American Colonial Period PDF

# Module 9 ## AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD By: Juvanni A. Caballero, Michael Anthony R. Ngo & Manolita O. Regalado Department of History, CASS, MSU-IIT ## I. Objectives: At the end of the module, the students should be able to answer the following questions: 1. What were the events that brought the...

# Module 9 ## AMERICAN COLONIAL PERIOD By: Juvanni A. Caballero, Michael Anthony R. Ngo & Manolita O. Regalado Department of History, CASS, MSU-IIT ## I. Objectives: At the end of the module, the students should be able to answer the following questions: 1. What were the events that brought the Americans to the Philippines? 2. What was the Treaty of Paris and what was its role in the incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu into the former colony of Spain? 3. What were the various stages of the American occupation in Moroland and how distinct the American policies were in each of the stages? 4. How did American policy or practice contribute to the "Mindanao problem?" ## II. Introductory Activity: Audio-Visual Presentation Film showing of the "Spanish-American War in the Philippines": This short documentary clip will give students an insight on the events that led to the coming of the Americans in the Philippines. The arrival of American reinforcements in the country began after US naval ships under Commodore George Dewey successfully defeated the Spanish fleet headed by Admiral Patricio Montojo at Manila Bay. The increasing numbers of American troops that arrived in the country raised the suspicions of the Filipino revolutionary leaders on the intention of the Americans to the country. Alternatively, the teacher may have a silent reading activity on William McKinley's "Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation": The text of the said proclamation is presented in Box 9-1. ___ **Box 9-1: ** "The Philippines is Ours" - President McKinley. The destruction of the Spanish fleet in the harbour of Manila by the United States naval squadron commanded by Rear-Admiral Dewey, followed by the reduction of the city and the surrender of the Spanish forces, practically affected the conquest of the Philippine Islands and the suspension of the Spanish sovereignty therein. With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United States and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the 10th instant, and as a result of the victories of American arms, the future control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands are ceded to the United States. In the fulfilment of the rights of sovereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government thus assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the entire group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and the military government heretofore maintained by the united states in the city, harbour, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible despatch to the whole of the ceded territory. In performing this duty the military commander of the United States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands that in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing the former political relations, and in establishing a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted for the securing of the persons and property of the people of the islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and relations. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupation to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come, not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and religious rights. All persons who, either by active aid or by honest submission, co-operate with the Government of the United States to give effect to these beneficent purposes will receive the reward of its support and protection. All others will be brought within the lawful rule we have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity, so far as possible. Within the absolute domain of military authority, which necessarily is and must remain supreme in the ceded territory until the legislation of the United States shall otherwise provide, the municipal laws of the territory in respect to private rights and property and the repression of crime are to be considered as continuing in force, and to be administered by the ordinary tribunals, so far as practicable. The operations of civil and municipal government are to be performed by such officers as may accept the supremacy of the United States by taking the oath of allegiance, or by officers chosen, as far as practicable, from the inhabitants of the islands. While the control of all the public property and the revenues of the state passes with the cession, and while the use and management of all public means of transportation are necessarily reserved to the authority of the United States, private property, whether belonging to individuals or corporations, is to be respected except for cause duly established. The taxes and duties heretofore payable by the inhabitants to the late government become payable to the authorities of the United States unless it be seen fit to substitute for them other reasonable rates or modes of contribution to the expenses of government, whether general or local. If private property be taken for military use, it shall be paid for when possible in cash, at a fair valuation, and when payment in cash is not practicable, receipts are to be given. All ports and places in the Philippine Islands in the actual possession of the land and naval forces of the United States will be opened to the commerce of all friendly nations. All goods and wares not prohibited for military reasons by due announcement of the military authority will be admitted upon payment of such duties and other charges as shall be in force at the time of their importation. Finally, it should be the earnest wish and paramount aim of the military administration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by assuring them in every possible way that full measure of individual rights and liberties which is the heritage of free peoples, and by proving to them that the mission of the United States is one of substituting the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfilment of this high mission, supporting the temperate administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there must be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority, to repress disturbance and to overcome all obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable government upon the people of the Philippine Islands under the free flag of the United States. From the proclamation issued by US President McKinley at the Executive Mansion in Washington, D.C. on December 21, 1898. Source: ___ ## III. Lesson Proper From our Philippine History classes, we learned that the Americans would eventually replace the Spaniards by 1898. The preceding module also mentioned this in passing. American colonial administration of the Philippine Islands began in 1898 and lasted in 1946, part of that was under the Commonwealth era (1935-1946). For us to be able to trace the developments of events, it is necessary to discuss the historical background en why and how America entered into the Philippine scene. 1.) What were the events that brought the Americans to the Philippines? It must be noted that prior to the American Civil War, the general policy that guided the United States had been isolationism. 145 But after the civil war, America's economy grew tremendously to the extent of being saturated already by the surplus products and capital which American factories produced and generated. In other words, there was a need for America to abandon its isolationist policy, as she needed extra markets to absorb her surplus capital and products. This was made dear by U.S, Senator Albert Beveridge who said: We must obey our blood and occupy new markets and if necessary new lands. American factories are making more than the American people can use. American soil is producing more than they can consume. Fate has written our policy for us. The trade of the world must and shall be ours. 146 Thus, it was imperative for America to come up with a plan on how to acquire colonies that would serve as her economic dumping ground. But where would she get her colony when almost all countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America were already owned by various European colonizers at the time she adopted an imperialist policy? It was necessary then for the United States to study first which of the colonizers could not fight a sustainable war if ever they would declare it against that country. It turned out in the study that Spain was the weakest among the colonizers. 147 American imperialists then started designing steps to make the American-Spanish relations deteriorate so as to justify the declaration of war against Spain and take its colonies. The first thing that made Spanish-American relations deteriorate was the publication of the letter of the Spanish ambassador to the United States, Dupuy De Lome. This letter contained De Lome's personal criticisms against the U.S. president William McKinley. 148 In addition, American propaganda also spread rumors that American citizens in Cuba (another Spanish colony) were being maltreated by Spanish authorities. All these were intended to incite ordinary Americans to hate the Spaniards. Then, on February 15, 1898, a very serious incident occurred. The American warship Maine, which was anchored at Havana, Cuba, was suddenly blown up, destroying the ship and killing 246 of its crew members. 149 The Americans immediately held Spain responsible for the explosion and on April 21, 1898, the U.S. Congress declared war against Spain. Since the Philippines was a colony of Spain, the Americans had to go there supposedly to destroy the Spanish forces in the colony. This was how the Americans entered into the Philippine scene. ___ 2.) What was the Treaty of Paris and what was its role in the incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu into the former colony of Spain? At first, the Americans pretended to be a friend of the Christian Filipino revolutionaries. In fact, Emilio Aguinaldo's cooperation was obtained through the promise and assurance of various American officials that their intention was only to destroy the Spanish forces in the Philippines; and that they would never colonize the country! Later, however, this "friend" would turn into an adversary after abandoning her promise of not colonizing the Philippines. 150 This was made official when the US congress ratified the Treaty of Paris, an agreement that ended Spanish-American war and provided for the cession of the Philippine colony to the United States for US$20 million. The ratification of the Treaty of Paris certainly generated negative responses from Emilio Aguinaldo and the Christian Filipino revolutionists. They thought and felt they were betrayed by the Americans who promised to leave them on their own as soon as they defeated the Spanish forces. They were disappointed to note that their dream of defining their own future as an independent nation would be interfered with by a new colonizer, 151 It is important to note however that the Filipino revolutionists were not the only ones who were affected by the Treaty of Paris. It must be recalled that until 1898, the Spanish-Moro wars remained unfinished without a clear conclusion. Thus, in 1898, we can safely infer that there were still three major states that existed in what is now the Philippines, namely: Felipinas (which comprised the Spanish controlled territories of Luzon, Visayas and some parts of northern Mindanao), Maguindanao Sultanate (which comprised the territories of south-central Mindanao) and the Sulu Sultanate (which comprised the territories of the Sulu archipelago and the area of Borneo known as Sabah). The last two states (i.e., the Sultanates of Maguindanao and Sulu) used to be independent from Felipinas but when the Spaniards sold the latter, they included the entire Mindanao and Sulu in the business transaction. Hence, the Moros vehemently objected! They thought it was unfair to include them in the Treaty of Paris since they felt that the Spaniards never succeeded in subjugating them; and therefore did not have the right to sell them to America. But colonizers would never ask if it is fair or unfair! They simply acted according to their imperialist and selfish interests. Spain would sell what did not belong to her and the United States simply bought what Spain sold. Hence, whether the natives liked it or not, the Americans came to replace the Spaniards in Felipinas. As defined in the Treaty of Paris however, Felipinas this time means the Spanish controlled territories of Luzon, Visayas, and the whole of Minsupala including the unconquered lands of the Maguindanao and Sulu sultanates. ___ 3.) What were the various stages of the American occupation in Moroland and how distinct the American policies were in each of the stages? We can generally identify three stages of American occupation of Moroland: 1.) Military Occupation from 1899-1903; 2.) The Moro Province from 1903-1913; and 3.) The Department of Mindanao and Sulu from 1914-1920. #### Military Occupation and the Non-interference Policy From 1899-1903, the Americans would preoccupy themselves with the pacification and colonization of Luzon and Visayas. 152 While war was still being waged against the Christian Filipino revolutionists, the Americans made sure they were able to neutralize the Muslims by not provoking and encouraging them to join (i.e. make an alliance with) the forces of Emilio Aguinaldo. This was the reason why Brigadier General John C. Bates was sent in February 1899 to meet with the leaders of Sulu, headed by Sultan Jamalul Kiram. The objective was to win the friendship of the Moros in Sulu by convincing the datus, headmen and imams to recognize and accept the presence of the American forces in Moroland. 153 For a month, General Bates explored every diplomatic means just to persuade the Sultan of Sulu and his datus to affix their signatures. The Bates agreement, as was popularly known in Philippine history, became the epitome of American policy in Moroland for the first five years. This policy would be known as the Non-interference policy. By the term non-interference, it meant that the Americans would not meddle in the right of the natives to regulate their own affairs, religious beliefs and worship and economic activities. It also entailed the non-obligation of Moros outside the larger port towns to pay taxes or duties. But as soon as the war in the north subsided, the Americans would abandon the non-interference policy. 154 Indeed, by 1903, American policy would change from "non-interference" to "direct rule". #### The Moro Province and Direct Rule As early as 1901, Emilio Aguinaldo was already captured; and in the following year (1902) almost all of his generals were either killed, arrested or had surrendered. That is why by 1903, the Americans were already confident to face the Moros and place them under direct rule. From 1903 to 1913, the Americans would organize and implement the Moro Province, 155 placing all Moro/Muslim districts under direct American military control. For most of its existence, administrators of the Moro province considered military power as most essential in dealing with the Moros who would be prepared and introduced to civil procedures and institutions under the new government. The Moro province therefore was a government characterized by an amalgamation of military presence and power and civil procedures and institutions. Below is the administrative structure of the Moro Province 156: ``` Insular Government (Governor-General/Philippine Commission Moro Province Governor/Legislative Commission Districts District Governors/District Boards Davao Cotabato Lanao Sulu Zamboanga 5 Municipalities 2 Municipalities 2 Municipalities 3 Municipalities 2 Municipalities Davao Cotabato Malabang Jolo Zamboanga Mati Makar Iligan Siasi Dapitan Cateel Cotabato Iligan Cagayan de Sulu Baganga Caraga 6 Tribal Wards 18 Tribal Wards 13 Tribal Wards 9 Tribal wards 5 Tribal Wards ``` Under the Moro province, the natives were placed under the tribal ward system wherein the tribal chieftain of the ward was held responsible for the acts of his constituents. The tribal wards were then placed under municipalities which were further organized into districts, namely: Davao (which is now composed of Davao Oriental, Davao del Norte, Davao del Sur and Compostela Valley); Cotabato (now includes North Cotabato, South Cotabato, Sultan Kudarat, Maguindanao and Sarangani); Lanao (Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur); Zamboanga (Zamboanga del Norte, Zamboanga del Sur and Zamboanga Sibugay) and Sulu (partitioned into Basilan, Sulu and Tawi-tawi). 157 Each district is placed under an American district governor who in turn was directly responsible to the governor of the Moro Province. It was actually during the years of the Moro province that the Americans started implementing policies that directly interfered with Moro affairs. Among other things, these policies included: 1.) Taxation (i.e. the imposition of taxes on the Moro population); 2.) Anti-slavery Law (i.e. the banning of slavery among the Moros); and 3.) Disarmament Policy (i.e. it made carrying of traditional bladed weapons illegal). Indeed, these policies generated violent reactions among the Moros so that many of the great "battles" or "massacres" in Mindanao and Sulu would occur during the years of the Moro Province; e.g.: Bacolod Grande and Cotabato in 1903, Taraka in 1907, Bud Dajo in 1907 and Bud Bagsak in 1913. 158 The Americans of course did not hesitate to deal with the Moros violently so that by 1913 the disarmament and subjugation of the Muslims of Mindanao and Sulu had become very evident. 159 American superiority in military power had not only silenced Moro defiance and resistance but also forcibly brought together the peoples of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao into one highly centralized and unitary Philippine colony. 160 It is important to note that during this period, the term "Moro Problem" emerged (Box 9-2). The US military, in fact, considered the Moros like the American Indians during the heyday of western expansion to California. They believed that the only way to deal with them was by brute force. Najeeb Saleeby, who served as Superintendent of Public Schools in the Moro Province, defined the Moro Problem as a problem of "administering the Moros" as they were being destined for unification with the Christian government. This state of affairs, however, entailed bringing up the Moros to a higher level of development or "advancement in culture and civilization." Some would use the more neutral phrase "Mindanao" instead of "Moro Problem." Other writers, however, interchangeably use the two. ___ **Box 9-2: ** What is the Moro Problem? By the Moro problem is meant that method or form of administration by which the Moros and other non-christians who are living among them, can be governed to their best interest and welfare in the most peaceful way possible, and can at the same time be provided with appropriate measures for their gradual advancement in culture and civilization, so that in the course of a reasonable time they can be admitted into the general government of the Philippine Islands as qualified members of a republican national organization. We have not gone to Moroland to exploit the resources of the country nor to rule it for our benefit. Its government is a sacred trust and the principle of "the Philippines for the Filipinos" was meant to apply to Mindanao and Sulu in the same sense as that in which it was applied to the Bisayas and Luzon. In devising a form of government for Moroland we are, therefore, strictly governed by the best interest of the people themselves. The establishment of a peaceful state of affairs and the preservation of the present prosperity of the country become at once our binding obligation and demand urgent consideration. Nor can we overlook the future progress and development of the people. Moroland is destined to ultimately form one or more provinces which will be integral parts of the general provincial organization of the Philippine Islands, and it is the duty of its present government to so develop its citizens and institutions as to bring about such a transformation and incorporation in due time. From: Najeeb M. Saleeby, The Moro Problem: An Academic Discussion of the History and Solution of the Problem of the Government of the Moros of the Philippine Islands. Manila: Philippine Islands, 1913, р. 16. ___ #### The Department of Mindanao and Sulu and Filipinization As pointed out already, Filipinization of colonial administration would be pursued under the Department of Mindanao and Sulu. Accordingly, Filipino officials assumed increasingly greater responsibilities in the government of Moroland. However, the term "Filipino" in the Filipinization program appeared to be almost exclusive to "Christian Filipinos". Thus, the Filipinization program that was vigorously pursued under the department had even caused Moro resentments instead of Moro enthusiasm, participation and excitement. The comment of Sultan Alauya Alonto captured this when he said: The Moro people want to set their house in order but how can they when the very key of their own house is not in their possession and perhaps the Moros may be locked in or locked out because the key to their own doors is not in their hands. This is indeed a tragedy! Those of you who are accustomed to the native son of the province conducting the affairs of your own people will surely understand what it means to be governed by outsiders and "intruders" who do not have even the command of the dialect of the people to be governed. 163 The above comment was pronounced against the political backdrop where Christian Filipinos from the north were appointed in key positions in the government of Moroland. In any case, the Filipinization program of the colonial administration under the Department of Mindanao and Sulu would continue whether the Moros were happy or not. For approximately seven years, the department would advance the program, until May 1920, when it was formally abolished. Thereafter, Moro affairs would then be placed under the control of the Bureau of Non Christian Tribes under the Department of the Interior, where administrative as well as legislative control of Moroland was even firmly secured in Christian Filipino hands. #### Policy of Attraction In fairness to the Americans however, they would also exert efforts to countervail the ill-effects of colonialism. To mitigate the resentments of the Moros, for instance, the colonial government would come up with programs and projects that would attract the former. Free education was institutionalized and public schools were established almost everywhere in the Moro districts. Attendance was made compulsory so that each Moro family was required to send at least one child to school. 164 The colonial government also created the Pensionado Program, which sent non-Christian natives to Manila and America for higher learning or educational tours. Peter Gowing added the following comments about the policy of attraction: Hospital and field dispensaries were also provided in such number that medical care came within the reach of nearly all the inhabitants. Public works were greatly expanded: hundreds of kilometers of new roads and trails ended the isolation of thousand of inhabitants and brought them into contact with commercial and governmental centers. The Muslims were given greater participation in local and provincial government. Later, some were even appointed to the Philippine legislature. Muslim leaders were periodically taken to Manila as guests of the government so that, on their return they would be apostles of peace and be even more co-operative with government officials. The agricultural activities of the Muslim were given every encouragement. In Cotabato province, Muslim families together with Christian families successfully participated, at least for a few years, in the "agricultural colonies" established by the government as experiment in land development and inter-group living. 165 ___ 4.) How did American policy or practice contribute to the present Mindanao problem? We see four major contributions of United States policy to the Mindanao problem: a) The forcible incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu into the Philippine colony; b) Resettling of Christian natives to Mindanao; c) The discriminatory land Laws, and d) Attempt to annex Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan into the US territory. #### a. Forcible Incorporation of Mindanao and Sulu The first obvious contribution of the Americans to the Mindanao Problem was when they included Maguindanao and Sulu in the purchase made during the Treaty of Paris. As pointed out already, the two sultanates used to be independent from Spanish Felipinas; yet deliberately, the Americans still included them. What made things worse was that they completed the subjugation of the Moros and therefore succeeded in forcibly incorporating them into the predominantly Christian Philippines. In other words, the United States stole three independences from three sovereign states when she signed the Treaty of Paris in 1898; i.e., she took away not only the independence of Aguinaldo's Republika ng Pilipinas but also the independence of the Maguindanao and Sulu sultanates. When the United States decided to leave in 1946 she, however, gave independence for Pilipinas, including Maguindanao and Sulu. Thus, the Muslims, Christians and Lumads became citizens of a republic comprising at least two nations. #### b. Resettling Christian natives to Mindanao After the subjugation of the Moros, the Americans introduced in 1912 the idea of resettling landless but industrious farmers from Luzon and Visayas to Mindanao. This was meant to ease out the agrarian unrest brought about by the hacienda system or the inequitable distribution of lands in the north. The planners or architects of the settlement scheme also believed that this is one way the Moros could be united with the Christian Filipinos. This is "the policy of assimilation by colonies, combining a minority of Moros with a majority of Filipinos. 166 The American colonial government se encouraged the Christian settlers to the extent of giving them free transportation, financial and legal assistance, farm tools and other implements. 167 We even learn that in Cebu, the Americans had difficulty at the start of getting Cebuanos to settle in Mindanao because the latter were fearful of the Muslims (perhaps due to their experience in the Spanish-Moro Wars) and thus not easily convinced to go to Mindanao. Thus, the Americans had to lure the corn-loving Cebuanos with hybrid American corn, 168 and somehow tell them that these were the corn of Mindanao and if they want it, they have to go to Mindanao. These efforts, though well intentioned, began a systematic agrarian program called Moro colonies also "agricultural colonies" which American administrations under General John Pershing and Frank Carpenter established in the Cotabato Valley and Lanao. 169 Seven such colonies were established in Pikit, Peidu Pulangi, Pagalungan, and Glan in Cotabato, and Momungan in Lanao, the latter reserved for destitute Americans with Filipina wives. The above information should be enough to enlighten us about the American contribution to our present problem. In the first place, it was the Americans who introduced the idea of bringing the Christian settlers to Mindanao, who, in fairness to the latter, would pour out their energies to develop the lands the colonial government granted them. Take note that during the Spanish period, the violence between the Muslim and Christian populations was largely psychological. There was very limited physical encounter between them except in military expeditions, which did not happen on a regular basis. But the American program of bringing over Christian migrants to Mindanao did not only generate further resentments among the Muslims and Lumads but also it created a permanent and ready venue for the eventually frequent and bloody physical encounters.-Apparently, both are unaware they are victims of unfortunate colonial decisions. #### c. Discriminatory Land Laws The Moros did not only dislike the coming of Christianized natives from Luzon and Visayas, but resented as well the passing of several discriminatory land laws. These laws include: * Act #496 of 1902 otherwise known as the Land Registration Act - this act required the registration of lands occupied by private persons or corporations. It also required that the application for registration of title shall be in writing, signed and sworn to by the applicant. Note that this law was implemented in 1902 while the first schools in Moro and Lumad areas were established in later dates. In Cotabato, the first school was established in 1903 inside military camps for Moros who wanted to serve the American Army. Lanao had literacy schools for Moro soldiers only in 1904. Other areas of Minsupala would follow at a much later date. * Act #718 of 1903 - This law declared null and void all land grants made by Moro Datus/sultans and chiefs of non-Christian tribes when made without government authority or consent. * Act #926 of 1903 (Public Land Act) - This act declared as public (i.e., government) lands, all lands not registered under Act No. 496 of 1902. Under this law, public lands were to be disposed of in three ways: by homestead, purchase (by individual or corporation), and lease. * The Mining Law of 1905 - This law declared all public lands in the Philippines as free, open for exploration, occupation and purchase by citizens of the Philippines and the United States. * The Cadastral Act of 1907 - This law was designed to facilitate the acquisition of new landholdings. This law was deemed to have allowed the educated natives (Indios and Non-Indios) bureaucrats, and American land speculators, who were more familiar with the bureaucratic process, to legalize claims usurped through fraudulent surveys. * Act 2874 of 1919 - This law allowed Christian settlers to homestead 24 hectares while non-Christians were only allowed 10 hectares. Corporations were allowed 1,024 hectares 170 As a consequence of these laws, many of the Moros and Lumads would be marginalized and alienated. The Land Registration Act of 1902 and Public Land Act of 1903, in particular, were responsible for turning many of the natives into squatters of their own lands. Aside from the fact that many of them were ignorant of the process of land registering and titling, the government did not exert enough effort to assist the Moros and Lumads in acquiring titles to the lands they were occupying. #### d. Making Mindanao Part of the US Territory American colonial policy also suffers from inconsistency, or executed differently in actual practice. While it made Mindanao part of the Philippine Islands under the Treaty of Paris, certain practices also showed that Americans wanted it for themselves. The administration of the Moro Province unwittingly gave many American officials and capitalists a reason to make it a permanent territory of the United States. It began in 1906 and intensified through the 1920s, when American planters (through the Zamboanga Chamber of Commerce) with the backing of American officials petitioned Washington to incorporate Mindanao into the US territory. 171 In fact, Col. Ralph Hoyt, then acting governor of the Moro Province, echoed the same stand in his 1909 annual report. He recommended that "Mindanao be segregated from the rest of the Philippines and declared as a territory of the US, not as a colony but as coaling stations and naval base with a civil-military government similar to the present government of the Moro Province." 172 Several missions or visits to the Philippines by high US officials (e.g., by Secretary Dickinson in 1910, the Wood-Forbes Mission in 1921, and by Thompson in 1926) tended to support this view on the ground that "Americans are in a better position than Filipinos to govern the Moros," "Filipinos are unfit for self-government," and "Moros are united for the continuation of American rule," among other reasons. In fact, some Moro petitions during these periods highlighted the plan to incorporate Mindanao into the US rather than into the Philippines. Two of their many effects are worthnoting: they put a barrier against the move for Philippine independence, and demonstrated that the Filipinos were not yet politically mature to handle their own affairs even after a period of Filipinization. Thus the Filipinos governing the Moros is untenable proposition. Between 1921 and 1927, the political climate in the Philippines under Governor General Leonard Wood seems to have favored a continuing hold on the Philippine colony, and the reversal of the Filipinization program under the Democratic era. The move for Mindanao annexation reached its climax during this period. On June 21, 1926, New York Congressman Robert Bacon filed a bill in Congress for the "removal of the Moro Province from the jurisdiction of the present Philippine government and granting them a separate and distinct form of administration under direct authority of the United States. "173 After it lapsed without action, another one was filed (HR 12772 and HR 15479, 69th US Congress, 1926). Known as the Bacon Bill, its aim was to permanently annex Mindanao (excluding Misamis province), the Sulu Archipelago, and Palawan into the US territory, ostensibly to lessen US dependence on imported rubber. Conversely, it sought to detach this region from the Philippines as it posed an obstacle for its independence. 174 Though it received support from many American officials, it unfortunately did not prosper. Mindanao would probably have taken the place of Hawaii as the 50th state of USA. Note that Hawaii and the Philippines were annexed by the US in the same year - 1898. In the end, all these moves were defeated by counter protests among Filipino nationalists, and by broader US policy (e.g., the Jones Act of 1916) determined to grant independence to the Philippines in the near future. Overall, the effect is that they reinforced the division between Moros and Christian Filipinos during that period (Fry, 1978; Magdalena, 1996). Frank Carpenter, Governor of the Department of Mindanao and Sulu, observed that "American officials encouraged" such animosity. 175 They also planted the seed of a peculiar separatist movement in Mindanao waged more strongly by Americans rather than by Moros. 176 Pelzer177 concurred later: "such a separation has been suggested repeatedly by Americans interested in plantation development who played up the differences and antagonism between Christian and non-Christian Filipinos." ## IV. Concluding Peace Value / Statement It must be clear to all of us now that if the Spaniards failed to conquer the Moros of Mindanao and Sulu, the Americans in contrast had succeeded this time in incorporating the Moro territories into the Philippine colony. American success was of course due to superior military power combined with diplomacy and "divide and rule" strategy. The Americans would strengthen their colonization efforts by tactfully extending friendship to "friendly" Moros and Lumads so that, in time, the latter would become loyal supporters and allies of the Americans. On the other hand, the new colonizers never hesitated too in using force to deal with the recalcitrant and defiant elements, especially among the Muslims. Soon, many of the Moros would realize that they were in a situation within which they were powerless to change; and so many would eventually succumb to the Americans. Subsequently, the once sovereign sultanates of Maguindanao and Sulu would be relegated to the status of "de jure" governments inasmuch as actual power was then in the hands of the Americans and their native allies and supporters. The American policies, especially the Public Land Laws, should enlighten us too that it was not the ordinary "Christian" natives who began the idea of taking the ancestral lands of the Moros and Lumads. In fact, the American colonizers even had a hard time convincing the first "Christian" volunteers to migrate to Mindanao. It thus appears American colonial policies were responsible for starting the systematic, massive and institutional marginalization of the Moros and Lumads, which unfortunately continued and even intensified during the succeeding Philippine governments. The public laws, which are discriminatory and unfair to the Moros and Lumads, are very instructive in that they exemplify the structural violence at that time. By the term structural violence, we actually refer to those structures and institutions in society that harm people by preventing them from meeting their needs. If laws of a particular government only favour the majority and discriminates its minority constituents, we certainly cannot expect the latter to appreciate and be loyal to that government. Hence, it is important for a government to be very sensitive and responsive to the needs of her constituents be they part of the majority or minority to ensure the loyalty of the people. It is ironic that while American policy expressed unification of the Philippine islands and their peoples for nationhood, many American officials and businessmen also showed a desire to appropriate Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan to serve their own interest and cater to their own development. Under the guise of irreconcilable differences between Moros and Christian Filipinos, and their obligation to protect the Moros and Lumads, they proposed - but unsuccessfully to make the southern islands as permanent territory of the United States. Some Moro leaders supported the Americans in this self-serving motive. This pattern was similar to the experience of some Pacific nations like Hawaii, which was also annexed in 1898. If we are to learn from this chapter of our history, we need to avoid making the same mistake of repeating it. We also need to prevent so-called class legislations, or laws that give preferential treatment to a particular group while depriving and discriminating others. ==End of OCR==