Navigating Precariousness: A Netnographic Approach to Translanguaging in Amateur Subtitling of Roaming Games PDF
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This document analyzes translanguaging practices in amateur video game subtitling, particularly within the context of roaming games and platforms like Bilibili. It explores how amateur subtitlers navigate precarious situations by utilizing trans-modality, trans-discourse, and intralingual dialects.
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International Journal of Multilingualism Navigating Precariousness: A Netnographic Approach to Translanguaging in Amateur Subtitling of Roaming Games Submission ID 242845190 Article Type Paper...
International Journal of Multilingualism Navigating Precariousness: A Netnographic Approach to Translanguaging in Amateur Subtitling of Roaming Games Submission ID 242845190 Article Type Paper Translanguaging, Amateur subtitling, Netnograp Keywords hy, Translingualism, Roaming games, Transling ual precarity For any queries please contact: [email protected] Note for Reviewers: To submit your review please visit https://mc.manuscriptcentral.com/mm-ijm For Peer Review Only - Anonymous PDF Cover Page 1 2 3 4 5 Navigating Precariousness: A Netnographic Approach to Translanguaging in Amateur 6 7 Subtitling of Roaming Games 8 9 10 w 11 12 Abstract: Amid the diverse landscape of heterolingual practices, amateur subtitlers face 13 e 14 precarious conditions that are often eclipsed by the focus on language playfulness. This study i 15 16 17 aims to shed light on this overlooked aspect by adopting a netnographic approach. It explores v 18 19 how and why an amateur subtitler, @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official, navigates precarious situations e 20 21 22 to challenge sociolinguistic norms and subvert dominant ideologies, thereby creating a “safe 23 R 24 space” for diverse voices. The data is drawn from his subtitling activities within the realm of 25 26 roaming games on Bilibili.com, a prominent Chinese video-sharing platform. Through the 27 r 28 29 lens of translanguaging, the analysis demonstrates that @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official utilizes a e 30 31 variety of sociocultural resources, such as trans-modality, trans-discourse, trans-semiotic, and e 32 33 34 intralingual dialects. The paper argues that precariousness, functioning both as a barrier and a 35 P 36 catalyst for innovation, highlights its critical role within the broader translingual discourse. 37 38 Situated at the intersection of translation studies and critical applied linguistics, this research r 39 40 41 sets the groundwork for further exploration into the well-being of translinguals amid the o 42 43 evolving linguistic landscape shaped by language diversification in digital communities. 44 F 45 Keywords: Translanguaging; Amateur subtitling; Netnography; Translingualism; 46 47 48 Roaming games; Translingual precarity 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 1 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 1 Introduction 6 7 Amid the rise of participatory culture (O’Hagan, 2017; Gouleti, 2023), the field of 8 9 10 translation has undergone significant transformations, characterized by the integration of w 11 12 computer-assisted tools and the proliferation of online communities engaged in amateur 13 e 14 audiovisual translation (Zhang & Liu, 2017; Mao et al., 2024; Pérez-González, 2021), i 15 16 17 particularly in the niche of video game subtitling. This evolution challenges traditional v 18 19 monolingual paradigms established in translation theory (Lee, 2017) and necessitates a e 20 21 22 deeper exploration of the digital discourses permeating cyberculture (Cao, 2017; Rambe et al., 23 R 24 2022). Consequently, the interactive and immersive nature of video game subtitling, enriched 25 26 by cultural and contextual complexities, demands comprehensive understanding, as it often 27 r 28 29 diverges from professional norms (Khoshsaligheh, 2024; Campos & Azevedo, 2020). e 30 31 Simultaneously, the ‘mutually embedded’ (Baynham & Lee, 2019, p. 40) nature of e 32 33 34 translanguaging (García & Li, 2014; Li, 2018) within the realm of translation signifies a shift 35 P 36 toward redefining linguistic interactions (e.g., Sato, 2017, 2021; Tomei & Chetty, 2021a, 37 38 2021b; Kiaer et al., 2022). This innovative theory challenges conventional monolingual r 39 40 41 paradigms (Lee, 2017; Mao et al., 2024; Zhang & Cassany, 2019) by embracing the o 42 43 multilingual, multisemiotic, and multimodal intricacies inherent in contemporary digital 44 F 45 platforms such as video games (Li, 2018). In these interactive environments, where cultural 46 47 48 and contextual complexities are paramount (Campos & Azevedo, 2020), the fluidity of 49 50 translanguaging, as discussed by Poza (2017) and Li (2018), facilitates a more authentic and 51 52 53 inclusive representation of diverse linguistic identities (Franks, 2012; García & Sylvan, 2011; 54 55 Li & Lee, 2023). 56 57 58 59 60 Page 2 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 Building upon this theoretical foundation, this methodological shift is further amplified 6 7 by the use of computer-assisted tools and the dynamic nature of online amateur translation 8 9 10 communities (Zhang & Liu, 2017; Pérez-González, 2021), fostering deeper engagement with w 11 12 the multisensory experiences of gaming. Consequently, translanguaging not only facilitates a 13 e 14 holistic understanding of the cultural context crucial for effective intercultural i 15 16 17 communication (García & Li, 2014) but also reinvigorates amateur subtitling, positioning it v 18 19 as a vibrant and equitable alternative to traditional translation methodologies (Mao et al., e 20 21 22 2024). By embracing principles of equity, diversity, and inclusiveness (Li, 2018), 23 R 24 translanguaging emerges as a pivotal theoretical framework for exploring the complex digital 25 26 discourses permeating cyberculture (Cao, 2017; Rambe et al., 2022). This approach thus 27 r 28 29 enhances the understanding of the well-being of translinguals within digitally situated e 30 31 communities. e 32 33 34 This study delves into the precarious world of amateur video game subtitling, 35 P 36 emphasizing the complex interplay of language, culture, and technology through the lens of 37 38 translanguaging practices. Utilizing a netnographic approach, this research scrutinizes the r 39 40 41 subtitling practices of @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official on Bilibili.com. By examining how this o 42 43 amateur subtitler navigates precarious conditions to challenge sociolinguistic norms and 44 F 45 subvert dominant ideologies, the analysis reveals the utilization of sociocultural resources 46 47 48 such as trans-modality, trans-discourse, trans-semiotics, and intralingual dialects in the 49 50 context of roaming games (digital spaces, cf. Kagen, 2022). These practices transcend 51 52 53 traditional language boundaries, fostering a sense of belonging and creating new textual 54 55 spaces that evade surveillance. Positioned at the intersection of translation studies and critical 56 57 58 59 60 Page 3 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 applied linguistics, this research underscores the crucial role of precariousness in 6 7 contemporary translingualism, particularly in the subtitling of audiovisual gaming content. 8 9 10 2 Review of Literature w 11 12 Translanguaging, marked by the deployment of diverse communicative resources (Li, 13 e 14 2018), embodies a unique duality of playfulness. This dimension of playfulness arises from i 15 16 17 the “pleasure of doing things differently” (Pennycook, 2017, pp. 41–42) and the “playful v 18 19 naughtiness” inherent in such practices (Creese & Blackledge, 2010, p. 111). These elements e 20 21 22 of playfulness facilitate the creation of alternative linguistic and cultural identities 23 R 24 (Blackledge & Creese, 2009; Jaworska, 2014; Sayer, 2013). These practices give rise to 25 26 “heterodox language mixing,” which is crucial for understanding translingualism in digital 27 r 28 29 communication and popular culture (Rampton et al., 2019). While this celebration of e 30 31 creativity highlights the innovative aspects of translanguaging, it can also inadvertently e 32 33 34 romanticize these expressions, thereby overlooking the precarious conditions that many users 35 P 36 face (Rampton et al., 2019). 37 38 At the same time, the concept of precariousness, a central concern in r 39 40 41 twenty-first-century social theory (cf. Han, 2018; Neilson & Rossiter, 2005), has gained o 42 43 prominence partly due to political mobilizations addressing unemployment and social 44 F 45 exclusion (Dovchin et al., 2024). It is particularly relevant to translingualism, highlighting the 46 47 48 unstable conditions under which marginalized individuals develop linguistic and 49 50 communicative expressions, influencing their socioeconomic and psychological well-being 51 52 53 (Blommaert, 2019; Dovchin, 2020; Tsing, 2015; Dovchin et al., 2021). In cyber interactions, 54 55 translingual users challenge sociolinguistic norms and subvert dominant ideologies through 56 57 58 59 60 Page 4 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 bottom-up approaches (Li & Zhu, 2019; Pennycook & Otsuji, 2015), prompting scholars to 6 7 call for a deeper examination of precariousness within sociolinguistic research to align with 8 9 10 social and economic justice ethics (Rampton et al., 2019; Dovchin, 2022). Butler’s (2004) w 11 12 conceptualization of precariousness as unequally distributed among humans (Kasmir, 2018) 13 e 14 underscores this ethical dimension, emphasizing the need to recognize and embrace our i 15 16 17 vulnerabilities to understand others’ experiences (Deumert et al., 2021; Pennycook & Makoni, v 18 19 2020). Thus, acknowledging precariousness as both a theoretical and practical framework is e 20 21 22 crucial in ethically engaging with the lived realities of marginalized translingual individuals. 23 R 24 Furthermore, the playful aspects of translanguaging are intricately linked to repertoires 25 26 deeply embedded in the precariousness experienced by translingual individuals (Dovchin et 27 r 28 29 al., 2024; Kasmir, 2018). The complex and multifaceted precarious conditions of these users e 30 31 significantly enhance and shape their playfulness, which is mediated through various cultural e 32 33 34 domains such as musical expressions, social media interactions, and youth subcultures 35 P 36 (Canagarajah & Dovchin, 2019). This interconnectedness suggests that the playfulness 37 38 inherent in translanguaging practices not only arises from but is also continually sustained by r 39 40 41 the precarious conditions under which translingual individuals operate (Dovchin, 2021; 2022). o 42 43 The dynamic nature of these playful practices can be viewed as resilience and creative 44 F 45 resistance to marginalization and socioeconomic vulnerabilities (Rampton et al., 2019). 46 47 48 Therefore, understanding the playful aspects of translanguaging requires a nuanced 49 50 appreciation of the precarious socioeconomic contexts that fuel such linguistic creativity. This 51 52 53 highlights how cultural production and linguistic innovation are deeply interwoven with the 54 55 socioeconomic struggles of translingual communities. 56 57 58 59 60 Page 5 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 To integrate these perspectives, acknowledging both the playfulness and precariousness 6 7 of translanguaging is essential. While the playful aspects celebrate creativity and innovation, 8 9 10 the precarious conditions many translanguaging users face must be recognized for a w 11 12 comprehensive understanding of translingual practices. By balancing these dimensions, 13 e 14 scholars can ensure that marginalized translingual voices are fully acknowledged, i 15 16 17 contributing to a more inclusive and equitable sociolinguistic landscape (Dovchin, 2022; v 18 19 Rampton et al., 2019). Consequently, this investigation into the practice of amateur subtitling e 20 21 22 in roaming games offers initial insights into digital communication and cultural exchange, 23 R 24 suggesting significant avenues for future research. 25 26 2.2 Amateur Subtitling 27 r 28 29 Amateur subtitling, performed by individuals with little or no professional training who e 30 31 engage in translational activities as language intermediaries, has become a notable e 32 33 34 phenomenon in the field of audiovisual translation (Pérez-González, 2021). Unlike 35 P 36 professional subtitlers, who are often constrained by industry standards and separated from 37 38 proactive cross-cultural mediation (Díaz-Cintas & Muñoz-Sánchez, 2006), amateur subtitlers, r 39 40 41 particularly fansubbers, exhibit a notable propensity for formal experimentation o 42 43 (Pérez-González, 2014; Khoshsaligheh et al., 2020). Empowered by their subtitling skills and 44 F 45 a deep understanding of end-users’ preferences, these subtitlers adeptly capture social, 46 47 48 cultural, and ideological diversity in varied audiovisual content, thus deviating from 49 50 mainstream translation conventions. 51 52 53 In this context, Nornes (2007) argues that fansubbing serves as a form of subversive 54 55 mediation that challenges the industry’s emphasis on text simplification and condensation. 56 57 58 59 60 Page 6 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 Recent scholarship has increasingly focused on the participatory dimension and the 6 7 socioeconomic underpinnings of amateur subtitling (Pérez-González, 2017). This includes 8 9 10 investigations into the expressive and transformative roles of amateur subtitles, alternative w 11 12 fansubbing landscapes that emphasize nationality and geopolitical dimensions, as exemplified 13 e 14 by platforms such as ViKi (Dwyer, 2012), and the audience reception of amateur subtitle i 15 16 17 content (Orrego-Carmona, 2016). Additionally, studies have explored nonrepresentational v 18 19 subtitling within virtual community-building contexts (Lee, 2021) and the attitudes of e 20 21 22 nonprofessional subtitlers toward ethical principles when subtitling foreign films (Mardani & 23 R 24 Khoshsaligheh, 2023). 25 26 Furthermore, the emergence of amateur subtitlers in the domain of open-world video 27 r 28 29 games notably signifies a substantial shift in audiovisual translation. Researchers like Ameri e 30 31 (2022) and Ćuzović & Cerović (2021) have recognized the quality and creativity brought by e 32 33 34 these translators, particularly in handling culture-specific terminology. This evolution 35 P 36 disrupts traditional translation paradigms through user-generated content and participatory 37 38 culture, themes prominently discussed by O’Hagan (2017) and Mao et al. (2024). The digital r 39 40 41 revolution, which has transformed the production and dissemination of multimedia content, o 42 43 underpins this shift, as highlighted by Pérez-González (2014) and Dore & Petrucci (2021). 44 F 45 While existing research often emphasizes the dynamic and innovative aspects of 46 47 48 self-subtitling practices compared to traditional fan-driven collectives, it frequently overlooks 49 50 the precarious well-being faced by amateur subtitlers. To address this gap, this study 51 52 53 formulates two research questions: (1) In what ways does the subtitler @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 54 55 _Official, living under fundamentally precarious conditions, “playfully” utilize 56 57 58 59 60 Page 7 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 translanguaging practices to construct, manage, and negotiate their trans-translating? (2) 6 7 What sociopolitical, ideological, and material factors contribute to translingual precarity? 8 9 10 3 Methodology w 11 12 Considering the evolving nature of social networking platforms and the dynamics of 13 e 14 nonprofessional mediation networks, this study employs netnography as its methodological i 15 16 17 approach. Netnography, a tool for analyzing social media and online community data v 18 19 (Kozinets, 2010; Kozinets et al., 2014), has shown significant utility in the field of amateur e 20 21 22 subtitle research (e.g., Ćuzović and Cerović, 2021; Mao et al., 2024). This section outlines 23 R 24 our adherence to netnographic guidelines in the selection of research fields and participants, 25 26 the collection and analysis of data, and ethical considerations. 27 r 28 29 3.1 Research Fields and Participants e 30 31 We initially focused on the Bilibili platform, a major Chinese video platform, given its e 32 33 34 relevance to our objective of examining the subtitling translation by video creators from a 35 P 36 translanguaging perspective. Bilibili distinguishes itself by enabling registered users to 37 38 upload rich media content, thereby fostering an environment ripe for translanguaging through r 39 40 41 the hybrid use of linguistic and semiotic resources. The platform’s “technological o 42 43 affordances” (Zhang & Ren, 2020, p. 5) significantly encourage active participation. 44 F 45 Additionally, the worldwide appeal of open-world games fosters a dynamic exchange of 46 47 48 content among numerous players, both locally and globally. This interaction provides 49 50 significant creative inspiration for subtitlers, referred to as “up 主” (pronounced “up zhǔ”), a 51 52 53 term itself indicative of translanguaging or transcripting (Li & Zhu, 2019) commonly used on 54 55 platforms such as Bilibili to describe content uploaders. On this platform, subtitling by these 56 57 58 59 60 Page 8 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 individuals serves as a critical mode of interaction, with subtitlers receiving considerable 6 7 engagement through “likes,” “collections,” “shares,” and “coin donations” (a virtual currency 8 9 10 mechanism that supports them). These metrics highlight the community’s support for w 11 12 subtitlers and provide insights into viewer preferences. This information could enhance our 13 e 14 research by guiding future content development and improving understanding of audience i 15 16 17 engagement, though specific findings detailing this impact were not discussed in our initial v 18 19 report. e 20 21 22 With the relevant social media platform identified, the next step was to “go 23 R 24 site-specific…concentrating on a small number of postings or a very constrained data set” 25 26 (Kozinets et al., 2014). Our research commenced with a keyword search for “ 中 英 双 语 ” 27 r 28 (Chinese-English bilingual) on Bilibili.com (see Figure 1), which contains a wealth of 29 material for studying amateur translanguaging practices. We conducted a targeted search e 30 31 using the hashtag # 熟 肉 (shú ròu), which is widely recognized in the video creation e 32 33 34 community to denote accurately translated, self-produced foreign language videos. This term 35 P 36 facilitated the identification of numerous video subtitlers, commonly known as “roasters” or 37 38 amateur subtitlers. Through examining videos posted under the hashtag #熟肉, we identified r 39 40 several Bilibili subtitlers whose content is relevant to our research objectives. This approach 41 o 42 effectively narrowed potential collaborators and content pertinent to our study. Utilizing the 43 44 Bilibili chat function, we sent personal messages to several subtitlers to invite research F 45 46 participation. Eventually, @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official (see Figure 2) replied affirmatively, 47 48 making their Bilibili account the ultimate, small-scale yet data-rich field of this study. 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 9 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 w 11 12 13 e 14 i 15 16 17 v 18 19 e 20 21 Figure 1 Caption: A screenshot of Figure 2 Caption: A screenshot of the 22 searching subtitle translation personal page of the vlogger 23 R 24 25 26 The research participant @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official operates as a subtitler and video 27 r 28 29 editing blogger on Bilibili, with 5,710 followers. Her videos have accumulated 45,000 “likes” e 30 31 and 780,000 views. The production process for her subtitled videos includes sourcing original e 32 33 materials from foreign online communities, editing images and videos based on the selected 34 35 topic, and crafting subtitles—each of which she undertakes independently. By employing P 36 37 innovative approaches in both language use and other communicative forms, @珊瑚宫烤肉组 38 r 39 _Official serves as an exemplary case study. Her substantial content output and high 40 41 o 42 engagement levels render her an invaluable source for data collection and analysis. 43 44 3.2 Data Collection and Analysis F 45 46 Effective netnographic research requires meticulous planning in both the collection and 47 48 analysis of data. According to Kozinets (2010) and Lu & Lu (2021), three types of data are 49 50 essential for a thorough online ethnographic study: archival data (which includes existing 51 52 user-generated content), elicited data (developed through interactions between researchers 53 54 and participants), and fieldnote data (consisting of reflective annotations that aid in record 55 56 57 keeping and analysis). 58 59 60 Page 10 of 31 1 2 3 4 Our research initiated with an immersive exploration of @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official’s 5 6 7 online environment on Bilibili. We systematically gathered archival data by documenting 8 9 subtitled videos and user comments, ensuring that these resources were preserved with 10 meticulous screenshots to capture their multimodal characteristics. This method enabled us to w 11 12 13 observe the subtleties of language use and the dynamic interactions between the vlogger and e 14 i 15 their audience. 16 17 To comprehend the motivations behind the translation practices of @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 v 18 19 _Official, we conducted semi-structured online interviews. These interviews were intended to e 20 21 22 delve into the participant’s subtitling perspectives and strategies, thus enriching our data set 23 R 24 with elicited data that provided direct insights into the subtitler’s intentions and methods. 25 26 Throughout our interactions with the participant, we meticulously documented detailed field 27 r 28 notes. These notes were essential for capturing immediate reflections and contextual nuances 29 e 30 that emerged during the study. This tripartite data collection strategy afforded a 31 e 32 33 comprehensive view of @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official’s engagement in self-subtitling and their 34 35 P 36 influence within the online community. 37 38 In our data analysis, we employed a dual approach, consisting of multimodal analysis r 39 40 and hermeneutic interpretation. We applied multimodal analysis to a diverse set of data, 41 o 42 including screen captures of the online environment, the original subtitling files provided by 43 44 @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official, transcripts from the online interviews, and our reflective field F 45 46 47 notes. This analysis enabled us to dissect the various layers of communication and the visual, 48 49 textual, and auditory elements inherent in @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official’s subtitling work. 50 51 Simultaneously, we engaged in hermeneutic interpretation to thoroughly understand @珊瑚宫 52 53 54 烤 肉 组 _Official’s subjective experiences and the meanings behind their actions. This 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 11 of 31 1 2 3 4 interpretive process aimed to uncover the underlying motivations, as well as the broader 5 6 cultural and social implications of their subtitling practices. 7 8 3.3 Ethical Considerations 9 10 w 11 Ethical considerations are paramount in netnographic research, particularly in the 12 13 e 14 context of translanguaging practices within amateur game subtitles. First and foremost, i 15 16 anonymity and confidentiality of contributors are rigorously maintained by anonymizing any 17 v 18 identifiable details. Informed consent is obtained from @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official, ensuring 19 e 20 21 voluntary and informed participation. Our study adheres strictly to ethical guidelines to 22 23 minimize potential harm or intrusion, respecting cultural and linguistic diversity within R 24 25 26 translinguistic communities. Furthermore, our methodology emphasizes objectivity and 27 r 28 impartiality, avoiding bias, and ensuring the reliability of findings. By upholding these ethical 29 e 30 standards, our research maintains its scientific and ethical integrity. 31 e 32 33 4 Findings 34 35 4.1 Translanguaging Practices in Amateur Game Subtitling P 36 37 4.1.1. Trans-modality 38 r 39 40 Trans-modality in subtitling, refers to the use of various modes of communication, such 41 o 42 as sound effects, moving images, and music (Chuang, 2006; Mao, 2024). In the open-world 43 44 game “Genshin Impact,” players navigate various plotlines as new regions become accessible F 45 46 47 through periodic updates. However, the incremental nature of these updates frequently results 48 49 in a limited volume of new content, which leaves players frustrated by the slow progression. 50 51 52 During these intervals, known as the “grass growing period” (see Figure 3), players who have 53 54 explored all current game areas and completed all tasks experience a prolonged sense of 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 12 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 boredom, akin to watching grass grow. The phrase “grass growing period” is visually 6 7 represented in subtitles using alternating shades, which emphasize “grass” to draw attention 8 9 10 to the monotony and dissatisfaction experienced by players. w 11 12 13 e 14 i 15 16 17 v 18 19 e 20 21 22 23 R 24 25 26 Figure 3 A screenshot from “Episode 31 of [Genshin Impact / Reddit Foreign internet 27 meme collection]” (00:05:11) r 28 29 As this instance demonstrates, the subtitler employs a distinctive multimodal strategy e 30 31 that integrates both visual and textual elements to convey layered meanings. In Chinese, the e 32 33 34 character “ 草 ” (grass) not only denotes the literal plant but is also colloquially used as an 35 P 36 expletive, analogous to “fuck” in English, to express anger or frustration. By employing this 37 38 character in the subtitle, the translators effectively evoke dual connotations: the tedious r 39 40 41 waiting period and the players’ expressed frustrations. This duality exemplifies a o 42 43 sophisticated instance of translanguaging where linguistic and cultural nuances are 44 F 45 seamlessly integrated into the gaming experience, thereby enhancing the communicative 46 47 48 depth of the subtitles. 49 50 51 The interplay of visual emphasis and textual ambiguity in these subtitles underscores the 52 53 intricate sociocultural dynamics between players and game developers. Players’ demands for 54 55 more frequent updates reflect their desire for sustained engagement with the game; however, 56 57 58 59 60 Page 13 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 this expectation conflicts with the economic and logistical constraints faced by developers. 6 7 The creative use of ‘ 草 ’ within the text and its visual representation not only humorously 8 9 10 encapsulates players’ sentiments but also maintains a critical awareness of the broader w 11 12 production challenges within the game industry. This strategy highlights the precarious 13 e 14 situation faced by both players, who yearn for more content, and developers, who strive to i 15 16 balance quality with production feasibility, thereby illuminating the intricate web of 17 v 18 expectations and realities within the gaming community. 19 e 20 21 4.1.2Trans-discourse 22 23 Mao et al. (2024) emphasize the role of multiple discourses in shaping meaning, a R 24 25 concept Zhang and Ren (2020, p. 2) term ‘creative online literacy practice,’ which aligns with 26 27 r Creese et al.’s (2018, p. 2) framework of translanguaging as a ‘discursive involvement 28 29 process.’ This fluid exchange of discourses employs diverse linguistic and semiotic resources e 30 31 to negotiate meaning across varied sociocultural contexts. Innovative linguists and language e 32 33 34 enthusiasts frequently pioneer new terms or expressions that resonate widely due to their 35 P 36 linguistic creativity and societal impact. 37 38 A relevant example in this inquiry is the translation of ‘F2P’ (see Figure 4) to ‘白嫖’ r 39 40 41 (pronounced bái piáo in Chinese), a colloquial expression describing the act of engaging in an o 42 43 activity without offering any compensation. The abbreviation ‘F2P’ (Free to Play) has 44 F 45 evolved to categorize a unique class of gamers known for engaging in gameplay without 46 47 financial contributions, colloquially referred to as ‘whoring players.’ This nomenclature, 48 49 50 rooted in the controversial realms of the sex trade, employs ‘白嫖 (white whoring)’ to denote 51 52 engaging in an activity without offering compensation to the other party involved. This term, 53 54 rich in irony and humor, subtly critiques the behavior of players who engage in games such 55 56 as ‘Genshin Impact’ without monetary involvement. ‘Genshin Impact,’ through its 57 58 59 60 Page 14 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 encouragement and reward system, motivates players to invest in exclusive five-star 6 7 characters, thereby benefiting from this revenue model by amplifying the challenges and 8 9 10 rarity associated with obtaining these characters, thus enhancing profitability. w 11 12 13 e 14 i 15 16 17 v 18 19 e 20 21 22 Figure 4 A screenshot from “Episode 2 of Genshin Impact / Reddit foreign Internet 23 meme collection]”(00:05:18) R 24 25 The trans-translating of ‘F2P’ to ‘白嫖’ in amateur game subtitling elucidates a nuanced 26 27 form of translanguaging within the context of precarious digital labor. This transformation r 28 29 intricately combines linguistic elements, cultural nuances, and socioeconomic insights, e 30 31 offering a deeper understanding of gamer identity and community dynamics within digital e 32 33 34 ecosystems. Such a term, originating from colloquial vernacular, facilitates communication 35 P 36 37 and serves as a salient cultural marker within the gaming milieu. Furthermore, it underscores 38 r 39 the innovative evolution of language in digital spaces through the collaborative endeavors of 40 41 gamers and subtitlers, thereby challenging entrenched cultural and linguistic norms. As a o 42 43 44 result, ‘白嫖’ transcends mere translation, evolving into a potent symbol of collective identity F 45 46 and sociocultural critique. This necessitates a deeper examination of digital culture and the 47 48 49 fluid nature of identity expression amidst the precarities faced by amateur subtitlers. 50 51 4.1.3 Trans-semiotics 52 53 Trans-semiotic practices in subtitling, as discussed by Lin (2018) and Li & García (2022), 54 55 56 emphasize the dynamic, fluid nature of language and its entanglement with other semiotic 57 58 59 60 Page 15 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 modes. An illustrative example in the present research is the emphatic repetition of “I HATE 6 7 FORSAKEN RIFT” in the game “Genshin Impact,” where the phrase conveys the intense 8 9 10 frustration of a player encountering a challenging game segment (see Figure 5). The Forsaken w 11 12 Rift, a demanding section of the game, often leaves players disenchanted due to the low 13 e 14 probability of acquiring valuable rewards, despite considerable investment. The capitalized i 15 16 17 text in the original captures the player’s profound exasperation, serving as a raw emotional v 18 19 outlet. e 20 21 22 23 R 24 25 26 27 r 28 29 e 30 31 Figure 5 Caption: A screenshot from “Episode 2 of [Genshin Impact / Reddit foreign e 32 33 internet meme collection] (00:07:24) 34 35 In this instance, the subtitler transcends literal translation by adopting a cross-modal P 36 37 approach. The use of the “*” symbol, interpreted in Chinese as an indication of multiplication 38 or multiplicity, introduces a creative dimension to the translation process. This addition r 39 40 41 amplifies the emotional intensity of the content, thereby facilitating deeper resonance with o 42 43 the audience. This strategy not only preserves the original sentiment but also imbues the 44 translation with a creative and engaging twist. Consequently, it enhances the reader’s F 45 46 47 engagement and connection with the content, enriching their interpretative experience. 48 49 Translanguaging in amateur subtitling goes beyond mere translation, highlighting the 50 51 ingenuity and adaptability of subtitlers within the gaming community. Subtitlers like @珊瑚 52 53 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official use a diverse range of linguistic and semiotic resources to convey the 54 55 complexities of gameplay experiences, particularly on platforms such as Bilibili.com. This 56 57 58 59 60 Page 16 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 practice not only captures the original sentiment and intensity of players’ expressions but also 6 7 introduces creative elements that resonate more deeply with a global audience. By blending 8 9 multiple modalities and discourses, these subtitlers redefine the boundaries of communication, 10 fostering a richer, more interactive interpretive experience. Through translanguaging, they w 11 12 13 navigate and address the precarious conditions of their work, while also challenging e 14 i 15 conventional linguistic norms and promoting a dynamic, inclusive digital linguascape. 16 17 4.1.4 Intralingual Dialects v 18 19 The use of a regional dialect, exemplified in our research, reveals a multifaceted e 20 21 interplay of linguistic and cultural intricacies. The subtitler’s rendering of Mihoyo1 as “米忽 22 23 悠” (mǐ hū yōu, see Figure 6), leveraging the Chinese dialect “忽悠” (pronounced hū yōu in a R 24 25 dialect from Northeast China, meaning cheating), which is homophonically similar to the 26 27 Japanese-origin morpheme “hoyo,” critiques the developer’s actions. This echoes player r 28 29 sentiments and illustrates the dynamic relationship between the game community and its e 30 31 subtitler. This linguistic choice, imbued with a sense of betrayal, encapsulates the collective e 32 33 identity and emotional response of players, underscoring the role of translanguaging in 34 35 fostering a shared discourse within gaming culture. P 36 37 38 r 39 40 41 o 42 43 44 F 45 46 47 48 49 Figure 6. A screenshot from “Episode 23 of [Genshin Impact / Reddit foreign internet 50 meme collection” (00:03:28) 51 52 53 54 1 a game company founded by three friends, Cai Haoyu, Liu Wei, and Luo Yuhao, in a dormitory at Shanghai Jiao Tong 55 56 University in 2011. The name “MiHoYo” comes from the initials “H” and “Y”, which stand for Haoyu and Yuhao, while 57 “mi” is taken from the name of the Japanese virtual idol Hatsune Miku. 58 59 60 Page 17 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 Player–developer interactions frequently surface in response to game updates, as 6 7 feedback ranges from sarcastic commendation to overt dissatisfaction, contingent on the 8 9 10 perceived equity of new content or rewards. The uproar on 19 January 2024 during the w 11 12 broadcast of “Genshin Impact,” sparked by inadequate in-game rewards, exemplifies the 13 e 14 tenuous player-developer rapport. Employing pejorative monikers such as “ 米 忽 悠 ,” i 15 16 17 suggesting deceit and conspiracy among developers, mirrors the underlying tensions and v 18 19 illustrates the potency of translanguaging in articulating discontent and collective sentiment. e 20 21 22 This case not only unveils linguistic ingenuity within the gaming community, but also 23 R 24 illuminates the sociocultural dynamics at play. It underscores how translanguaging in amateur 25 26 subtitling extends beyond simple translation to embody players of emotional and cultural 27 r 28 29 interaction. By offering a perspective to dissect subtle relationships and dialogues in digital e 30 31 gaming ecosystems, this study provides insights into the collective psyche of the global e 32 33 34 player base and their precarious engagement with the subtitling aspect of the gaming industry. 35 P 36 Translanguaging has emerged as a crucial mechanism for decoding and portraying the 37 38 complex fabric of digital communication and cultural expression within roaming games. r 39 40 41 4.2 Navigating the Precariousness of Amateur Subtitlers o 42 43 4.2.1 Social Precariousness 44 F 45 46 @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official on Bilibili.com expertly navigates the social dynamics within 47 48 niche communities by tailoring their subtitling practices to reflect the cultural values, humor, 49 50 and linguistic nuances of their audience — a technique known as translanguaging. This 51 52 53 involves the integration of multiple languages, semiotic cues, and cultural elements, 54 55 effectively transcending conventional language barriers. 56 57 58 59 60 Page 18 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 For instance, @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official incorporates regional dialects, pop culture 6 7 references, and localized expressions that resonate deeply with their community, though these 8 9 10 elements may confuse outsiders. This approach not only reinforces a strong sense of identity w 11 12 and belonging among community members but also distinguishes insiders from outsiders, 13 e 14 leveraging shared cultural knowledge to enhance viewer engagement, as highlighted by the i 15 16 17 subtitler: v 18 19 Researcher: How do you manage to incorporate humor and cultural references in your e 20 21 22 subtitling work, especially given the diverse nature of your audience? 23 R 24 @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official: The key is to deeply understand the cultural context of both 25 26 the source material and the audience. I often use regional dialects and local slang that 27 r 28 29 resonate with my community on Bilibili.com. This can make the content feel much more e 30 31 relatable and engaging for them. For instance, I’ll weave in popular sayings or references to e 32 33 34 local pop culture that my viewers are familiar with, which helps to create a sense of shared 35 P 36 identity and belonging. 37 38 While this commitment to cultural specificity builds a close-knit community, it can also r 39 40 41 create accessibility challenges, as the subtitler mentions: o 42 43 Researcher: However, does this not make it challenging for outsiders to understand the 44 F 45 content? 46 47 48 @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official: Exactly, and that’s somewhat intentional. By using specific 49 50 cultural markers and in-group language, I can foster a close-knit community feel. It creates a 51 52 53 kind of barrier that makes the content less accessible to those who are not part of the same 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 19 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 cultural or linguistic group. This selective inclusivity not only strengthens community bonds 6 7 but also creates an intimate viewing experience that outsiders might find perplexing. 8 9 10 The decentralized nature of online communities compounds the precariousness of this w 11 12 labor. @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official operates without formal recognition and faces digital 13 e 14 surveillance and censorship threats. They must skillfully manage community expectations, i 15 16 17 adapting to evolving norms to avoid backlash. Reflecting on this, the subtitler notes: v 18 19 Researcher: This deep sense of community you’re cultivating—is that also a response e 20 21 22 to the precariousness of your work? 23 R 24 @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official: Definitely. Without formal job security or recognition, 25 26 support and feedback from my community become incredibly valuable. It’s like a form of 27 r 28 29 social validation. Of course, this also means I have to constantly adapt and innovate to keep e 30 31 the audience engaged and maintain my relevance within the community. There’s always the e 32 33 34 risk of backlash if I misjudge what will resonate or if I cross a line culturally, so it’s a delicate 35 P 36 balance. 37 38 4.2.2 Political and Ideological Precariousness r 39 40 41 The political and ideological precariousness of amateur subtitlers’ work is significant. @ o 42 43 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official navigates platform constraints, such as censorship and content 44 F 45 guidelines, balancing creative expression with compliance. 46 47 48 Subtitling often involves challenging dominant ideologies and societal norms, especially 49 50 in gaming contexts. By using regional dialects and local expressions, subtitlers resist 51 52 53 linguistic homogenization, promoting diversity and creating a form of linguistic resistance 54 55 against platform policies. This tension is described by the subtitler: 56 57 58 59 60 Page 20 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 Researcher: How do you view the tension between compliance with platform 6 7 constraints and creative freedom in your subtitling practices? 8 9 10 @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official: This is definitely a tightrope walk. On the one hand, we w 11 12 need to adhere to platform guidelines, which can be quite restrictive, especially concerning 13 e 14 political or sensitive content. On the other hand, the heart of our work lies in our ability to i 15 16 17 express cultural nuances and community-specific humor through subtitling. By using regional v 18 19 dialects and incorporating local cultural references, we not only enrich the content but also e 20 21 22 push back against the linguistic homogenization that these guidelines often promote. This 23 R 24 practice helps us preserve and promote our linguistic heritage, creating a more inclusive and 25 26 representative gaming environment. 27 r 28 29 Creative translanguaging allows subtitlers to subvert linguistic hegemony, fostering an e 30 31 inclusive linguistic landscape. This involves the deliberate use of multiple languages and e 32 33 34 dialects to reflect the community’s diversity, creating a sense of belonging and representing 35 P 36 in-group values. This sentiment is echoed by the subtitler: 37 38 Researcher: How do political and ideological factors influence your subtitling work, r 39 40 41 especially within the realm of roaming games? o 42 43 @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official: The main challenge is balancing creative freedom with the 44 F 45 need to comply with platform regulations and censorship. For example, we often use regional 46 47 48 dialects and local expressions to resist the pressure to conform to linguistic standards 49 50 imposed by these platforms. It is a way to celebrate linguistic diversity and create a sense of 51 52 53 belonging among players, but it also serves as a subtle form of resistance against these 54 55 hegemonic structures. By creatively incorporating multiple languages, we can make the 56 57 58 59 60 Page 21 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 content more engaging and relatable to our community while also avoiding certain censorship 6 7 triggers. This kind of translanguaging allows us to maintain our unique cultural identity and 8 9 10 make a statement against the homogenization that is often enforced by regulatory w 11 12 frameworks. 13 e 14 4.2.3 Economic Precariousness i 15 16 17 Economic precariousness greatly impacts the motivations and strategies employed by v 18 19 amateur subtitlers. Without stable employment or formal recognition, subtitlers are driven by e 20 21 22 intrinsic motivations, which fuel their commitment and creativity. 23 R 24 The lack of formal job security fosters an environment where subtitlers can exercise 25 26 creative freedom, unburdened by conventional constraints. This precariousness encourages 27 r 28 29 experimentation with languages and dialects, facilitating the expression of in-group values e 30 31 and obfuscating information from outsiders. The subtitler discusses this dynamic: e 32 33 34 Researcher: How does the lack of formal job security influence your practices and 35 P 36 strategies? 37 38 @ 珊 瑚 宫 烤 肉 组 _Official: The absence of stable employment means that we rely r 39 40 41 heavily on intrinsic motivation to keep going. This precariousness actually gives us a lot of o 42 43 creative freedom because we’re not bound by the same rules as professional subtitlers. We 44 F 45 can experiment with different languages and dialects, and even incorporate cultural 46 47 48 references that might be deemed too risky or unconventional in a more formal setting. This 49 50 freedom allows us to push boundaries and create content that is both innovative and reflective 51 52 53 of our community’s values. It’s definitely challenging, but it’s also incredibly rewarding to 54 55 see how our work resonates with viewers and fosters a sense of belonging. 56 57 58 59 60 Page 22 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 The dual role of precariousness as a hindrance and a driver of innovation underscores its 6 7 significance in the broader context of translingualism. It highlights the potential for creativity 8 9 10 and resilience in precarious digital communities. w 11 12 5 Conclusion 13 e 14 Our study reveals that amateur subtitling in the context of roaming games is a complex i 15 16 17 and dynamic practice that goes beyond mere linguistic conversion. By focusing on the v 18 19 translanguaging practices of @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official on Bilibili.com, it becomes evident e 20 21 22 that the subtitler’s playful, humorous, and culturally transgressive use of language not only 23 R 24 enhances content comprehension and engagement but also challenges traditional norms of 25 26 politeness and authority, ultimately creating a “safe space” for dialogical voices (Blackledge 27 r 28 29 & Creese, 2009). The diverse semiotic resources in these subtitles reflect the subtitler’s e 30 31 sociohistorical trajectories and interactions across various contexts. e 32 33 34 Our netnographic approach demonstrates how these translanguaging practices embody 35 P 36 in-group values, create new textual spaces, and foster a sense of belonging within the gaming 37 38 community. This complexity underscores the precariousness of both subtitlers and game r 39 40 41 players, as their multilingual and multimodal practices often mirror broader societal o 42 43 inequalities and personal struggles. Furthermore, Butler’s (2004) concept of precariousness, 44 F 45 seen as a common human vulnerability, deeply intertwines with these practices, illustrating 46 47 48 how the subtitlers’ conditions are both a reflection of and a challenge to the sociopolitical and 49 50 economic contexts they navigate. 51 52 53 Moreover, translingualism in this precarious world aligns with Bakhtin’s (1994) notion 54 55 of “grotesque realism,” where language becomes a battleground for expressing vulnerability, 56 57 58 59 60 Page 23 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 frustration, and defiance against authoritative voices. Through this lens, we view the 6 7 subtitling work of @珊瑚宫烤肉组_Official not merely as a creative endeavor but as a form 8 9 10 of resistance and a means to articulate and cope with precariousness. This perspective w 11 12 enriches our understanding of the transformative potential of amateur subtitling in creating a 13 e 14 more inclusive and culturally sensitive gaming environment. i 15 16 17 Ultimately, this research emphasizes the necessity for further investigation into the v 18 19 precarious realities faced by amateur subtitlers and the sociopolitical, ideological, and e 20 21 22 material factors contributing to translingual precarity. By doing so, it paves the way for a 23 R 24 deeper understanding of the evolving dynamics of language practices in the digital age. 25 26 However, the limitations of our study, including its narrow scope and small sample size, 27 r 28 29 underscore the need for additional research that encompasses a broader spectrum of amateur e 30 31 translators across various domains. This expansion is essential for developing a e 32 33 34 comprehensive understanding of the impact and mechanisms of translanguaging practices in 35 P 36 game video subtitling, contributing to the ongoing evolution and enrichment of this emerging 37 38 field. r 39 40 41 o 42 43 Disclosure statement 44 F 45 No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors. 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 Page 24 of 31 1 2 3 4 5 Reference 6 7 Ameri, S. (2023). Non-professional Subtitling Reception: Latest Trends and Future 8 9 10 Prospects. 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