8th Module.pptx

III POLICY-MAKING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION Enlargement and the Policy-making in external relations 8th MODULE Marco da Costa, Ph.D Department of Political Science Saint Louis University ENLARGEMENT INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY  EU enlargement is best understood as both a process and a policy… As a process...

III POLICY-MAKING OF THE EUROPEAN UNION Enlargement and the Policy-making in external relations 8th MODULE Marco da Costa, Ph.D Department of Political Science Saint Louis University ENLARGEMENT INTRODUCTION AND HISTORY  EU enlargement is best understood as both a process and a policy… As a process, it involves the gradual and incremental adaptation undertaken by countries wishing to join the EU. As a policy, enlargement refers to the principles, goals, and instruments defined by the EU to incorporate new member states (criteria).  History: The European Union has been involved in five rounds of accession adding 22 members to the original six (although the UK left in 2020). These rounds tend to group countries under… what type of factor? geographical labels ‘the Six’: France, Germany, Belgium, (West) Italy, FIRST ROUND The 'Northern enlargement’: the accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) of Denmark, the UK, and Ireland in 1973. (The ‘Six’ had become ‘Nine’). Challenge? The accession of two more Eurosceptic member states, the UK and Denmark, challenged the typically pro-integration approach of the original six (1st challenge to the EU). SECOND ROUND The ‘Mediterranean enlargement’: Greece joined in 1981, and Portugal and Spain in 1986. This new enlargement had different characteristics. Which were?  This round of enlargement was characterized by the political and symbolic significance that membership had for three countries that had just completed transitions to democracy.  The main effect of the Mediterranean enlargement was economic: Greece, Portugal, and Spain were not net contributors to the EU Budget but rather required THIRD ROUND The ‘EFTA enlargement’, 1995: referring to Austria, Finland, and Sweden’s membership of the European Free Trade Area (1960). Norway also negotiated accession, but EU membership was rejected in a 1994  This referendum. Characteristics? was the least controversial round of enlargement because the three countries were wealthy established democracies that became net contributors to the EU Budget.  For the EU, the accession of three new member states affected the formation of coalitions in the EU Council, with the clear emergence of a Nordic proenvironmental block that FOURTH ROUND The ‘Eastern enlargement’ in two stages: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia joined the EU in 2004; and Bulgaria and Romania in 2007. WHY?  2004 20 07 This round of enlargement was the most complex for the EU. The Union had to respond to the effect of the collapse of communism, the eagerness of the newly established democracies to ‘return to Europe’, and the new security concerns posed by the end of the Cold War.  the Union enlargement as a tool with which to implement its commitment to democracy and stability promotion to the east of its borders.  While security and economic benefits were obvious to countries such as Germany or the UK, countries such MODULE 1st (Remember…) The history of European integration is about:  Competition about preferences and ambitions, primarily of states…  Divisions: they were gradually overcome as the Communities enlarged (next enlargement?).  Challenges: they are raised by its complex structure and procedures, particularly in the light of enlargement with the new members. FIFHT ROUND The ‘Balkan enlargement ’: The Balkan enlargement started in 2013 when Croatia joined the EU. EU IN 2015 (WITH THE UK): 28 MEMBER STATES EU IN 2024 (AFTER THE BREXIT): 27 MEMBER STATES ENLARGEMENT: THE PROCESS AND ACTORS  Originally, Article 237 of the Rome Treaty required the applicant country only be a ‘European state’: MOROCCO applied for EU membership in 1987, but its application was turned down because it was not considered to be a European country. By contrast, TURKEY, which had applied for membership in the same year as Morocco, was officially recognized as a candidate country by the Helsinki European Council in December 1999 despite the fact that Turkey’s European identity had been questioned by some member states.  Sometimes (it is not compulsory from the EU), candidate countries have held a referendum BEFORE joining the EU: The most recent referendum was held by Croatia in January 2012, with 66 per cent of the voters supporting EU membership.  The ‘Eastern enlargement’ in 2004: Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia joined the EU. All these countries held referendum throughout except Cyprus. their 2003  The 1993 Copenhagen European Council adopted a set of political and economic conditions with which countries willing to become EU members had to comply. REQUIREMENTS, so-called… Applicant countries MUST…  have stable institutions guaranteeing “The Copenhagen criteria” democracy, the (rule of) law, respect for human rights, and the protection of minorities;  have a functioning market economy capable of coping with the competitive pressures and market forces within the Union;  have the ability to take on the obligations of membership, including adherence to the aims of political, economic, and monetary union, and adopt *EU acquis DRAE: acervo comunitario: “Conjunto de prácticas, decisiones y criterios con los que se han veni do interpretando y aplicando los tratados constitutivos de las Comunid ades Europeas”. It is the accumulated legislation, legal acts and court decisions that constitute the body of European Union law that came into being since 1993. The acquis is the body of common rights and obligations that is binding on all the EU member states. It is constantly evolving and comprises: the content, principles and political objectives of the Treaties; legislation adopted pursuant to the Treaties and the case law of the Court of Justice; declarations and resolutions adopted by the Union; instruments under the Common Foreign and Security Policy; international agreements concluded by the Union and those entered into by the “European Oath” Candidate (applicant) countries are required to 1-accept the acquis before they can join the EU. The acquis must be 2-incorporated by candidate countries into their national legal order by the date of their accession to the EU, and they are obliged to apply it from that date. For the negotiations with Croatia (which joined in 2013), the acquis is split up into 35 chapters:  WHO DECIDES FOR THE ENLARGEMENT? The Commission’s European Neighbourhood Policy Negotiations Directorate-General (DG NEAR). LINK and Enlargement It acts as a ‘gatekeeper’, deciding when countries have fulfilled these criteria and whether they are ready to move to the next stage. The European Commission plays a delegated role in monitoring the suitability of countries to join and acting as a key point of contact during the accession negotiations.  Once all of the chapters of Acquis have been negotiated, the accession treaty must be approved by the European Parliament through the consent procedure BUT… it needs to be ratified by each 27-member state. So… Enlargement remains an essentially intergovernmental process: firmly in the hands of the member states WHAT ARE THE FUTURE ENLARGEMENT OF THE EU? (Discussion Board 8th)  By 2017, negotiations were ongoing with Montenegro and Serbia and in 2020 the EU Council agreed to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Bosnia and Herzegovina applied for EU membership in February 2016, but remains to date a 'potential candidate country’, as is the case with Kosovo.  Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia have repeatedly expressed their desire to become EU members one day.  Support for EU membership also varies across candidate countries: While Albanian, Macedonian, and Montenegrin citizens are still pro-EU membership (87 per cent, 57 per cent, and 54 per cent respectively), support for membership has continued to decline in Serbia (26 per cent).  This next round (2030?) of enlargement is different from the others in the past: 1- The Western Balkans is a more unstable region as democratic governance is still challenged by years of ethnic conflict and political polarization, and corruption and organized crime are still rife. 2- BEFORE the Ukraine War, there was an ‘enlargement fatigue’ because of these challenges to the EU: The economic crisis (with an increase in unemployment) The rise of Eurosceptic populist parties: they see enlargement as a source of insecurity, putting further pressure on migration and crippled welfare systems across the EU The refugee crisis Brexit 3- DURING (AND AFTER) the Ukraine War…  The EU sets 2030 as the objective for its enlargement with an eye on Ukraine, Turkey (*parenthesis) and the Balkans (Montenegro, Serbia, Albania, Republic of North Macedonia, Bosnia, and Moldova).  Potential candidates: Kosovo (country not recognized by Spain) and Georgia.  WHY, NOW? The “new” geopolitics in the world. It is a geostrategic investment in peace, security, stability and prosperity. Charles Michel, President of the European Council Concern about the Kremlin's imperialist *THE “TURKISH” CASE  Turkey is the longest-standing EU candidate since 1959.  It was not until 1999 that Turkey was granted candidate status, with formal accession negotiations opening in October 2005, but not much progress. WHY? 1. Increasing geopolitical tensions between Turkey and EU member states in the Eastern Mediterranean (the Cyprus conflict, maritime disputes between Turkey and Greece, the involvement of Turkey in Libya, and competition over the exploitation of gas resources). 2. Concerns about the state of democracy in Turkey, due to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's authoritarian style (the clampdown on human rights, the rule of law, oppositions parties, and media freedom after the attempted coup in July 2016). 3. Constitutional changes that further centralize powers in THE POLICY-MAKING IN EXTERNAL RELATIONS POLICY AREAS (“platforms”) EU cooperation in foreign, security, and defence policy has developed rapidly since the launch, in the early 1990s with the Maastricht Treaty, of the… Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) - “Política exterior y de seguridad común” LINK  It covers all aspects relating to foreign policy, security, and defence cooperation among EU member states, including diplomatic cooperation with other third countries and international organizations, the use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool, and the promotion of peace and security around the world.  The main CFSP objectives, outlined in the Maastricht Treaty, included… to safeguard the common values, fundamental interests, independence, and integrity of the Union; to strengthen the security of the Union; to promote international cooperation and strengthen international security; and to develop and consolidate democracy, the rule of law, and respect for human rights Part of the CFSP is the… Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – “Política común de seguridad y defensa” LINK  It focuses specifically on enabling EU member states to deploy military and civilian missions in conflict areas and to cooperate on the development of their defence capabilities.  It includes the Solidarity Clause, which confirms that EU states are obliged to act together when another member state is the victim of a terrorist attack or a natural or man-made disaster; or the victim of armed aggression. What is the meaning? The gradual militarisation of the EU CSDP OPERATIONS MISSIONS AND  All EU operations are by invitation from the host country, and/or with the backing of a UN mandate.  In general, the EU avoids the most difficult conflict situations.  The majority of the CSDP missions to date have been civilian.  Approximately one-third of the CSDP missions so far have been either military, or have had a military component.  While the geographical focus of the CSDP missions has been on Europe, including the Caucasus, and the African continent; the EU has also undertaken missions outside these areas: for example, in the form of a police mission in Afghanistan. Moreover, the EU has sent civilian missions to the Middle East, including to Iraq and the Palestine territories.  Civilian missions are covered by the EU EUAM (EU Advisory Mission) When was the last military mission? February 2024: EUNAVFOR ASPIDES (= Atalanta: This operation suppresses attacks by Somali pirates by military means) Remember: Participating in EU missions are not mandatory: they depend on the decision of the Member States. SPAIN EUNAVF OR ASPIDE S IRELAND TENSIONS INSIDE OF THE EU BECAUSE OF THE CFSP AND CSDP 1) Security and defence cooperation is often seen as undermining state independence and vital national interests. 2) A further source of tension is the split between Atlanticist and Europeanist states… ? On the one side are EU states committed to a strong NATO and US presence in European security, such as the Central and Eastern European states, who fear that the development of the CSDP might undermine NATO. On the other side are states like France that promote an independent European security and defence structure as an alternative to NATO, and as a way of balancing US international influence. LINK 3) There is tension between more interventionist states, such as France, and those member states that have a tradition of non-intervention, such as Germany. BUT… The refugee crisis the increase in geopolitical competition tensions during Donald Trump´s Presidency the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic China (economic threat) and, above all, the Ukraine War (and Russia such as threat) In June 2023, Germany (Chancellor Olaf Scholz) met NATO's target of devoting 2% of its annual GDP to military spending (deadline, 2025). First time in decades for Germany. JENS STOLTENBERG AND OLAF SCHOLZ REMEMBER THE KEY INSTITUTIONAL ACTORS OF THE EU AND TH The FAC is the Council formation CFSP AND CSDP concerned with the CFSP / CSDP. The FAC is the principal decisionmaker in this policy area. Objectives: The FAC makes formal decisions on external action including sanctions and the launch of civilian and military operations. FOREIGN AFFAIRS COUNCIL (FAC) The national foreign ministers meet at least monthly. This Council is chaired by the High Representative for Foreign Policy and Security Policy of the EU and the responsibility for the implementation of Council  This post was introduced in the Amsterdam Treaty (1997).  With the introduction of this figure, the EU gains the most visible international legal personality: it is like the “EU Foreign Minister”.  The Council of the EU appoints him/her by qualified majority for a five-year term.  The 'chief diplomat' for international relations of the EU is not only a top Council official but also… - Vice-President of the European Commission - Head of the European External Action Service (EEAS)….? The EEAS became fully functional in 2011. It manages the EU’s diplomatic relations and responses to crises, much like a national foreign service. The EEAS acts as the DIPLOMATIC CORPS of the EU and assists the HR. It Josep Borrell, the Vice-President of the has 140 Union Delegations or embassies around the European Commission (Module 4th) and world. These represent both the EU and its member the High Representative for Foreign states in third countries, and in international Policy and Security Policy (HR) organizations (but remember that EU member states Competences of the HR of the EU and duties: Josep Borrell, the Vice-President of the European Commission (Module 4th) and the High Representative for Foreign Policy and Security Policy (HR) chairing the monthly Foreign Affairs Council (FAC); attending European Council summits (with the rest of the heads of state and government of the EU member states); serving as a Vice-President (VP) of the European Commission and coordinating all External Relations portfolios; representing the EU externally (such as at the UN) and conducting highlevel diplomacy through the European External Action Service (EEAS). Tensions between HR and the EU States THE COUNCIL THE COUNCIL PSC The Political and Security Committee (PSC) occupies a central position in the CFSP and the CSDP, and is one of the main channels for the member states to control the CFSP. REMEMBER: The Council is supported by more than 150 committees, known as the 'Council preparatory bodies'. The PSC is the main advisor to the Foreign Affairs Council (FAC) on CFSP. The Committee consists of highranking national  The Commission lives in the shadow of the Council in the CFSP area and has very limited powers and influence over the CFSP/CSDP, despite its broader role in the area of external relations, trade, and development. WHY? EU foreign, security, and defence policy is a fundamentally intergovernmental policy area The European Commission is just an agent acting on behalf of member states (Module 4th)  The Commission has also limited influence regarding the military dimension of CSDP (defence commissioner?). EXCEPT…  However, when it comes to civilian CSDP missions, the Commission has more input, as these are included in the EU budget over which the Commission has a say: the engagement of the Commission in conflict prevention and its role in the provision of development and humanitarian aid is important for the EU to be able to deliver its The European Parliament has even more limited influence on the CFSP than the Commission. WHY? EU foreign, security, and defence policy is a fundamentally intergovernmental policy area However, the Parliament THE FUTURE AND SECURITY POLICY Last week (March 5), the European Commission presented… Von der Leyen in campaign... European Defence Industrial Strategy ( EDIS) European Defence IndustryInvestment Programme ( EDIP) Both aim to enhance the Union's defence industrial readiness and reinforce its capacity to protect its citizens. EU allies and partners may also benefit from these initiatives including NATO and CONCLUSIONS  The Russian threat.  More ammunition, more weapons, more capacity to manufacture them, more research and more investment in the defense industry.  In 2030, at least 50% of the purchases for their armies should be produced in the community bloc and 40% of everything they buy should be material developed between several EU countries, as the Eurofighter fighter plane is now.  Independence from USA and NATO (Trump?).  Increase its annual defense budget to an amount equivalent to 2% of GDP. GDP – military spending