemplifies the struggles Indigenous people endure. Despite amendments, this federal legislation still governs matters related to Indian Status, bands, and reserves, serving historically as a tool of assimilation into settler society. The Act's oppressive measures included forcibly sending children to residential schools, where they were separated from their culture and family, and taught settler ways. Indigenous women were particularly targeted, as until 1985, marriage to non-Indigenous men resulted in loss of Indian Status and potential displacement from reserve communities. Essentially, the Indian Act granted the Canadian government control over Indigenous lives, restricting their cultural practices and traditions. In 1951, the Canadian government-initiated efforts to address the injustices faced by Indigenous people. This followed the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, prompting revisions to the Indian Act to eliminate or modify its more oppressive provisions. These revisions granted basic human rights to Indigenous women, such as the right to vote, wear ceremonial attire without permission, and retain legal counsel. However, despite these changes, Indigenous communities still experienced various forms of oppression and exclusion. The closure of the last residential school in 1996 marked the end of a traumatic era, but the lingering effects continue to perpetuate discriminatory attitudes and oppression toward Indigenous people, hindering reforms to problematic laws like the Indian Act. Efforts have been made to address historical injustices, such as amending the Indian Act to restore Indian Status for the children of women who lost it due to marrying a non-Status man. In Canada, approximately 44% of the over 1.6 million Indigenous people reside on reserves, which heavily depend on federal government funding for education, healthcare, and infrastructure. However, per capita investment in these areas often falls short compared to other regions of the country. Underfunding of health and social programs persists due to deficiencies in data collection and aggregation methods, leading to undercounting. This underrepresentation results in inadequate provision of healthcare, compounded by challenges such as limited coordination with mainstream and Indigenous health services, lack of follow-up care, and an unwelcoming healthcare environment. Indigenous communities often face barriers in accessing healthcare, including costly transportation to distant facilities, particularly for frequent appointments. Moreover, healthcare providers lacking training in cross-cultural communication struggle to establish positive relationships with Indigenous patients, leading to strained and mistrustful interactions when cultural practices are not understood. Indigenous communities are actively addressing inadequate healthcare both on and off reserves by developing Indigenous-led healthcare partnerships. These partnerships aim to strengthen traditional health and healing practices through initiatives like community-based healing lodges, remote clinics, or urban hospitals. Examples include the Turtle Lodge in Winnipeg, which utilizes a network of healthcare providers, Elders, Knowledge Keepers, political leaders, and other partners to address health concerns in a traditional manner. Similarly, the Whitehorse General Hospital integrates biomedical care with services such as traditional foods, plant medicines, and liaison workers. To advance these partnerships, recommendations include providing training and professional development for practitioners, hiring Indigenous personnel, and consulting with Elders and other community members. These efforts are crucial steps toward improving healthcare accessibility and effectiveness for Indigenous communities. Many Indigenous communities, particularly those in remote areas, face significant challenges, including food insecurity. The high cost of transporting food, especially fresh produce, to remote communities exacerbates the difficulty of providing adequate and affordable nourishment. In many northern communities, food prices have risen sharply in recent years, while environmental pollution and land development have hindered traditional hunting and fishing practices, leading to a real food crisis in some reserves. Food Secure Canada has reported that many individuals living in the North must allocate over half of their income to meet basic nutritional needs. This situation puts additional strain on communities already struggling below the poverty line, as highlighted by Mushkegowuk Council Grand Chief Jonathan Solomon, who notes the high unemployment rates and reliance on social assistance within First Nation communities. Economic disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous populations in Canada are evident when comparing income levels. In 2016, non-Indigenous Canadians earned an average of $31,144 annually, while Indigenous individuals (including First Nations members, Métis, and Inuit) earned $24,277 annually, resulting in an income gap of approximately $7,000 per year. Within Indigenous communities, the average annual income for First Nations people is even lower, at $21,253. Despite increases in median incomes for both groups between 2010 and 2017, the income gap observed in 2010 remains unchanged. Research indicates that income-related inequalities, particularly food insecurity, can adversely affect mental health, leading to psychological distress and increased suicide risks. This underscores the need for a deeper understanding of the factors contributing to and perpetuating this significant income disparity. Indigenous communities in Canada face significant social and economic challenges, including high unemployment rates ranging from 10.1% in Quebec to 20.7% in New Brunswick. These communities are affected by various chronic stressors, including unemployment, lack of clean drinking water, racism, poverty, inadequate education, family instability, environmental degradation, and residential instability. The cumulative impact of these stressors creates formidable barriers to social mobility within Indigenous populations. Many Indigenous populations encounter challenges in accessing resources due to their remoteness, as rural and remote First Nations often remain underserved outside major centers. This difficulty is often attributed to inadequate infrastructure for broadband internet access, lack of equipment, and high costs. Scholarly research on the digital divide highlights how differences in connectivity exacerbate existing inequalities, disadvantaging marginalized individuals further. Strategies such as the First Mile program aim to enhance Indigenous inclusion in the networked society by enabling communities to develop and sustain their own digital infrastructures. Government initiatives, such as the allocation of $3.4 billion in spending for infrastructure, health, and education in Indigenous communities in 2017, demonstrate efforts to improve connectivity. Despite the internet's role in perpetuating inequality, it also serves as a platform for Indigenous people to raise awareness of crises, connect with allies, and advocate for better infrastructure and services. Homelessness In recent decades, Canadian cities have experienced a housing crisis in line with exponential increases in real estate prices. This crisis has further intensified the lack of affordable housing in cities, creating an increase in homelessness. Low-income individuals and families are disproportionately impacted by fluctuations in rental demand and prices, particularly as many are renters rather than homeowners. The rise of home-sharing services like Airbnb exacerbates this vulnerability. Even slight increases in rental prices can push them into homelessness, forcing them onto the streets or into shelters. Determining the exact number of homeless individuals in Canada on any given day is challenging, with estimates suggesting a homeless population ranging between 200,000 and 300,000 people. The official figures on homelessness do not capture the full extent of the issue, as approximately 50,000 Canadians are considered "hidden homeless," staying temporarily with friends or family. Intersectionality plays a significant role, with Indigenous people being disproportionately represented in hidden homelessness, with 18% compared to 8% among the non-Indigenous population. Various factors contribute to this overrepresentation, including intergenerational trauma, family violence, and unemployment. Intergenerational trauma, stemming from experiences like forced attendance at residential schools, affects survivors and their descendants in multiple aspects of their lives, including health, longevity, and employment prospects. These factors increase the vulnerability of those affected by intergenerational trauma to experiencing homelessness. Homeless individuals often seek refuge in shelters, either temporarily or for more extended periods, depending on availability. Emergency shelters offer immediate, short-term accommodation, typically requiring residents to vacate during the day. Other shelters cater to specific demographics, such as homeless youth or women and children fleeing family violence, providing longer-term housing solutions. Across Canada, there are 995 active shelters housing approximately 22,190 residents. The majority (61%) of shelter residents are men without fixed addresses, particularly seeking shelter during harsh winter conditions. However, shelters serving victims of abuse predominantly accommodate women and their children, with women and children comprising 96.2% of residents in such facilities. The homeless population is diverse, consisting of individuals from various backgrounds, including single individuals of all genders, youth, families, and those with severe physical or mental health conditions. Life on the streets is perilous, reflected in the significantly lower life expectancy of many homeless individuals, which is around 39 years, approximately half of the reported national average. Due to the inherent dangers of street life, some homeless individuals have turned to cell phones for safety purposes and to maintain contact with family and social services. However, the use of cell phones among the homeless has sparked controversy, as discussed in Box 6.4. SPOTLIGHT ON 6.4 | Can Homeless People Afford Cell Phones? Individuals without internet connectivity experience significant social and economic disadvantages. They are unable to access real-time news, connect with others via popular social media platforms like Facebook and Instagram, and utilize numerous government resources, including information about available services. The assumption that individuals experiencing homelessness have more immediate needs than internet access often overlooks their fundamental need for connectivity. Despite lacking permanent housing, homeless individuals have interests, hobbies, and a necessity for information and social connection. Cell phones and internet access play crucial roles in helping them connect with the broader world. Contrary to the perception of cell phones as status symbols, they have become ubiquitous tools for connectivity today, with most Canadians relying on them. In fact, cell phone use has become so prevalent that many young adults exhibit problematic or addictive behaviors with electronic devices, highlighting the significance of connectivity in modern life. For homeless people, present-day cell phones, or smartphones, provide three key benefits: They can call for protective services, such as the police, thereby increasing their safety. They can seek and find employment and housing, since potential employers and landlords can contact them conveniently. They can coordinate essential activities, such as appointments with government services and doctors’ visits. Cell phones are no longer a luxury but a necessity today, with internet connectivity being recognized as a human right by the United Nations. Therefore, it is logical to advocate for and facilitate cell phone use and internet access, especially among Canadians facing the greatest need. This could involve implementing universal, high-quality internet access as a publicly funded service, akin to universal healthcare, and potentially extending to other essential services like childcare and postsecondary education in the future. Food Banks While food scarcity may seem like a problem limited to the Global South, the truth is that thousands of Canadians depend on food banks daily. In 2019 alone, an estimated 1,084,386 individuals received food assistance from food banks across Canada, with approximately half of these organizations reporting an increase in clients compared to the previous year. The surge in food bank usage can be attributed to various factors, notably the unstable economy leading to heightened unemployment rates, particularly affecting mid- and low-income families. For instance, regions like Alberta have experienced significant job losses due to the downturn in the oil industry. Additionally, areas with an influx of refugees have witnessed increased reliance on food banks, as immigrants and refugees make up 13% of food bank users. The rise in food prices, increasing around 4% annually, has outpaced wage increases (3% annually), significantly impacting affordability, particularly of fresh produce like meat and eggs. This escalation in prices has made it challenging for families to afford nutritious foods. Across all provinces, there has been a notable increase in reliance on food banks, with Alberta, Quebec, and the Territories experiencing substantial increases of up to 167%, 170%, and 355%, respectively, since 2008. This places significant pressure on food banks to adequately serve local communities. Contrary to common misconceptions, most individuals accessing food banks in Canada are not homeless. Only 2% reside in shelters or on the streets. Instead, 66% live in rented homes, 20% in social housing, and 8% own their homes. Children and youth under 18 years old make up 38% of food bank recipients, while 40% of households receiving assistance are families with children. Additionally, many food bank users are highly educated, with over a quarter of users in Toronto having completed a university degree. Social Determinants of Health This section discusses disparities in health status among different segments of Canadian society, emphasizing the significance of understanding health differences and the social determinants of health (SDOH). SDOH, closely tied to social class, has a profound impact on health and well-being, often outweighing factors like diet and exercise. For instance, research shows that in Canada, individuals in higher income groups have significantly higher chances of reaching the age of 75 compared to those in lower income groups, highlighting the influence of socioeconomic factors on longevity. Health encompasses both life expectancy and the daily experience of well-being, encompassing physical and mental wellness. Education emerges as a significant determinant of health, with statistics from the 2013–14 Canadian Community Health Survey indicating notable disparities. For instance, women with higher education levels, such as a bachelor's degree or higher, reported higher rates of very good or excellent self-perceived overall health and mental health compared to those with lower education levels, such as less than a high school diploma. The social determinants of health (SDOH) are estimated to significantly influence health outcomes, accounting for up to 40 percent of these outcomes. This is more substantial than the contributions of health behaviors, clinical care, and environmental factors. Foundational research by Mikkonen and Raphael (2010) provides insight into various factors affecting health outcomes in Canada. These factors include income and its distribution, education, employment, working conditions, early childhood development, food security, housing, social exclusion, access to social safety nets, health services, Indigenous status, gender, racialization, immigration status, and abilities, all of which are often interconnected. A closer examination of income, employment, and education reveals their interconnectedness and their significant impact on health outcomes. Higher levels of education are associated with better health due to potentially higher income and greater access to health-related information and resources. Income is considered a crucial determinant of health as it affects various aspects such as diet, exercise, living conditions, and access to education and early childhood development. Employment provides not only financial stability but also social interaction and a sense of purpose, contributing to mental well-being. Conversely, unemployment can lead to financial strain and mental health issues such as stress, depression, and anxiety. The nature of one's work, including employment security, working conditions, and job stress, also significantly influences health outcomes, with stressful jobs increasing the risk of both physical and mental illnesses. These interrelated factors underscore the complex relationship between social determinants of health and overall well-being. Access to social and institutional support beyond employment and education plays a crucial role in determining health outcomes. Individuals who are socially excluded, marginalized, or disadvantaged often face challenges in securing employment and accessing essential social services, including healthcare. Consequently, they are at a higher risk of poor health and may not receive adequate treatment when they become ill. Programs, benefits, and supports that bolster the social safety net during life transitions, such as bereavement, pregnancy, or unemployment, can mitigate the impact of these events on health and well-being. Proper treatment from healthcare professionals significantly contributes to better health outcomes, highlighting the importance of access to healthcare services. While Canada's universal healthcare system aims to provide equitable access to healthcare, disparities persist in terms of access to doctors, medical procedures, and the quality of care, particularly among low-income individuals. Living conditions, including access to adequate nutrition and shelter, are closely intertwined with our ability to access social and institutional supports. For instance, the diet and lifestyle choices of a pregnant woman can significantly impact the long-term health of her child, even before birth and throughout the child's life. Poor nutrition or substance abuse during pregnancy can lead to lasting detrimental health effects for the child. Moreover, research indicates that prenatal stress can also affect fetal development, highlighting the importance of addressing environmental factors and social support to promote healthy outcomes for both mothers and children. Marginalized groups, including Indigenous peoples, women, racialized Canadians, immigrants, refugees, LGBTQ+ individuals, and people with disabilities, are disproportionately affected by social determinants of health (SDOH). Indigenous peoples in Canada, for example, face significant health disparities due to ongoing income inequalities, inadequate housing, lower education levels, higher unemployment rates, and various other factors. Despite women's longer life expectancy on average, gender inequalities such as limited access to education, unequal job opportunities, and higher rates of victimization contribute to poorer health outcomes compared to men. Racialized Canadians also experience adverse living circumstances, including higher rates of unemployment, lower incomes, and challenges in accessing quality healthcare, all of which contribute to disparities in health outcomes. Addressing these systemic inequalities is crucial to promoting health equity among marginalized populations. Many marginalized individuals, including racialized individuals and LGBTQ+ people, are often subjected to microaggressions and discrimination, which can have significant impacts on their health. For instance, a study on East and South Asian international students at a Canadian university identified six types of racial microaggressions, including exclusion, ridicule for accent, and being rendered invisible. These daily experiences of discrimination contribute to stress and can worsen health outcomes. LGBTQ+ individuals also face discrimination and violence, with assumptions of heterosexuality by healthcare professionals being one example. They are more likely to experience discrimination at work, be underemployed, and face homelessness compared to the cis-gender heterosexual majority. Addressing these systemic issues is vital for promoting the health and well-being of marginalized communities. The presence of social support has been linked to better physical and mental health among individuals, as demonstrated by Hwang et al. in 2009. For disabled Canadians, access to perceived support and the overall accessibility of their environment are crucial for their well-being, irrespective of their specific disabilities. However, Canada falls short in funding programs supporting disabled individuals and has made less headway in creating an accessible society compared to other nations. The previous discussion does not address the intricate intersectional dynamics within marginalized communities and their Social Determinants of Health (SDOH). For instance, a study comparing off-reserve Indigenous women and men revealed that even after accounting for factors like age, health behaviors, education, employment, and income, off-reserve Indigenous women were notably more prone to having at least one chronic health condition than off-reserve Indigenous men (Rotenberg, 2016). This underscores the significance of recognizing and addressing intersectional inequalities, which significantly influence individual health outcomes. The rise of neoliberal ideologies since the 1980s has led to increased pressure on governments to limit spending on what are considered "private" or "personal" aspects of individuals' lives (Raphael, 2006). This has fostered a belief that individuals bear sole responsibility for maintaining their own health. While governments still allocate significant funds to healthcare, there's a growing concern about the balance between public and private (individual) responsibility in this domain. Emphasizing individual responsibility for health overlooks people's real-life circumstances, disregards the significance of Social Determinants of Health (SDOH), and contributes to victim-blaming (Korp, 2008; Minkler, 1999). The emphasis on personal responsibility within neoliberalism is influenced, in part, by the medical field itself. Biomedical and behavioral models of health and medicine contribute to these individualistic beliefs (Raphael, 2006). The biomedical perspective attributes poor health to an individual's physiological and genetic traits. Similarly, the behavioral model places the burden of good health squarely on the individual, framing unhealthy behaviors like smoking, poor diet, or lack of exercise as entirely within an individual's control (Baranowski et al., 2003). In Canada, where the state predominantly funds healthcare, there's a common perception that everyone has an equal opportunity for good health regardless of their ability to pay. However, despite lower-income individuals being the heaviest users of healthcare services, they still experience poorer health outcomes compared to those with higher incomes (Atler et al., 2011). This highlights that while universal healthcare ensures access to services, it doesn't eliminate the health disparities linked to income inequality (Atler et al., 2011). Researchers have developed a more holistic approach to health known as the biopsychosocial model, which acknowledges that emotional, mental, and physical aspects, along with social factors, influence overall well-being and quality of life (Boudreau et al., 2007; Strumberg & Martin, 2009). This model recognizes the impact of social determinants such as housing affordability, social integration, and support networks (Yip et al., 2007; Prus, 2011). Sociodemographic factors like gender, age, and racial background interact to affect individuals' exposure to stressors. Persistent discrimination, for instance, can lead to anxiety, poor sleep, and depression, diminishing quality of life and increasing susceptibility to disease. While more researchers and healthcare professionals embrace this model, there's resistance from political leaders and the public to address inequality as a health promotion strategy (Gatchel et al., 2007; Rutty & Sullivan, 2010). Notably, British Columbia and Ontario have been less proactive in addressing structural factors contributing to poor health compared to other provinces (Gore & Kothari, 2012). Promoting Social and Economic Inclusion This section explores the challenges faced by marginalized Canadians and delves into interventions designed to foster social and economic inclusion. There's a notable disparity in poverty levels and inequality among nations, as discussed in Chapter 9. Several factors and interventions have proven effective in improving the lives of low-income individuals. Failure to provide support to those in need, particularly by institutions like governments, leads to mistrust and frustration. Three approaches are discussed here to tackle poverty and promote greater economic and social equality. Childcare and Early Childhood Education Childcare and early childhood education play a crucial role in reducing inequality for several reasons. The early years of a child's life are fundamental for learning and development, providing advantages in later life. However, many low-income families cannot afford quality childcare and early education. In Canada, access to childcare varies by province, with Quebec offering subsidized facilities based on family income. Families with lower incomes pay as little as $7.55 a day per child, making high-quality early childhood education affordable even for those seeking or holding employment. Despite the benefits, hesitation to implement universal child-care services nationwide persists, with opposition often stemming from those without children or high-income earners reluctant to fund public childcare and education. However, the long-term economic and cultural benefits of such a program for Canada are significant. Formal Education and Credentials Another route to achieving greater equality is through increased education. Education is widely regarded as the most significant equalizer in society, supported by compelling evidence. It equips individuals for the labor market and recognizes their skills and abilities. Canada's public education system is globally renowned for its high-quality curriculum, publicly funded and accessible to all, contributing to its status as one of the world's top education systems. Research demonstrates a direct correlation between education levels and employment outcomes, including job acquisition, higher wages, and longer-term employment. In 2019, individuals with a high school diploma experienced a 7% unemployment rate, compared to 12% for those with some high school education (Statistics Canada, 2020). This 5% disparity is not only linked to educational achievement but also influenced by other factors affecting educational attainment. Women and men with a university degree had incomes 58% and 47% higher, respectively, than those with only a high school diploma (Statistics Canada, 2017). This underscores the significant impact of completing a university degree on income, particularly for women. Between 2000 and 2016, there was a notable rise in the percentage of Canadians aged 25 to 64 completing a college diploma or university degree, increasing from 40% to 54%. Canada holds the top position in postsecondary education among all OECD countries (Statistics Canada, 2017). However, not all Canadians enjoy equal access to this level of education. Indigenous communities face significant barriers to education, as will be further explored. In many countries across the Global South, public education opportunities are limited in availability and quality, while private schools are often prohibitively expensive. This lack of access to education disproportionately affects low-income communities, where parents may struggle to afford schooling for their children. Consequently, children in these communities may miss out on basic skills like reading, writing, and math, as they are needed to assist with household chores or work alongside their parents. The situation is particularly dire for girls in patriarchal societies, where women's roles are undervalued, leading to a significant disparity in educational opportunities. In some of the world's poorest countries, less than half of girls complete primary school, with rates as low as 41% in Sub-Saharan Africa and 48% in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNESCO, 2019). However, there has been a recent surge in advocacy for girls' education rights, exemplified by Malala Yousafzai, who gained international recognition for her advocacy and was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014 at the age of 17. Technological advancements have also facilitated new educational opportunities, as discussed in Box 6.5, which highlights initiatives aiming to provide education in the Global South through innovative forms of play and preparation for a digitally based job market (Irani, 2019). THINK GLOBALLY 6.5 | Closing Global Inequality through Digital Education: One Laptop per Child One Laptop per Child (OLPC) is a non-profit organization based in the United States with a mission to provide educational opportunities for the world's poorest children. Their approach involves supplying each child with a durable, affordable, low-power laptop equipped with educational content and software. OLPC aims to empower the most disadvantaged children by actively involving them in their own education and enhancing their connectivity with others. Nicholas Negroponte, the former head of MIT's Media Lab, founded OLPC in 2002 after a visit to Cambodia, where he witnessed the transformative impact of providing children and families with connected technologies. Recognizing that around two billion children in the Global South lack access to formal education, Negroponte aimed to leverage new technologies, particularly cost-effective and energy-efficient computers, to aid in the education of disadvantaged children by granting them greater access to digital resources and tools. OLPC's objectives include teaching computing skills through play and exploration. Providing education to children in the Global South presents significant challenges, but new technologies offer avenues for innovative learning approaches and access to abundant online resources. However, the cost of such devices remains a barrier. As digital technologies become increasingly integral to various aspects of global life, including education, commerce, information access, and social connectivity, social inequalities are likely to escalate, and opportunities for individuals lacking digital skills will diminish (Robinson et al., 2020). Consequently, while pervasive digital technologies create new learning methods and opportunities for advancement, they also exacerbate inequality and exclusion for many people worldwide. Safety Nets Safety nets represent a third approach to addressing inequality, encompassing services provided by either the state or nonprofit organizations to prevent individuals from falling into poverty. These services commonly include social assistance, universal healthcare, homeless shelters, and food banks. In Canada, publicly funded universal healthcare stands out as a critical safety net, accessible to all citizens and permanent residents, with some temporary health insurance available to refugees, protected persons, and refugee claimants. However, as previously discussed, the effectiveness and accessibility of healthcare are influenced by social determinants of health. In Canada, another crucial safety net is social assistance, providing payments to low-income earners and vulnerable social groups to meet their basic needs. The underlying principle is to share income from those who work with those who are unable to work temporarily or permanently. However, social assistance often falls short for its recipients. Firstly, it frequently fails to cover essential living expenses such as food, clothing, and transportation, with over half of households relying on food banks also receiving social assistance (Food Banks Canada, 2019). This indicates that social assistance payments are insufficient for most families. Secondly, these programs perpetuate a cycle of inequality, as families relying on social assistance struggle to provide their children with the same opportunities as those with higher and stable incomes, such as extracurricular activities or sports. Consequently, new inequalities are created and passed down from one generation to the next. The objective of social assistance is to aid individuals in finding stable employment and reducing reliance on government support. However, some recipients may not benefit from this assistance as intended. Firstly, they may feel ill-equipped for the workforce and uncertain about their employment prospects. Secondly, they recognize that many available jobs offer low wages, and the expenses associated with transportation and childcare could consume a significant portion of their income, making the transition from social assistance to employment financially challenging. Consequently, individuals in this situation often feel trapped by the program meant to assist them. In addition to short-term social assistance, governments should focus on increasing the minimum wage and providing opportunities for affordable, high-quality childcare, like subsidized childcare offered in Quebec, to facilitate employment-seeking efforts. Food banks and shelters play crucial roles as safety nets, often operated by nonprofit organizations rather than governments. However, two significant issues must be addressed regarding their effectiveness in combating poverty. Firstly, the normalization of food banks can create the illusion that hunger crises are adequately addressed, while underlying systemic issues remain unaddressed. Secondly, the shift of responsibility from governments to charities, known as the "depoliticization of hunger," diverts public attention and accountability from elected representatives. To resolve this, food security must be recognized as a fundamental human right and the responsibility of governments, rather than charities. Similarly, shelters often lack adequate resources to meet the needs of homeless individuals, relying heavily on donations and volunteer support. Long-term solutions include affordable housing, subsidized care for homeless individuals with mental health issues, and initiatives to facilitate employment training and opportunities for homeless individuals. Overall, governments must prioritize creating sufficient infrastructure and allocating resources to address these pressing needs effectively. The economic crisis triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic has reignited a global discussion on Universal Basic Income (UBI), which entails providing a guaranteed, no-strings-attached monthly payment to all members of society, ensuring an acceptable standard of living for everyone (Calnitsky, 2019). From a Marxist perspective, UBI has the potential to liberate workers from the exploitative power dynamics of capitalism, as individuals wouldn't rely solely on employers for survival, potentially fostering class-consciousness, and broader social transformations (Calnitsky, 2017). Additionally, UBI aims to mitigate the stigma associated with social welfare, as many welfare recipients feel ashamed and judged, often foregoing their entitlements due to fear of stigma (Bidadanure, 2020). By establishing everyone as beneficiaries of government support, UBI could effectively normalize and universalize social welfare (Bidadanure, 2020). While there is widespread acknowledgment of the potential benefits of Universal Basic Income (UBI) in theory, its implementation is met with significant disagreement and uncertainty. One concern revolves around the fear that UBI could foster a culture of laziness and compel businesses to substantially raise wages for their employees (Calnitsky, 2019). The provision of "free money" monthly might diminish people's incentive to work, potentially leading to a surge in demand for labor. Moreover, critics highlight the substantial administrative costs associated with implementing a nationwide UBI program to support millions of people. The Mincome experiment conducted in Dauphin, Manitoba, in the 1970s provides valuable insights into the potential impacts of a nationwide Universal Basic Income (UBI) program. The goal of Mincome was to assess whether providing a basic income could enhance the quality of life for individuals living in poverty (Calnitsky, 2019). Participants in Dauphin were eligible to receive monthly checks to supplement their income, ensuring an average annual family income of $16,000 (Cox, 2020). Despite the program's abrupt end in 1979, data collected during the trial period revealed significant benefits. Over the four years of the program, Dauphin experienced an 8.5% decrease in hospitalizations and visits to family doctors, indicating improved health outcomes (Cox, 2020). Notably, adolescents were more likely to complete their high school education, breaking the cycle of poverty (Cox, 2020). Other positive outcomes included a reduction in crime rates, decreased stigma surrounding welfare, and a stable employment rate throughout the duration of the program (Cox, 2020). Considering the economic challenges brought about by the COVID-19 pandemic and rising unemployment rates, the Mincome experiment underscores the potential long-term benefits of implementing a national UBI scheme and offers hope for a more equitable society in the future. LIST OF KEY TERMS absolute poverty-The level at which a person’s income does not meet basic survival needs such as water, food, shelter, and access to critical health care. behavioural models of health-An approach to health that considers the lifestyle choices of the individual as the only factors relevant to a person’s well-being. Biomedical-An approach to health that considers only physiological and genetic factors as relevant to a person’s well-being. Biopsychosocial-An approach to health that recognizes how a variety of emotional, mental, and physical aspects associated with a person’s life contribute to their overall well-being. Bourgeoisie-or capitalists) The social group that possesses capital and thus also owns and commands the means of production. class-consciousness-A sense of shared identity and common interests that stems from an awareness of similar economic positions. Classes-The division of people into social groups based on the distribution of material resources and power. conspicuous consumption-The purchasing of valuable goods to express class belonging and status. Downward mobility-Vertical social mobility into lower-regarded and lower-paid occupational positions. Exchange mobility- Movement within an occupational hierarchy that can only occur when an existing position becomes vacant. hidden homeless- People without homes who temporarily stay with friends or family rather than in shelters or public spaces. intergenerational mobility-The movement of people into positions that are higher or lower than the positions held by their parents. intragenerational or career mobility- Social mobility within a person’s lifespan into positions that are higher or lower. low-income cut-off (lico)-A method used to measure the income thresholds in Canada below which a family will spend a larger proportion of its income on essential necessities than other comparable families with higher incomes. low-income measure (lim)-The most used measure of low income in Canada, which calculates the low-income threshold of a household as one-half of the median income of same-sized households in communities of a similar size. market basket measure (mbm)- A method used to measure low income in Canada that calculates how much income a household requires to meet its needs, including subsistence needs (such as basic food and shelter) and the needs that satisfy community norms. poverty line-An agreed-upon income threshold at which an “acceptable” standard of living is possible. primary labour market-Industries that provide jobs with high wages, good opportunities for advancement, and job security. Proletariat (or working class)-The social group that exchanges their labour for wages. relative poverty-The level at which a person’s income meets basic survival needs but they live well below the general standard of living. safety net-The public and private services provided to individuals with little or no income to prevent them from falling into poverty. secondary (or marginal) labour market-Sectors in the economy that offer low-paying jobs characterized by fewer opportunities for advancement and insecurity. social assistance-Programs that provide payments to the lowest-earning individuals and members of vulnerable social groups to enable them to meet their basic needs. social determinants of health (sdoh)-The numerous social factors that affect a person’s health and well-being. social exclusion-The inability to participate in commonly accepted activities in each society. social stratification-A hierarchical system of inequality that is based on class, socioeconomic status, and power combined with other forms of differentiation, such as gender and ethnicity. socioeconomic status-A method of ranking people that combines measures of income, wealth, and prestige. Stigma-Marginalization because of someone’s life circumstances or characteristics, excluding that person from full social acceptance. Structural mobility-Movement within an occupational hierarchy that can occur because of the creation of new jobs or positions. Underemployed-Employment in a job that requires far less expertise, skill, or ability than the jobholder has to offer. Universal Basic Income (ubi)-A monthly payment to all members of society guaranteeing an acceptable standard of living.

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