Philippine Social History PDF

# LESSON 15 Social History ## Lesson Objectives By the end of this lesson, the students will be able to: - define social history and identify social issues in Philippine history - explain how the state or social institutions influenced the status of distinct or marginalized social groups - critiqu...

# LESSON 15 Social History ## Lesson Objectives By the end of this lesson, the students will be able to: - define social history and identify social issues in Philippine history - explain how the state or social institutions influenced the status of distinct or marginalized social groups - critique a historical government program on a particular minority group ## Key Concepts - **Minority group:** A group of people singled out from society because of their physical, social, or cultural characteristics and who experience differential and unequal treatment than the majority. - **Marginalization:** The act of treating someone or a group of people as if they are not important which suppresses them to powerlessness. - **Indigenous:** Pertaining to unique cultures and ways of relating to people and the environment, retaining much of social, cultural, economic, or political characteristics distinct from dominant societies in which they live. - **Ethnography:** The systematic study of individual cultures. ## Lesson Introduction Philippine history has been framed first and foremost within political developments from the pre-sixteenth century barangay, to the Spanish pueblos, the U.S. colony, Japan's "puppet" republic, to the Third Republic administrations. We have memorized all too well these political changes that resulted in today's kind of politics. We can compare administrations based on the programs that presidents implemented during their term. But, is history limited to knowing what happened when and caused by whom? Is there more to Philippine history, especially after the colonial period, than the ebb and flow of presidents, one after the other? Social history is essentially an expansion of the historian's concern beyond the activities of social and political elites. In the 1920s, the Annales school pioneered the attention to greater social and economic developments and looked at these in the long term, which spanned centuries. Social history aims to describe the experience of various social groups (its initial focus being women and ethnic groups); and fragmented into historical demography, labor history, and urban and rural history, among others. Social history was categorized by the social group it discusses, and later by subject matter (such as education, crime and deviance, and growth of towns). In this lesson, we tackle three social groups that have been viewed as "outsiders" by mainstream society: - the Filipina woman, who had as much right to concern herself with political issues but was relegated by a patriarchal colonial rule. - the ethnic Chinese and Tsinoy, who became key players in Philippine economy. - the indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities, whose struggle for ancestral domains are drowned by mainstream politics. We must all learn how social institutions treated these social groups, how they actively responded, and how their experiences contributed to their current status. ## Women's History In the previous unit, we discussed the portrayal of women in history. We talked about how women were portrayed and marginalized at different periods in the past. However, it must be emphasized that Filipino women did not merely remain victims of patriarchy and gender inequality, but that in every period when oppression and injustice took place, they fought alongside men in broader struggles and fought together for causes that were specific to their experiences as women. The women's movement in the Philippines in its present form is a product of earlier struggles participated by Filipino women who were not given due attention. At the onset of Spanish colonization, natives resisted the imposed way of life by the colonizers. One of the methods of native resistance was the abandonment of the pueblo to go back to their old ways of life; oftentimes, this was led by the babaylan. As spiritual leaders in the ancient communities, the babaylan was respected and obeyed by the people for their wisdom, even when the colonial authorities tried to discredit them. Many babaylan resisted the spiritual purging performed by the friars, even if it meant social exclusion. At some points, they convinced their people that the diwatas and anitos promised them redemption and freedom from the burdensome tributos and cruel forced labor if they abandon the pueblo, burn the Catholic images, and even kill the friars. A critical example of a babaylan-led revolt was the Tamblot uprising in 1622. Tamblot was a babaylan despite being known as a male. This fact can be confusing, but there are two possible explanations. First, historian Zeus Salazar argued that men could become babaylan if they look like women. Ancient Filipinos believed that the capacity to communicate with the divinities was reserved for women, or for men who had feminine characteristics. Second, some historians contend that Tamblot was not a babaylan per se, but was a descendant of one. Hence, he was still perceived by the community as someone with spiritual prowess or ability. In one of the earliest revolts that he led in Bohol in the early seventeenth century, Tamblot told his people that a diwata appeared before him and promised that they would live in abundance and prosperity, and be free from tributes and forced labor if they rise against the Spaniards and reject the Catholic faith, go to the hills, and build a temple. Since these promises resonated with the people and their experiences, 2,000 Boholanos rose in revolt, burned villages and churches, disposed of their rosaries and crosses, and destroyed the image of the Virgin Mary. It took more than a thousand men from the colonial government to quell this uprising. As mentioned in the previous unit, women's conduct was strictly policed in colonial society. However, despite the inculcations of what it meant to be a good and ideal woman, Filipino women still resisted colonization. For example, the Silang revolt was continued by Gabriela Silang after her husband's assassination. Apart from actually taking part in the armed uprisings, women also expressed resistance to the oppressive social norm forced upon them. In 1888, for example, 20 young women of Malolos wrote a petition to Governor-General Valeriano Weyler for permission to take up Spanish language lessons under Teodoro Sandiko. Most of these women were relatives and belonged to the major Chinese mestizo clans in Malolos. The authorities initially disapproved, but the women did not lose heart and continued to appeal until they were granted permission. This event was a significant victory because Spanish authorities were not inclined to let the native population learn the Spanish language; more so the women, whose perceived main task is to maintain the household. The desire of these women to learn Spanish is an indication of their willingness to be able to participate in society outside their domestic spheres. The importance of this petition did not escape the notice of the Propaganda Movement in Europe, so much so that Rizal, upon the request of Marcelo H. del Pilar, wrote a congratulatory letter to these women for their tenacity and desire to learn. Rizal emphasized the importance of mothers in raising sons who would fight for the country. He argued that women should not remain bound to her rosaries and scapulars, and should demonstrate higher aspirations beyond the home and the church. When the Katipunan was formed and the Revolution started, women took up integral roles in the struggle. The Katipunan, despite being a predominantly male organization, accepted women members and established a women's chapter. Some of the most prominent were Josefa Rizal who was elected president of the said chapter, Gregoria De Jesus whose life was put in danger many times in fulfilling her task as a katipunera, and Marina Dizon who took charge of the initiation rites of women applicants in the Katipunan, kept the organization's records, and led the orientation for new members. The membership of the women's chapter was limited to close relatives of katipuneros, perhaps as precautionary measure, given the secret and illegal nature of the organization at the time. Melchora Aquino, a rich old widow when the revolution erupted in 1896, provided food and medicine to the exhausted and embattled katipuneros. For this, she was imprisoned and exiled to Guam. The courage and selflessness of Tandang Sora, shown in her utter willingness to assist an illegal organization, were heroic. However, it should be emphasized that women in the time of the revolution were not limited to the roles outside the battlefield. Indeed, several women exhibited skills in battle and combat and rose in the ranks of the revolution's hierarchy: Teresa Magbanua, who led revolutionary armies in Capiz; Trinidad Tecson, who founded the Katipunan's women chapter and gained a reputation for her skills in the battlefield; and Agueda Kahabagan who was recognized as a woman general of the republic and fought fiercely in Laguna, among others. Some less known katipuneras who fought alongside men and at times martyred in combat were Marcela Marcelo alias Selang Bagsik, Valeriana Elises, and Gregoria Montoya. Lesser known contributions by women for the revolution and the subsequent Philippine-American War were on literature and poetry. Women poets published nationalistic pieces in revolutionary newspapers like El Heraldo. A poem entitled Hibik Namin was collectively written by Victoria Lactaw, Feliza Kahatol, Patricia Himagsik, Dolores Katindig, Felipa Kapuloan, and Victoria Maisig, names that sounded like nationalistic pseudonyms. The poem can be read below. ``` Halina at tayo'y manandatang lahat itanghal ang dangal nitong Filipinas. Sa alinmang nacion at huag ipayag na mapangharian tayong manga anak. Ang pagsasarili'y ating ipaglaban hanggang may isa pang sa ati'y may buhay. At dito'y wala na silang pagharian kung hindi ang ating manga dugo't bangkay. Masakop man tayo ng kanilang Yankis* ay mamatay rin sa mga pasakit. Mahalaga'y mamatay sa pagtangkilik Nang dapat igalang na ating matowid Dahil sa ating Santong Katowiran ay atin an lubos na pagtatagumpay. Ang awa ng langit ay pagkaasahang tutulong sa ating nang pakikilaban. *Americans Come, let us all take up our arms showcase the honor of the Philippines. Whatever nation we must not grant to lord over us children of the land. Our independence we must defend as long as one of us continues to live Until no one is left for them to rule over just the blood and bones of defenders. If the Yankees* invade our land they will also suffer and die in our hands. What is important is to die if we must while showing respect to what we know is just. Because of our holy justice the fullest success is ours to achieve. The grace of heavens is on our side and will be with us as we strive to fight. English translation supplied. ``` These struggles and others that came in the following periods demonstrated how women, despite the restrictions imposed by social norms, far exceeded the prescribed roles to them and defied expectations. Their willing participation showed that women could claim as many stakes as men do on certain issues which involved the nation and society. Nevertheless, specific experiences of women necessitated specific responses from them, too. Nobody can deny that the women's experience is unique and distinct from that of men. Because of the patriarchal status quo, both the opportunities of women and the spheres where they could thrive and lead were limited. Two kinds of responses could be observed in these moments. The first response was to make the most out of the space allowed to them. Despite the existence of women soldiers who fought alongside men in actual combat, many maintained the view that the women's place was not in the battlefield. A lot of women concurred with this, and instead initiated organizations such as the Associacion Filantropica de la Cruz Roja or the Philanthropic Association of Red Cross. The objective of Cruz Roja was to collect funds for the wounded soldiers and war victims. At this juncture, a few women also started articulating the place of women in the revolution and how they should participate and conduct themselves in the struggle. Rosa Sevilla Alvero published an essay in the revolution's paper La Independencia titled Lo Que Debe Ser Mujer en la Sociedad (What a Woman Must Be in Society). In this essay, Alvero asserted that women are not silent and docile beings and are vital to the development of the human race. The tail end of the earliest years of the twentieth century also witnessed how women started asserting their space outside traditional roles ascribed to them. In the same periodical, Juana Castro wrote another article titled Rehabilitación de la Mujer (Rehabilitation of the Woman), which argued that women should be allowed to venture into other professions outside of teaching and care, such as law and medicine. She appealed for the revolutionary government to establish schools in every población for boys and girls. These early indicators of a blossoming feminist discourse, crystallized with the struggle for women's suffrage, as the United States consolidated the Philippine colonial state. As the former colony was introduced to democracy, women fought for their right to vote and political equality as early as 1907. The women who lobbied for their suffrage were mostly composed of upper and middle-class women that included Constancia Poblete, Concepcion Felix Rodriguez, Rosario Lam, Nieves Hidalgo, Rosa Sevilla Alvero, Paz Policarpio Mendez, and Encarnacion Alzona. They came from different fields and professions-some were doctors, lawyers, writers, students, and factory workers. Some historians would refer to the women's suffrage campaign as the first expression of a modern feminist movement in the Philippines. The struggle was fought for decades. They had to battle against a herd of conservative male politicians who argued that women did not belong in politics and that giving them the right to vote would lead to the disintegration of family life. Filipino lawyer and politician Perfecto Laguio, for example, wrote a book titled Our Modern Woman: A National Problem, where he argued that to allow women to vote is against their nature and innate quality as wives and mothers. He insisted that their rightful place should be at home; participating in politics would lead them into selling their bodies for votes and other political favors. Although these were ludicrous and absurd claims, it still took women decades to gain advances in the Philippine legislature. Suffragists went to public hearings to argue their case. These hearings were manifestations of their eloquence as advocates of equality. One of the most used arguments by anti-suffrage politicians was that women did not like to vote; hence, it would be wrong to force them into this duty. The advocates retorted that "the proof of the pudding is in the eating" as such a claim did not have any concrete basis. For the years that the suffrage movement had been active, the majority of women's clubs in the archipelago supported the cause. They insisted that the only way to prove the argument of the anti-suffrage legislators was if they granted women the right to vote. In 1933, women's suffrage was finally approved into law. However, during the Commonwealth Constitutional Convention of 1934, this law would be effectively repealed through the provision, which stated that women would only be allowed to vote if they expressed their desire to do so in a plebiscite (see the previous unit). This condition was a defeat because it undid the 1933 victory. Fortunately, the 1937 plebiscite was an overwhelming success, and the Philippines became among the first developing countries to give women the right to vote. In the next decades of the century, Filipino women would further advance the feminist movement. If the generation of the suffragists were mainly composed of upper and middle-class women and fought for political equality, the next generation of feminists in the Philippines would be more inclusive, both in membership and struggle. They already started articulating socio-economic equality and attracted members from the working class. This articulation was further emphasized during the period of activism from the 1960s and 1970s. Groups like MAKIBAKA (Malayang Kilusan ng Bagong Kababaihan) believed that women should also be concerned with social and economic equality. Her oppression is situated in the context of capitalism and imperialism. These feminists argue that women's liberation is fought alongside the struggle against class oppression and foreign domination. The rise of this movement was also connected to the anti-dictatorship movement. One interesting event that embodied this brand of feminism was their protest against the annual Binibining Pilipinas. They condemned this kind of spectacle as an act of objectification of the woman's body. In the 1980s, the women's movement also started tackling the unique experiences of women in the third world, which included issues related to national identity, gender identity, peace, and children's rights. Organizations like the Kilusang Kababaihang Pilipina (PILIPINA) and Katipunan ng Kalayaan para sa Kababaihan (KALAYAAN) emerged. They saw the need to address issues, not just on the social level, but on the personal level as well. They initiated campaigns that condemned sexism in media, violation of the reproductive rights of women, gender violence, prostitution, and gender inequality in employment opportunities. By the following decade, the movement for gender equality in the Philippines would expand to the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) sector. At present, women and LGBT organizations continue to grow and gain strength as they fight for their rightful place in the Philippine state and society amidst pushback from the conservative sectors in different social institutions. # Chinese in the Philippines There are more mentions of Chinese in the Blair and Robertson collection than the Moros, which reflect how extensive the Chinese have been part of our country's history. Some clarifications are in order: by Chinese, we refer to those who migrated to the Philippine islands from the age of trade in the ninth century to the period of colonization until the late nineteenth century; they may or may not have married into Filipino families, but in general, they identify themselves as and are legally Filipinos. The Chinese have long settled in the Philippine islands that they have become a distinct group of people with set economic and socio-cultural characteristics. At present, we refer to them as Tsinoy (Tsino + Pinoy). Robert Fox's Archeological Record of Chinese Influences establishes the trade between China and the Philippines. The earliest Chinese to come to the Philippines were the ones who looked at the archipelago as the greener pasture and settled in coastal communities to remain active in trade. The Chinese who married into the native population would be classified later on by the Spaniards as Chinese mestizo. During the Spanish rule, the Chinese settled close to the Spanish government to secure such jobs as provisioners of food, retail traders, and artisans, which no one else could monopolize. Three distinct groups were involved in economic activities: the Chinese who supplied money, the indios who mainly produced agricultural materials and labor, and the Chinese mestizo who was involved in either or both. These three were taxed differently, and the Spanish imposed restrictions only on the Chinese in terms of geographic mobility, property ownership, and political participation. Realizing the economic importance of the Chinese to the Philippines, the Spaniards encouraged them to convert to Christianity. Also, Chinese men married native women, resulting in the growing Chinese mestizo population in the Philippines. The Spanish dilemma was that they distrusted the Chinese but needed them for essential economic activities. The Spanish kept a close eye on them by establishing distinct communities, the most important of which was Binondo, established in 1594. Binondo was awarded to the Chinese by then Governor-General Dasmariñas to keep them near but separated from Intramuros. The Dominicans could also proselytize Christianity in an already organized community. Binondo lived semi-autonomously from Spanish rule and had their municipal corporate council of 10 Chinese and 10 mestizos. There was a socio-political struggle among the three groups in Binondo. Soon after, the council transformed from being predominantly Chinese to Chinese mestizo, leading to the breakaway council Gremio de Mestizos de Binondo in 1741. This council established them as a distinct group in Philippine society. Padre Murillo Velarde generalized this new social group as "a querulous group of mestizo," whom he believed could cause conflicts in society. In 1800, the Chinese mestizos numbered at 120,000, while indios were at 2.4 million. Several nineteenth century sources confirm the increasing participation of Chinese mestizos in the country's economic life. As Tomas de Comyn in 1810 noted, the Chinese mestizo was "an industrious caste... master of most of the wealth... with intelligence and energy to increase their funds... they are found in possession of the best lands and most lucrative internal trading," and that there was no denying that "this industrious and knowledgeable people will be able...to draw itself a mass of money of very great significance." Spanish diplomat Sinilbado de Mas also observed in 1842 that the Chinese mestizos could be counted as the Philippines' middle class, as they are "proprietors, merchants, and educated people of the country." He also predicted that within a century, they will grow to at least a million in population and "will possess the greater part of the wealth of the Islands." Upon visiting the Philippines around the 1840s, medical doctor and traveller Jean Mallat noted that the Chinese mestizo went on to other coastal communities of the Philippines to expand their commerce. A significant development was establishing a community in Cebu that traded with Leyte and Samar (cacao, coconut oil, and tobacco) to the east; Caraga and Misamis (gold, coffee, wax, and cacao) to the south; and Negros and Panay (tobacco, sea slugs, and mother-of-pearl) to the west. Negros also had cacao, rice, pearl, fish, wax, and other products. Mallat's description of the Chinese mestizo clothing reflected a hispanized Filipino or an urbanized indio. From then on, one could not tell them apart. For instance, Rizal descended from a Chinese mestizo lineage. Toward the end of Spanish rule, they were quite known for having contributed to the Philippine revolutionary movement; they were seen as disloyal to Spain, scheming and seditious. Spanish historian Jose Montero did not mince words when he described the mestizos as "the major enemy of Spain," and that the mestizos were "conceited, petty, crafty, and as citizens, discontented." The United States came into the picture in 1898 by purchasing the entirety of the Philippine Islands and bringing in U.S. colonial policies to the country. One significant policy was the 1902 Chinese Exclusion Act (CEA). First, ethnic Chinese immigration to the United States and its territories was already disallowed then as it should be in the Philippines, the newest U.S. possession. The CEA was to be implemented in the Philippines because the Chinese were a threat to U.S. economic interests and a hindrance to pacifying the Filipino insurgency. In 1902, Brigadier General Arthur MacArthur reported to the U.S. Congress that if the Chinese were to be admitted in the country during its "formative period which is now in progress of evolution," they would soon have "direct or indirect control of pretty nearly every productive interest, to the absolute exclusion" of Filipinos and Americans. The United States claimed that the CEA brought about a more pro-Filipino economy. On the contrary, the CEA strained Filipino-Chinese relations because the United States failed to see the unique experience of the Chinese in the Philippines. Ultimately, the CEA was a failure and resulted in the influx of Chinese merchants leaving a less-engaged Filipino to be more interested in politics and the Chinese gaining substantial control of the economy. During the Japanese occupation, several Chinese guerrilla groups fought the Japanese, with Luis Taruc regarding them with high esteem. Aside from snippets of political or social undertakings, the Chinese in the Philippines are centered on economic activities even at present. It is posited that since they could not vote, hold office, express dissent, comment on politics, or hold Filipino citizenship, they appear apolitical. But there are Chinese elite or elders who seem to have connections with and fund campaigns of officials and bureaucrats. They have organized the Federation of Filipino Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry. The ethnic Chinese are suspected to be disloyal to the Philippines and more loyal to Communist China; they also suffer as scapegoats in local political problems, as a product of generalization and bias. However, their ties with China are more cultural than political. Having thrived in a capitalist system, they would also not be inclined to communist tendencies. Add to these suspicions is the image of exclusivism since they are culturally bound to marry within the Chinese community. The ethnic Chinese, while a minority group in the Philippines, have become self-sufficient and actively participated in civic activities. History showed the societal change in the influx and economic occupations of the Chinese mestizo and the ethnic Chinese; they have become embedded into Filipino society. Today's Chinese may refer to the Tsinoys, who descended from Chinese mestizos and are Filipino citizens already, and the ethnic Chinese who are not yet naturalized as Filipino citizens. They rose to become the wealthiest corporate owners in the country. They do interact with each other and the Filipino society in a dynamic and changing demographic journey.