Quezon's Commonwealth: Philippine Authoritarianism

• Alfred W. McCoy's work, "Quezon's Commonwealth: The Emergence of Philippine Authoritarianism" is the main topic.

Introduction to Quezon's Pre-Game

• The presentation explores the often-overlooked years of the Philippine Commonwealth before the refugee crisis.
• It aims to understand the crucible in which Quezon's leadership was forged.
• The presentation examines historical documents to offer a nuanced perspective on Quezon, challenging the purely heroic image.

Historical Context and Political Climate

• The setting is the Commonwealth Period, established by the Tydings-McDuffie Act.
• Postwar historians portrayed Commonwealth politics as a brief interlude overshadowed by the anticipation of Japanese invasion, immobilizing the regime.
• Contemporary records show that Filipino political leaders focused on accumulating and perpetuating power rather than preparing for war.

Centralization of Power

• As Commonwealth President, Quezon integrated all levels of politics into a single system.
• Quezon focused on managing provincial rivalries to maintain two balanced factions, allowing his intervention and manipulation.
• He confessed to an aide that 90% of his dealings with politicians involved patronage.
• In Manila, Quezon aimed to prevent threats to his authority by crippling potential challengers.
• Quezon's Floor Leader, Jose Romero, noted Quezon's suspicious nature and ability to foresee plots.
• Quezon's intervention in local politics allowed him to topple national figures and control local leaders.
• Quezon's control allowed him to control national politics and strengthen his position against the U.S. High Commissioner.
• After 1935, Quezon's access to resources increased, enabling him to intervene in provincial politics.
• He monopolized executive and legislative patronage, weakening opposition parties and blocking rivals within the Nacionalista Party.
• By 1940, Quezon had significant control over local politics; in December 1940, Nacionalistas won 41 out of 43 provincial governorships.

Control over Legislature

• Quezon systematically weakened the legislature by replacing strong, independent speakers with compliant figures.
• The Speaker of the Assembly, Jose Yulo, was a weak politician who did not challenge Quezon.
• Camilo Osias was appointed to neutralize opposition, and Quintin Paredes was outmaneuvered for the Resident Commissioner position.
• Clear details about financial dealings and legislative control solidify the idea that Quezon prioritized power consolidation.
• After the Commonwealth's establishment, Quezon faced a threat from radical peasant parties in Central Luzon.
• In February 1939, Quezon proclaimed his social justice policy, promising to lift the oppression of the Filipino masses.
• After populist gestures to socialist leader Jose Abad Santos, Quezon abandoned his social justice program for militant anti-communism.
• In early 1941, landlord legislators introduced a bill to repeal the Rice Share Tenancy Act of 1933.
• Quezon vetoed the bill at the last hour due to bad politics in an election year.
• Quezon's veto message indicated a shift to the right, attacking peasant radicals and endorsing conservative aims.
• The tenancy bill was part of an escalating government attack on the peasants' parties.
• All seven provinces in Central Luzon were placed under constabulary control.
• Labor Secretary Leon Guinto addressed members of Governo Sotero Baluyut's antiradical society, praising them for opposing socialism.
• Quezon made disparaging remarks about Filipino socialists in his Loyalty Day address.
• Socialist leader Jose Abad Santos said workers could expect nothing from Quezon, who was a landlord.
• Santos stated that workers and peasants had less freedom and were subjected to more oppression under the Commonwealth than under American rule.

Use of the Military and Police Forces

• Quezon could organize an army but not arm or deploy it without U.S. consent.
• Quezon relied on paramilitary forces in Central Luzon due to consent needed for deploying an army.
• In 1937, Zulueta won a landslide victory with Quezon's support, but Confessor challenged this.
• Iloilo was marked by bitter rivalries within the Nacionalista Party (Confesor-Caram vs. Zulueta-Lopez).
• Quezon intervened in Iloilo politics, using patronage to reward allies and punish opponents.
• Roxas, a major national figure with a strong regional base in Panay, was involved in Iloilo politics, acting as Quezon's enforcer.
• The 1940 and 1941 elections in Iloilo were marked by violence and fraud.
• During a violent election in 1940, Confesor countered alleged corruption and power by the rival faction with a show of armed force.
• The conflict escalated during World War II, with Confesor's resistance government carrying out politically motivated murders of Zulueta supporters.

Economics of Quezon and their Political Implications

• An inventory of Quezon's assets in 1939 showed P309,000 worth of land in Quezon City (established in October 1939).
• Quezon seemingly benefited from the creation of the new capital, adding self-interest to his political maneuvers.
• Tomas Morato, Quezon's close associate, was the first appointed mayor of Quezon City and held land there.
• The text notes that Quezon was described as "perennially short of funds."

Impact on Civil Liberties

• Quezon secured an initial shipment of 75,000 rifles through the informal U.S. arms blockade, playing General MacArthur against Murphy.
• The Commonwealth promised a transition to a democratic, independent Philippines with fundamental rights in the 1935 Constitution.
• Quezon dismantled organizations fighting for rights, repressing peasant unions, socialist, and communist groups.
• Freedom of assembly was curtailed, and voices were suppressed.

Foreign Relations and U.S. Influence

• Quezon lacked the authority to conclude treaties, similar to the governor of Rhode Island.
• The Commonwealth had de facto domestic autonomy, but limited informal powers beyond.
• Quezon focused his efforts on domestic politics.
• The Commonwealth was subject to oversight by the U.S. High Commissioner, the President's representative.
• Washington's reluctance to intervene in Commonwealth affairs was a compelling reason for Quezon to appease American patrons.
• The Tydings-McDuffie Act granted the High Commissioner certain powers, but gave the Commonwealth domestic autonomy.
• The US refused to provide adequate support in the Philippines, which could provoke a Japanese attack.
• Quezon hired Douglas MacArthur as his military advisor to solve the issue.
• MacArthur negotiated directly with the U.S. Army for massive arms purchases.
• Murphy challenged the arms purchases, claiming it would pose a threat to U.S. control.
• 75,000 rifles were en route to Manila, greatly outnumbering the US garrison.

Prelude to Martial Rule

• Quezon and Marcos used manipulation to perpetuate their power.
• Their accumulation of power led to corruption and cronyism.
• Quezon accumulated power gradually, while Marcos seized it by force.
• Both regimes gained control through manipulation of media, the constitution, and government financial agencies.
• Quezon suppressed radical peasant organizations, reinforcing authoritarianism.
• He prioritized maintaining power over genuine social reform.
• The enhanced clarity reinforces Quezon's authoritarian tendencies.

Legacy and Long-Term Consequences

• The Commonwealth era was intended as preparation for full Philippine independence.
• Quezon's Pre-Game sowed seeds that blossomed into a troubling political legacy.
• His consolidation of power bypassed democratic norms, establishing a precedent.
• Quezon weakened checks and balances, manipulated institutions, and suppressed dissent.
• These actions created a foundation for later, less scrupulous leaders.
• Quezon's Commonwealth shaped the relationship between the Philippines and the United States.
• He leveraged American interests while pursuing his agenda.
• Quezon used his ability to maintain order and his connection with the US to gain resources and maintain power.
• His actions created a legacy of dependency and influence, a template of clientelism.
• The legacy of Quezon's Pre-Game is not a simple story of heroism or villainy.
• Understanding this 'Pre-Game' is crucial for grappling with the ongoing challenges and complexities of Philippine politics and its relationship with the world.